International Society for Iranian Studies

Historical Obstacles to the Development of a Bourgeoisie in Iran Author(s): Ahmad Ashraf Reviewed work(s): Source: Iranian Studies, Vol. 2, No. 2/3 (Spring - Summer, 1969), pp. 54-79 Published by: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. on behalf of International Society for Iranian Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4310034 . Accessed: 22/02/2012 18:55
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HISTORICAL OBSTACLES TO THE DEVELOPMENT OF A BOURGEOISIE IN IRAN*

ASHRAF AHM4AD I. ECONOMIC HISTORYAND EPOCHAL ANALYSIS

The processes of development in the "Third World' are of great concern to historical and economic historians. sociologists However, cespite the great interest displayed by the founding fathers of sociology in the nineteenth century in similar questions, and despite their historical and liking orientation of historical periodization, present day sociologists tend to be uninterested in both this subject matter and this orientation. In this respect they have lagged behind economists interested in questions of development and economic historians. in Marx & Weber's tradition of social-economic Following science the objective of this paper is to demonstrate the importance of historical for a deeper understanding of the analysis of economic development. problem From the outset the basic question will be the proper use of history to construct the historical processes of development both in the past and the future. Historical sociology society and its historical the principle of historical in understanding guideline and their development. gives us a structural view of a total development. It also directs us into specificity which should be taken as a and explaining socio-economic phenomena

This principle of historical specificity, used as a rule of and reflection, inquiry leads to an analysis of the trends of a certain era as well as to the discovery of processes by which that era comes into being and is transformed into another. On exactly the same basis a model of the sub-stages of development of a specific society can be constructed. The advantage of following such a procedure is that it forestalls superficial and premature generalizations beyond the confines of a specific epoch, whilst at the same time, leaving the question of general theory of social
Ahmad Ashraf

is Research Associate and recturer in SocLology at the Institute for Social Research of Tehran University, and Chairman of the Department of Social Science, Literacy Corps College of Education.

'This paper was presented to the Conference on Economic History of the Middle East at the University of London, School of Oriental and African Studies in August, 1967. It will appear as a section of a forthcoming book: Studies on the Economic History of the Middle East, edited by M. A. Coo0.
IRANIAN STUDIES 54

chanqe,

open.

Further,

since

from this

theoretical

perspective

are historically both thought and action conditioned, we reqard human nature and man's conceptualizations of the human condition as literary (scientific as well and philosophical) as specific to Thus we are cautious of economic each era. and sociological concepts of an unhistorical character.1 The division of controversy. A review different interpretations Persian Hlistory into periods is of the relevant literature will of the historical evidence. a matter of reveal four

The first of these consists of attempts made by Soviet Iranologists to divide the historical development of Persian society into four stages: primitive conmunes, slavery, feudalism and bourgeois society.2 Thus, according to this theory, the Median, Achaemenian and Parthian periods represent a typical stage of slavery.3 The Sasanid period is categorized as an incipient stage in the development of feudalism,4 the period of the caliphs as "underdeveloped feudalism" brought about by the expansion of the state lands;5 and in the Saljuq period we witness the growth of feudalism The Mongol invasion of proper.6 is dubbed as a stage "nomadic feudalism."7 For the highly centralized state system created in Persia under the Safavids, the term "centralized feudalism" is used,8 whilst the nineteenth century is thought to be a period of the disintegration of feudalism in a situation of Western penetration.9 Finally, the present century's history is interand analyzed preted in terms of the rise of a "national and dependent bourgeoisie." Although, the Soviet historians have illuminated the area of Persian Hfistory, their preconceived theoretical commitments distorted their portrayal of the course of historical developments in Persia. The existence of slavery and the ensuing stage of is doubtful, feudalism and the Soviet historians have been unable to verify the unilinear theory of historical developments in Iran. Consequently they have been unable to substantiate the

development specificities

of slavery of social

and feudalism and economic

from the standpoint formation in those

of the eras.10

A second approach has been introduced more recently by those who have attempted to revive Marx's concept of an "Asiatic mode of communities production." According to this view the early tribal with a few other societies) of the Orient (together bypassed the of slavery stages and feudalism and developed into "Asiatic socieFor Marx this type of social ties." system exhibited special
characteristics. said: Of the relationship between town and country of the he

is a kind of undifferentiated "Asiatic society unity town and country (the larqe city, properly, must be as a princely on regarded merely camp, superimposed real economic structure)."l1 55

SPRING-SUMMER 1969

lie also pointed out that, in the vast of dry territories the East, the need for water works, irrigation and other systems large-scale communal creates facilities a superior central organitoe historical in which overall zation and givesrise stage unity communal suspends over real itself and in which, unity as a conseof the means of production is absent.12 quence, private ownership Wittfogel, the issue whose Oriental Despotism revived after of the nearly a century, focuses al ost on the question completely vital role in the Orient. of the water supply on the basis Working ideal of Marx's and Max Weber's theory of Asiatic society type of he has formulated three oriental patrimonialism, overlapping key

concepts,
"oriental

"hydraulic
despotism";

civilization,"
however the

"agromanagerial
weakness of this

society,"
attempt from

and
lies the work

in the
history, of other

fact

that,

instead

of undertaking

a research

on Persian

Wittfogel historians

has rather casually to support his

cited examples conclusions.T3

The third and fourth consist on the one interpretations of, hand, the work of those scholars who claim that the socio-economic system of the East more or less resembles that of the feudal West,14 and on the other hand those who stress the differences between the feudal system and Persia'.s historical institutions.15 These latter stress the differences between the urban structures of Persia and the West, or the expansion of trade and the growth of a money economy or the persistent and important element of bureaucracy and the bureaucratic nature of land tenure in Persian society. Whilst the former are close, in some respects,to the views of Soviet historians, those who hold the latter view come close to the analyses of Wittfogel, Marx and Weber. Of all the various schools of thought it is those who see the structural differences between the pre-modern history of Persia and the pre-modern history of the West who are most aware of the historical obstacles to the development of a modern bourgeoisie in that Both Marx and Weber were acutely country. with concerned this problem. For Marx, "The Asiatic stubbornly. This is based, that is, of the community, is form necessarily survives longest and most due to the fundamental principle on which it that the individual does not become independent that the circle of production is self-sustaining,

unity

of agriculture

and craft

manufacture,

etc.

"16

Thus the

theoretical absence of property in Asiatic society masks the tribal or communal property which is its real base. Asiatic systems may be "centralized or decentralized, more despotic or more democratic in form, and variously organized. Where such small community units exist as part of a larger unity, they may devote part of their surplus product to pay the costs of the larger community, i.e., for war, religious worship, ... "17 irrigation, ... communication. The closed nature and undifferentiated unity of agriculture and craft means that the cities of the Asiatic epoch hardly belong to the real economic structure, expanding "only where the location is particularly favourable to external trade, or where the ruler and IRA1NIAtI STUDIES 56

labour, against product) change their revenue (surplus his satraps that the which they expend as labour funds. "18 Marx concludes more and economic evolution disintegration system resists Asiatic system because its characterthan any other historical stubbornly and economic evoluto disintegration "make it resistant istics "19 force of capitalism. until wrecked by the external tion, In Weber's view, patrimonialism, several in differs tal manifestation, the pure type of western feudalism. particularly significant in its orienfrom aspects

houseof the ruler's government is an extension "Patrimonial rebetween the ruler and his officials hold in which the relation dependence. and filial authority mains on the basis of paternal by a contracrelationship the paternal Feudal government replaces "20 It is militarism. on the basis of knightly fixed fealty tually between the that Weber makes his sharp distinction in this respect in the Occident The former predominated "Fief" and the "Benefice." gave rise to a Whereas feudalism in the Orient. and the latter amongst the fief holders, of the feudal nobility consolidation could not meant that the landed notables patrimonialism oriental The feudal ruler was more class. social into a cohesive develop the and the power and status-of bound by the rules of tradition decision regimes the arbitrary whereas in the patrimonial nobility, in Weber is in agreement with Marx that, of the despot prevailed. and the development the emergence of a bourgeoisie this situation even though a strongly obstructed is severely of modern capitalism The regime is often dependent on trade. patrimonial centralized, for profit in the fact that "the important openings reason lies are in the hands of the chief and the members of his administrative regime "under the dominance of a patrimonial Further, staff."21 It leaves are able to develop. types of capitalism only certain for trade, mercantile amount of-capitalist room for a certain and the sale and lease of tax farming, organization capitalistic for the for the state, of supplies for the provision of offices, capitalistic circumstances, of wars and, under certain financing obsta"22 The main historical and other enterprises. plantations regimes under patrimonial of a bourgeoisie cles to the development to economic activiattitude to Weber are a "traditional according and the lack of "a activities" in financial "arbitrariness ties," and of the extent of of obligations for the calculability basis activity."23 acquisitive freedom which will be allowed to private adminiare directly enterprises "insofar as productive Moreover, the development of capitalism group itself, stered by the governing "24 obstructed. is thereby directly specific be listed But let us turn from general characteristics historical as follows: models to the interpretative These can of Persian society.

machinery bureaucratic of a traditional a) The superimposition of over the real economic structure and Asiatic) (patrimonial These were operated communities. the urban, rural and tribal "patrimonial ofthe Asiatic from the town or "princely-camps" ruler" and his staff. 57 1969 S3PRING-SUrNMER

b) The result of this first feature was that a traditional bureaucratic landlordism capitalism and bureaucratic developed. c) It seems that the coexistence social of the trichotomous system had important conseof urban, rural and tribal communities, quences for each individual system and for the social system as a whole. d) The fluctuation of the whole social system between centralization and decentralization. was always advocated Centralization by powerful shahs and their bureaucrats an imwho constituted portant stratum in the machinery of despotic and who domination had an idealized view of centralized government. During such periods of strength on the part of the political center huge public works such as the construction of roads, irrigation systems, and so on were undertaken. caravanserais Moreover there was a tendency towards the development of bureaucratic capitalism and the expansion of state lands. e) The lack of western type of aristocracy, and the dispersion of the landed nobility. f) The arbitrary rule of the despot over every group and strata of the society. g) The peculiar structure of numerous urban communities, and the existence of money economy and traditional capitalism. these characteristics we can now cite three imporFollowinq tant objective obstacles to the growth of an independent western type of bourgeoisie in Iran. Firstly, the rise of strong shahs and a centralized political authority meant that capitalistic activities became dependent on the state and the ruling group. Secondly, the existence of powerful tribal groups, the frequency of tribal invasions and the dominance of the tribes in the countryside during times of weakness on the part of the central power, inhibited the growth of stable commercial activities. Thirdly, colonial penetration, followed by the decline of the traditional bourgeoisie and the asnaf, gave rise to a "dependent bourgeoisie. " The period selected for this study stretches from the age of the Safavids to the modern era. The Safavid period is of significance for various reasons. It is contemporary with the colonial expansion of Europe; it is a typical period of Asiatic patrimonial despotism; it evidences the growth of trade, industry and bureaucratic capitalism, and is considered as the period of the unification and revitalization of Persia; and finally, in a sense, it is considered as the golden age of the shi'ite ulama and the agents of trade and industry. the Safavids Following we witness a typical period of tribal chaos and the fall of trades and crafts. The Qaj5r period is important because it shows the collapse and disintegration of an Asiatic patrimonial system in a situation of colonial penetration. The Reza Shah period evidences several serious attempts in the revival of the Asiatic patrimonial system, which fails to achieve total success. More recently there has been rapid growth of bourgeois activities. However, the forces of are still history at work, the patrimonial nature of political domination over the whole society obstructs the development of a modern bourgeoisie in Iran. IRANIAN STUDIES 58

II.

THE GROWTH TRADITIONALCAPITALISM AND ASIATIC PATRIMONIAL OF DESPOTISMUNDERTHE SAFAVIDS

The founders of the Safavid dynasty were the charismatic of their sects, the major carriers leaders of the Sufi and Shi'ite Qezelbash.25 orders being the Turkoman tribes--the charismatic in the domination was realized of charismatic The routinization with of the Safavid dynasty and was in accordance establishment rulers.26 It is of the tribal and ideal interests the material of the dynasty can be represented, in this sense that "the beginning as a third wave of the eastwards movement of the not inaccurately, amirs were the major ruling Thus the Qezelbash Turcomans.'27 8 century. the sixteenth elements throughout of the foundations However, at the turn of the century, staffs of Shah to the patrimonial power were partly transformed In tnis way the centralized Asiatic Abbas I and his successors. The was established.29 domination of the Safavids patrimonial the land Abbas I-changed members of this dynasty-particularly tendency which had policy to minimize a quasi-feudal appropriation in the previous period.30 by granting the soyurqhal been increased and attempted of the new soyurchal the appropriation They limited temporary of toyul to the original to set back the appropriation Following period. nature of egta of the earlier bureaucratic and the waqf lands this policy the state the crown lands, lands, and private lands.31 were expanded at the expense of the soyurqhal signifithe bureaucratic Consequently, network iad the functional under rapidly--again particularly cance of its members increased Shah Abbas I.32 methods of Oriental all the familiar This monarch utilized a situation of total power in his territory.33 despots to establish He in order to unify the kingdom. He leveled the aristocracy, and the clergy, the old families troops, crushed the Qezelbfsh in the country and Georgian slaves who were baseless by recruiting Chardin says "il n'y a point de dependents.34 were his own personal et lVon n'y non plus que dans tout l'Orient, en Perse, noblesse au merite extraoraux dignites qu'aux charges, porte de respect aux richesses."3H et particulierement dinaire, and its developof the staff recruitment The patrimonial of high officials under Shah Tahmasb in a list ment is manifested and under in the Alam ArZ-ye Abbasi,36 and Shah Abbas I, presented Shah Safi presented in the Khold-e Barin.37 During the time of were recruited from Shah Ismail and Shah Tahmasb, high officials the foundation of the the tribal who constituted ruling families under the despotic rule of Shah authority. However, patrimonial of political AbbRs I, new developments toward the consolidation of the amirs surrecruitment took place. Patrimonial domination the amiTrswho khans and also included passed that of the tribal that Minorsky concludes (slaves) of the court.39 were gholims 20 per cent of the high administration had passed "'consequently but to to new elements owing their rise not to their origin important of the Shah.. .these personal merit and the confidence 59 SPRING-SUMMER 1969

statistics reflect the situation at the death of Shah Abbas I (A.D. 1619) who so profoundly cf Safavid the foundation changed power. Under his grandson Shah Safi the changes go still deeper.40 under Shah Abbas, Further, the system of army recruitment he was changed; "diminished the number of tribal forces and side by side with them created new troops, armed with up-to-date weapons and fully on the central dependent His army was comgovernment. "41 prised of 44,000 permanent raised and paid by lhimself, troops and 77,000 of the old tribal forces. The amirs of the new troops were appointed from the Georgian and Armenian slaves of a Private tiousehold distinguished by devotion to hlis Majesty.42 To summarize, he created a strong army from the non-tribal population, the power of the tribal reduced leaders, split up and resettled and consolidated some, central As a administration. result a traditional "bureaucratic landlordism"43 and a traditional "bureaucratic capitalism" became highly The theoretideveloped. cal absence of property was utilized in order to extend an iron control over the basic means of production in the rural, tribal and urban communities. Together with his amirs he superimposed his bureaucratic over machinery the real economic structure of these communities and ruled from the cities which were his "princely camps." from his major economic Following of establishing policy an Asiatic patrimonial type of state capitalism, Shah Abbas created a network of state controlled system of commerce and industry. He commenced certain monopolies and royal industries and protected local industry and trade through various measures. The construction of roads, caravanserais, official postal services, and customs houses were instrumental in his policy. The amirs were responsible for providing all facilities and for protecting the caravans against the raids and lootings of gunmen; otherwise they were compelled to compensate for stolen merchandise.44 The foreign economic policy of Shah Abbas was to encourage European countries to buy Persian manufactures and raw materials on the one hand, and to re-open, the trade routes between the East and West through Persia on the other. He sent commercial envoys to France, England, the Netherlands,and Denmark and began active political and commercial relations with these countries at the turn of the sixteenth century. He gave concessions to Dutch and British companies to increase their trade with Persia and to expand the export of Persian manufactures and raw materials to Europe and the Far East.45 To prevent the flight of liquid resources from the country he encouraged his people to pray at the tomb of Imam Reza in Mashhad and prohibited them from going to Mecca. He also set a firm rule against the Banyans, a group of Hlindu money dealers, whose activities were disastrous to the Isfahan economy.46 pets, In this period exports camel wool, some precious comprised stones, GO silks, tobacco brocades, and dried carfruits.

IRAN4IAN STUDIES

article The most important each bales, ted to 22,000

was silk weighing

whose yearly 276 pounds.47

export amounconsisted Imports

musical of copper, steel, and coins.48 gold, silver

instruments,

curtain,

velvet,

paper

trays,

of the last that at the time the item reveals The import was in Persia's although the money collected favor balance of trade in was hoarded ever appeared treasury and hardly by the royal This predisposition by the rich was also exhibited circulation. rise of prosperity The general money dealers and merchants.49 of the kingdom, but only in of the cities stimulated the growth to policy Since it was Abbas the Great's the central areas. areas of the conquered cities at the expense develop the central of the shah it was mainly that were the favorites the cities

which

benefited.50

The most important

Yazd, Kashan, Bgrforush.51

cities

during
Abbas,

this
Hamedan,

period
Qazvin,

were Isfahan, Tabriz, and Mashhad, Ardebil

Bandar

Tabriz and Kashan were of the utmost Isfahan, Among them, and its prosperity to Kashan reported importance. All travelers who "went up to KAsh3n in 1573 G. Ducket commercial significance. be a town that altogether of merchaunit to consisteth reported there, beyng greatly trade of all the land is dise, and the best called it of India."52 frequented by the merchuntes J. Cartwright

in 1600 being
period

"the very magazeen in here."54

to be

and warehouse The population

550,000. It

of all

the Persian at this

cities

for stuffes."53 in comparison

Sir T. Herbert in 1627 said, than York or Norvich, not less estimated

"This noble about 4,000

city is families houses,

accounted
was

of Tabriz

contained

15,000

15,000 fairest

extent, with dise

"These are the shops, 250 mosques and 300 caravanserais. . . . their vast Basaars that are in any place of Asia, of merchanthe vast quantities largeness, ...and ...their
which they are filled. "55

under Shah was reconstructed the new capital city Isfahan, It had been, the most famous industrial for centuries, Abbas I. celebrated and commercial in Persia. Khosrow, the city Naser "the money who visited the city reports that in 1052, traveler 200 of them are working."56 bazaar in which dealers have a special in the whole In this industrial city period it was the most active of As it was the center and its bazaar expanded rapidly. country and induscontrolled monopolies many state patrimonial capitalism increased of Isfahan there. The population tries were located in the middle to 600,000 in the late sixteenth from 80,000 century of the seventeenth century.57 consisted of urban community in this period The structure his his staff, the tribal chiefs of the shah at the family, peak, constructed the ruling class. The and the ulama who together and merchants The prosperous come next. rank bureaucrats middle the lumpenproleand finally the craftsmen, manufacturers, large of the in the downward hierarchy located tarians are respectively

urban social

and economic

class

system.58 61 1969 SPRING-SUMMER

Trades and sion of the cities loosely organized cities of central The fact the that the previous ones
tional

crafts were developed concomitant with the expanin the century. Various strata of artisans, the numerous into were highly active in the senfs, Iran in general in particular. and in IsfahAn more than historical talk sources of the period about the asnaf For their is not accidental. funcwas elevated( in the context of patrimonial

domination.

signWicance

senf consisted of the Each differentiated loosely and shaqerd. ostad kar, khalife, The senf had to certify nical the -ompetence of kar, and a special ost&d ceremony of the for the announcement Each had ostadi. an elective had to be officially by the recoqnized city authorities.

ranks the was

ras

In

of techheld , who general,

the people of every a person neighborhood, village and senf elected and granted themselves him a certificate and a salary. amongst Then the naqib town chief) (deputy the document, stamped and finally the kalantar (town chief) issued an official certificate The for him. and recognized elected rai'swasthe of the association representative the economic for meeting nTeeds of government.60
fairs, rities. first with total paid The had the asngf right of administering their internal afbut the subjected to the supervision of authocity thEeywere The ostads of each senf had own meetings.61 their In the three months of the hold year the kalantar would a meeting all the rai'ses at his house, where he assigned the share of the taxes to be paid by each collectivity. Scme of the asnaf their taxes in cash and others in kind (the produced commodi-

ties).62
There was no autonomous municipality in this period. The head of the city or kalantar was appointed by the shah. He was rarely appointed from the merchants, the only exception being the kalantar of JolfA who was elected from amongst the prosperous Armenian traders of the town.63 Asnaf Dervishes lahi seventeenth had a close who were eighteenth relationship highly influential centuries .64 with the HIaydary and in Persian cities Ndmatalin the

and

We may conclude that trades and crafts were subject, like the Byzantine guilds and the Maml13k asnaf, to rigorous external state control. Though internally morediemocratic and loosely organized, the asnaf were not like their counterparts in the West, spontaneous and autonomous corporations. The kadkhoda or the head of the senf

was
On

appointed
his election

to

his
he

position
had to be

by his

the senf

shah by

or
by

kalantar
the
dependent

of of rish

the
city

town. sefids
of

recognized

authorities.

He administered

the

help

whose intermediary position to consider the causedEthem interest merchants and craftsmen; but they were not the spokesmen of their independent interests against the huge and powerful Asiatic patrimonial machinery. The shah and kalantars through their mohtasebs, or market supervisors in the bazaars, firmly controlled the dai-ly

activities
IRANIAN

of
STUDIES

the

asnaf.65
62

with political, The asnaf combined their economic function ones and could benefit amount from a certain social and religious the Asiatic used the authority However, autonomy. of corporal and tax the administrative by assigning kadkhodas and rish sefids to them, and thus created barriers to serious collecting positlons of the asnaf. Although the asnaf played development the independent and economic life of the city, they an important role in the social type of power system had no voice in the machinery of the Asiatic of the country as a whole. and in the life and of the kadkhodas was tax collecting The main function As Minorsky for the shah. to do corvees calling on the craftsmen but the latter's compeelected representatives says "they possessed except in the case when tence seems to have been rather restricted carrying out corve'es for for they had to call up their guildsmen the King."66 Those guilds which were exempt from these corvees had workers The construction padeshah. to pay a levy called kharaj-e for the king and the most. were exploited They had to build palaces any pay, and usually the amirs without receiving durinq the corvee 67 had to live at their own expense. activEiies were as in other Islamic cities, traders, The prosperous They were supported by the shah rich, powerful and esteemed people. and his amirs who utilized them for their commercial enterprise.68 brokers, traders, international as wholesalers, They were active power Although they advanced their wealth, and so on. money dealers in all of their they found themselves and status in this period, patrito the Asiatic linked and subordinated activities intimately agents estabShah Abbas I and his bureaucratic monial domination. Conselabor and materials. lished over property, a firm control the prosperous as the shah's semi-bureaufunctioned traders quently, in each of office a reqistration crat agents. Shah Abbas established all commercial transthe major caravanserais to keep a record of the caravansaradars.69 agents: actions through his official Shah Abbas selected from the merchants and appointed a chief for their bankinq, diploto act as a liailsn him as ra s al-tojjar and fiscal to the state. duties matic, the silk trade through firm state conShah Abbas monopolized The state monopoly agents collected the silk from the protrol. and stored them in the state warehouses, to supply the raw vinces factories and to sell the surplus in foreign materials for state The merchants who were engaged in the silk trade were all markets. the Armenians of Jolfa Shah Abbas appointed the agents of the state. whose function to that of Karimi as the silk traders was similar in Mamluk's state of Egypt and Syria in the cities spice traders The Armenian silk traders expanded their during the same period. into the other items of commerce and were sent commercial activities as official countries envoys. They expanded their to the foreign as They also functioned trade to the West as well as to the East. The in the Bazaar of Isfahan. state bankers and money dealers to the foreign lands and traveled Armenians of Isfahan usually traded with the liquid wealth of the state or that of the ruling. class elements. 63 SPRINC-SUMIEP.1969

Shah Abbas, the royal family and his amirs qave direct employment to the Armenians because of their extensive manufacturing and activities. trading About 60 rvo.wux riches existed amongst the from 60,000 to 200,000 tomans in Armenitn merchants who accumulated cash. The state the largest factories installed in the country.72 There were about 32 royal workshops with approximately 150 workers each. The annual expenditure of the workshops was approximately 350,000 tomans. This was the largest in the whole country enterprise and the total expenditure to half of the royal revenues.73 approximated These state manufactories produced silk and wool carpets, wool and cotton materials, velvet and brocades. They also produced the best copper handicrafts, watches, leather and guns. china, They were in a good position to export Persian goods to the European countries.74 As Minorsky says "the Shahs are now the largest capitalists; they amass goods in their Buvatits,they and court European attract merchants, they use their Armenian subjects as their trading a ents for disposing of the chief exportable commodity, namely silk. "75 Although economic conditions in Persia and all the flourished historical sources evidence the growth of traditional capitalism during the rise of centralized patrimonial domination, and the country was able to resist the European colonial forces at the incipient stage of their expansion, the total situation was not favorable for the development of an independent bourgeoisie and ensuing modern capitalism in Persia. The trichotomy of urban, rural and tribal communities with the superimposition of the oriental patrimonial authority over the real economic structure of all three community types, and their undifferentiated unity created serious barriers to set in motion structural conflicts and dissolution of the whole system and its evolution toward the other societal type. Traditional attitude of the patrimonial staff and the traders, the non-rational practice of hoarding by treasury and money dealers, and disposition toward the luxurious standard of livinq and ensuing corruption set strict limits to the development of rational economic activities, modern capitalism and a western-type bourgeoisie in Iran. These conditions, prevented the sustained growth of traditional capitalism as well. Minorsky casts doubt on the expansion of capitalistic enterprise and says "the amount of Persian trade could not be called vast. "76 The fall of Safavids and ensuing tribal chaos is an example of the situation which impedes the development of trade and industry. When Aghi Mohamad Khin rose to power, total chaos and Insecurity was predominant throughout the country. The tribal leaders "had become accustomed to revolt and plunder, and were reluctant to submit to any kind of authority; the countryside had been ruined by repeated pillage. Security on the roads was virtually non-existent and commerce had greatly "77 declined. IRANIAN STUDIES 64

III.

TRADE AND INDUSTRY IN A SITUATION

OF WESTERNtPENETRATION

The Asiatic system of Persian society and its rulinq class surrendered to the West's colonial power and to its ensuinq--penetration in the middle of the nineteenth century. After the IranianRussian War of 1828, the ill-fated military expedition to Ilarat in 1855, and finally, the Anglo-Iranian Wqarin 1856, Persia lost its independence and moved into a semi-colonial situation in the modern world. This peculiar type of "contact" between the West and Persia took place through the process of western penetration and through direct contacts between western aqents, i.e., the representatives on the one hand, and of the colonial ruling class and power elite the major Persian structural The peculiarity forces on the other. of this total of the two great powers situation is due to the rivalry in maintaining the collapsing political community in Persia. Moreover, the rulers were forced to accept a policy of balancinq irreAs a result sistible Persia did within the new situation. pressures as a buffer not enter into a formal colonial but survived situation state between the expanding Russian appetite for the South and the British policy of the defense of India. their so-called Followinq "special interest" the two colonial powers arrived at a general agreement to divide the country into their zones of influence.78 The rivalry of the two powers intensified durinq the last quarter of the nineteenth century and their political goals merqed with econis what Dr. Keddie has judiThis new economic policy omic ones. ciously called by the two powers in Persia. "concession-hunting" "In general, in Iran was a qame of speculators concession-hunting whose wits were matched out for quick profits, and adventurers, and the shah, who equally wanted against those of wily courtiers as little trouble as possible. "79 Britain's in this period were to estabprinciple objectives and to defend her possessions lish and expand British trade, in The main qoal of Russia was "to extend her territorial India. as far into Persia as was feasible, possessions wlhilc laying the withi Great Britain foundations for a contest for the conmmercial and polotical domination of Persia.80 The major economic concessions
Inay be sunniarized

as follows:

A maximum 5 per cent customs duty for imported (Toods was extended to other European countries under the "nmost favored nation" clause of the treaty withi Russia. Immunity from road tolls and internal transit taxes whichl were collected from Persian rmerclhants was qiven to foreiqners. A comprehlensive country-wide monopolv of railway construction, mining, and bankini'r was qiven to a britislh A concession subject, Baron de Reuter. given to Britain to orea65 SPRIICJ-SUMME;R 1969

in issuinq nize Bank of Persia the Imperial with a monopoly currency an agency to establish and anoth,er to Russia the Bancue d'Escompte, of Finance as a political of the Russian functioned which Ministry and a Casto Tabriz,, instrumenit. A railroad concession from Jolfd pian Sea fisheries A British monopoly were qranted to Russia. subject the D'Arcy obtained a tobacco concession. concession and another also Persia loans with in various received disastrous conditions, and finally, from the two powers the riqht forms, of capitugranted lation to the colonial powers.81 the total to the power of the shah in relation Althouqh tribal chiefs ane the agents powerful of the colonial powers dimihis absolute nished, elements power and that of his ruling over and craftsmen remained traders as an behaved The shah still intact. Asiatic with an absolute despot right resulting from the Asiatic patrimonial principle that the people and their land, everythinq--the his possessions. property--were "TThe Shah is thus, in fact, the government--the nation. All are his servants--his slaves; to be raised into his affluenice and favour at his pleasure,to be degraded and destroyed at his caprice, wvithout "82 remonstrance or appeal. Thus the atmosphere of autonomous commercial activities which existed in the medieval European towns and which contributed to the precapitalist formation of a bourgeoisie was conspicuously lacking in Persia. This situation of total power discouraqed the British bourgeoisie--the investors and merchants--from their lives and riskinq fortunes in Persia. The British pressed 14Nser al-Din Shah qovernment for a life and property decree. Finally the shah announced an important proclamation which was drafted by lAin al-Soltan with Volf's assistance on 22nd May 1888. The life and pronerty decree is of utmost because significance, it is a leading idea of the western bourgeoisie and was instituted to protect traders and invesBritishl tors.83 Ostensibly it was not the Persian bourgeoisie who benefited from this but British proclamation, adventurers. British endeavors for the so-called purpose of "strengthening" Persia were designed to make her resist Russian pressures and attract British speculators and adventurers to step into the Persian economy. Contrary to the assertions of the British authorities and Salisbury's statement in hlis note to the Lord of Commissioners of the Treasury in 1889,84 British economic activities were neither intended for the independent economic development of Persia, nor as a latant function did they have such a consequence. Russian and British economic activities in Persia, fruitful in the dissolution thouqh of Asiatic society, were disastrous for the independent economic development of this country. mountinq The history economic of Persia in the nineteenth century interest and commercial activities 66 evidences of the two the

IRANIAN SITUDILS

conconsular The act of 1889 which established powers. colonial in Persia was "the natural outgrowth subjects trol over British in who resided subjects numbers of British of the increasing the opening of of the banking activities, Persia as a result and the mining exploralines, of telegraph operation Karun, the tions.85 of Russia and Britain economic interests The increasing in the in Persia gave rise to the growth of commercial activities century orbit of nineteenth country and moved its economy to the However, the growth of economic activities expansion. colonial type and had- paramount consewas of specific in Persian cities century the commerce of While in the early nineteenth quences. and balance of trade in its extent the country was very limited and while we can find some manufactured was in favor of Persia, was reversed the situation of export,86 goods among the articles at the turn of the century. years from 1873 to 1883, the value of the im"In fifteen rupees. by about 5,000,000 of Bushire increased ports and exports In a period of ten years from 1878 to 1888, the trade of Bandar In 1874 the customs of Bushire extent. to a similar Abas increased were farmed for 40,000 tomans, in 1889 for 99,000 tomans, in 1874 those of Bandar Abas for 30,000 tomans, in 1889 for 53,000 tomans, in 1874 those of Lingah for 6,500 tomans, in 1889 for 12,000 tobut that of the total This growth is by no means exhausted, mans. to trade by the Gulf may be expected value of Anglo-Indo-Persian from The exports in the future."87 much larger dimensions attain at Persia to Russia and the imports from Russia were estimated in 1889, pounds and 881,920 pounds respectively about 1,164,968 cencompared to the early nineteenth which shows a rapid increase tury.88 8 in the late trade with Persia increased Though British century it did not nineteenth century and in the early twentieth Over half of the foreign trade. exceed half of the Russo-Persian hsad only agencies trade was in the hands of Russian firms; British century.8Y trade in the early twentieth one quarter of the foreign it is not in favor Regarding the balance of trade in this period, and India in partiand in trade with Britain of Persia in general century the exports of Persia to In the early twentieth cular. one fifth of its imports England and to India were approximately in 1907 the Hlenry-Ren6 D'Allemagne reports from those areas.90 trade with the total import in Persia's foreign mounting increase of 162,153,000 francs. and export of 200,153,000 The growth of trade in rise to an increase in the urban of Persia and the capital cities of Tehran doubled in the second century gave the late nineteenth in the commercial population The population city of Tehran. half of the nineteenth century! SPRIN(-SUIJMER1969

67

According to E'temad al-Saltane, 2,000 miles were constructed shops, and 600 caravanserais Naser al-Din Shah.92

of roads, 100,000 during the reign

of

Western penetration, which was achieved through colonial policy and superior technology, destroyed the Persian manufactories As a result which were important during the Safavid period. European on the one hand, manufactured goods superseded Persian local products that of manufactured and the export of raw materials materireplaced the decay of als on the other. The nineteenth century evidences industrial in the cities activities of .Isfahan, Kashan, Tabriz, Yazd, Kerman and Mashhad.93 that the import of Flandin who visited Kashan in 1840 reports British materials has destroyed the large factories of KashTan. The of dumping which is possible practice who for large foreign traders have local tax immunities has systematically and low customs duties caused the decadence of Persian Isfahan which was famous industry.94 in manufactured is now the consumer of "manufactured materials cotton goods, almost wholly from Manchester and Glasgow." And "of the exports whose value and bulk are both greatly inferior to the imports the principles are: opium, tobacco, cotton, almonds and rice."9 Curzon reports that in Yazd "Silk weaving was formerly the chief local industry, the mulberry being cultivated in great abundance in the neighborhood; and as many as 1,800 factories, employing some 9,000 hands, were in the middle of the present century engaged in the business. This has however declined, and its place has been taken... .by the cultivation of the poppy, 2,000 chests of the opium extracted from which are now said to leave Yazd annually. "96 I-le also points out that "In the middle ages Kerman possessed a qreat for the manufacture of arms; but this, like that of reputation Meshed is a thing of the past. "97 Not only were the traditional manufactories destroyed in the new situation, but the various attempts of the independent Persian bourgeoisie to establish themselves failed for two basic reasons. the resistance Firstly of the Asiatic type of social, economic and political order with all the impeding factors of the Safavid period, and without its advantages. Secondly, there was the intervention of the colonial powers on behalf of their bourgeois elements. Two major examples of genuine endeavor amongst the Persian bourgeoisie for independent growth are the establishment of new factories and the creation of a local and national banking enterprise. Jamal-Zade reports that 30 major factories which were installed in the later Qajar period were closed partially due to the intervention and competition of the companies.98 For example, foreiqn a modern sugar cane factory, which was installed in 1899 by Amin and whose products were of better quality al-Dowle, than Russian went bankrupt as a result sugar, finally of Russian dumping practices.9 IRA1NIAN STUDIES 68

and of Persian money dealers Another example is the failure banking syslocal and national an independent to establish traders in local were active Persian money dealers tem in their country. which had the Bank of Persia, The Imperial markets up to 1888. with concomitant currency and other concessions, monopoly of issuing an agency of the Russian of the Banque d'Escompte, the activities dominated the money market of Persia and limited of Finance, Ministry Persian money dealers of the local money dealers. the activities banks but independent to organize attempts and traders made several The banks. due to the imposing power of the two colonial failed Bank of Iran to create the National of Persian bourgeoisie failure Mloreover, majles is a dramatic story.100 at the time of the first due to the same failed large corporations five other relatively The growth of trade, reasons.101 the decay of local manufactures bourgeoisie of independent and the failure qave rise to the emerPowerful in the late Qajar period. gence of a dependent bourgeoisie representatives or appointed firms opened up their offices foreign Curzon of Persia in this period. in the major commercial cities zone in the British firms were active that six large British reports "A good deal of trade is done bv native merchants;. of influence.102 passed through the hands of transactions but the bulk of mercantile as English firms, whose activity be described what may indisputably with the apathy that has been displayed contrast here is in pleasing many prosperous in other parts of Central Asia. '103 Consequently into the agents of Russian and British traders were converted Persian The predominance of commercial firms and lost their independence. banks over the Persian money market, the apathy of the two colonial in a situelements toward the local bourgeois rulers the Asiatic and the intervention of the patrimonialism, ation of decentralized of their traders and investors the interest two powers to protect firms to survive.104 to work with thie foreign traders forced Persian One of this period is achieve status in this period, funds in land. of development in of the bourgeoisie the important characteristics their tendency to seek land ownership In order to The sale of state lands and crown lands, and power. their liquid invest to gave them an opportunity to the This should be taken as another obstacle in Persia. an industrial bourqeoisie

of 1905, which was a quasiRevolution The Constitutional due to accumulated discontents was partially movement, bourgeois and the petty-bourgeosie amongst the Persian traditional bourqeoisie in which the in a society in this period. Ilowever, it was defeated forces were system and stronq tribal Asiatic patrimonial particular of revolution were still In the first predominant. majles the ideas Thus, elements were in the foreground. in the air and its active and 15 the petty-bourgeoisie 22 per cent of deputies represented while the landlords the mercantile-bourqeoisie, per cent represented In the representations. constituted only 8 per cent of the total the petty-bourqeoisie was moved out from the scene, second maj4la also qradually deThe portion of mercantile-bourgeoisie forever. in the Qajar period of majles life.105 clined that in this the major developments To epitomize and bureaucratic landlordism both bureaucratic 69 period we may say capitalism

sPPIr1C-S;UHrER1969

the Qajar period. collapsed the abolition of toyul durinq Finally by the first transformed nature majiles the administrative of land into the lnstitution tenure of private All the advanproperty.106 tages of the Asiatic of total system of trade power for the growth in the Safavid and industry whilst were absent, all its period disfor the rise of an independent advantages were present. brougeoisie of the trade The rapid and the failure qrowth of traditional manuand the factums independent bourgeoisie to the emergence gave rise of the dependent on the one hand, bourgeoisie and increasing pettybourgeois activities in trade, the importance of the diminishinq industrial on the other. petty-bourgeoisie, IV. TIHE REVIVAL OF CENTRALIZED ORIENTAL PATRIMONIALIStM AND STATE CAPITALISM IN TIE REZA SHAHI PERIOD

The reiqn of Reza Shah may be divided into two phases, the first from the coup d'etat lasting of 1921 and his coronation in 1925 to 1930, and the second from 1931 to 1941. lie revitalized the Asiatic system of power in the former and established period state capitalism in the latter. It was in the second that the period difficulties from the world and the foreign arisinq depression trade made the shah fulfill problems his Asiatic patrimonial mission by state intervention in all facets extending of the economic life of the country.107 We may find a good statement on his in the policy following official remarks which mask and rationalize 30 centuries' tradition of patrimonial intervention in economic enterprise: "The weakness and incapability of individual initiatives which has been since proved the World lWar, has forced all countries to abandon the laisser-faire and compelled policy all governments to take an active in the economic part life of their countries. Our country has also followed this universal trend, and the government of Iran has directl or indirectly controlled 33 per cent of the imports and 49 per cent of the exports the state throuqh monopolies. ''18 we should liowever, notice the hiatus between the planned economic policy the followinq Great in the sphere Depression of western legal-rational domination and the state controlled economy in the sphere of arbitrary and nonrational authority of the Persian patrimonialism.109 Serious action in this direction was set in motion by a law declaring a monopoly on foreign trade in 1930,110 which was supplemented in 1932 and partially revised in 1936 and 1941. Following this direction the qovernment created 17 companies by 1935 for the implementation of the law. Consequently the state controlled the major part of foreign trade and possessed the largest comtradinq panies in the country. It also acquired an increasinq of deqree central control over the financial affairs of the country, and the volume of state financial activities particularly in qrew rapidly, the second phase of Rzeza Shah's reign. For example, the estimated state revenue in 1924 was under 237 million rials, while it had risen to over rapidly 3,613 million rials in 1941.111 In April 1927, the maj_les passed a law for the establislhment of the Bank-e Melli-ye Iran and the right of issuinq notes was withdrawn from the Imperial IRPAJNIAN STUDIES 70

Bank and transferred to this bank, which functioned state bank as well as a state commercial bank.112

as a central

Another state initiative in the Asiatic tradition was in road construction. Reza Shah raised the already active, Road Department into an independent Ministry of Roads in 1930. Road construction activities extended the carriage roads from 1,286 miles in 1921 to 16,000 miles in 1938.113 Several attempts such as tariff exemption for trucks and buses were also made to encouraqe the use of motor The import of motor vehicles vehicles. and spare parts increased four times from 1927 to 1936.114 There were about 25,000 motor vehicles in 1941 in Persia. However, the master project of the shah's transportation and communication program was the Trans-Iranian Railway. The project was carried out mainly by western contractinq companies with the assistance of a few Persian companies.115 Finally, 850 miles of railway with the total cost of 2,552 million rials, which was raised by the tax on tea and suqar, were constructed in the latter period of the Reza Shah reign.116 As a result of these construction activities, a group of contractors emerged as a part of the Persian bourgeoisie. Over ten of the contracting companies of this period have survived up to the present time and are registered among the leading contractors.117 to industrialize Serious attempts the country were made in the period lasting from 1934 to 1940. in these projects Priority was qiven to light industries, largely to make Persia less dependent on imported qoods. By 1941 about 200 plants that might be considered as industrial establishments in the country. Out of these, existed 30 large factories directly owned by the state were the largest establishments in their particular trades and some of them had a monopoly of production.118 Private enterprise was subordinated to the large establishments of the state and functioned under the firm control
of the Ministry of Mines and Industry.

The total number of workers in these 200 plants may be estimated at 50,000 to 60,000. About 120 factories employed from 30 to 100 workers, about 10 had from 100 to 500, and some 15 large plants, some of the textile including factories in Isfahan and Tabriz had 500 to 1000 workers. The larqest factories at this time were the state arsenal with 2,300 employees, and the state tobacco plant with The most important 3,300. which employed industry was textiles, half of the total labor force. state-owned industrial Consenuently tlhe bDtal workers in these industry employed almost 40 per cent of 80 per cent of and possessed the larqest factories If we plants. add the number of workers in the state owned railway system and mines, the percentage of government workers would rise to 60 per cent. The most were sugar refinerimportant state owned factories cement plants, arsenals and tobacco factortextile ies, factories, which started eight sugar refineries The total output of ies. from 2,300 tons of sugar their operation from 1931 to 1937 increased Over 4,000 workers were emcane in 1932 to 33,000 tons in 1940. A cement plant started in 1934 ployed in these plants. operation and its total annual output increased from 25,000 tons in 1934 to 71 SPPING-SUMMIFR 1969

The The plant employed about 1,000 workers. 70,000 tons in 1940. which started factories four modern textile government installed from 1930 to 1937 and employed about 8,000 workers their operation by 1940. was in texinitiative private The most important area for plants were created or extended Some 20 large textile tile industry. employed about 35 per cent factories in this period. These private number of wool The total by 1940. workers industrial of the total from 2,000 in 1925 to 7,920 in 1930, and to was increased spindles from 3,842 in 1921 to 25,548 in 1940, and that of cotton spindles of However, the spindles 16,142 in 1930, and to 200,000 in 1940. for the period from 1930 to are included the state owned factories 1940.119 the trend of its translandlordism, Reqarding bureaucratic which was begun during the landownership, into private formation The institution in this period. period, was intensified earlier and received a of private landed property was well established a good portion of confiscated The shah himself solid legal basis. landowner in the country. and became the largest villages prosperous and large landchiefs the power of tribal Although he demolished in the 'Asiatic' tendencies owners and scorned their aristocratic of prithe institution he strengthened and established tradition, Not only were 57 per cent of majles deputies, vate landownership. who were (and half of the deputies in this period, landowners but the higher also government employees were from this class), and successful the public bureaucracy, echelons of the military, businessmen into the landowninq class.120 were incorporated in this period of the bourgeoisie As far as the development As of this class. strata is concerned, we should examine various of in the fields private initiative we have already demonstrated, was dominated by mining and construction transportation, banking, in these developed of bourgeoisie state activities and no strata state capitalAlthough in the areas of trade and industry, areas. of the middle strata initiative, ism subordinated entrepreneurial and in these fields their activities intensified elements bourgeois In this period the hiatus grew in numbers and economic prosperity. in the bazaar and who resided between the traditional bourqeoisie or the bazaar behind,physically the modernized elements who left work with could easily strata The latter mentally, was intensified. These strata western bourgeoisie. and the bureaucratic elements for depeneagerness Reza Shah's regime and manifested supported petty-bourgeoisie While the industrial dent bourgeois activities.121 the petty-bourgeois in both periods, lost its functional importance grew rapidly. traders
V. A NOTE ON THE RECENT DEVELOPMENTS

continues

In the recent period, which to the present time, the 72

begins in the mid 1950's and resumption and rapid increase

in

IRANIIANSTUDIES

oil revenues which was followed by the growth of small industries, foreign capital investments, private banking enterprises, transportation firms, local and foreign trade, brouqht about a drastic structural change in the society. The social order and security, which were maintained by the use of absolute force in this period, werepartially designed to attract both domestic and foreign capital for investment. Consequently, the modern bourgeoisie entered into the infantile stage of its development and qrew rapidly within a decade. As regards state capitalism, by adopting the western capitalistic model for development, the major economic policy of the government became the development of private enterprise. Hiowever, a community of interest has been established between the hiqher echelos or bureaucracy and the economic elites. coaliwithout tion with these elements, the wealthy bourgeoisie would lose its power and probably its prosperity. Because the increasing oil revenue is instrumental in the maintenance of the absolute economic and political power of the government, the economic of the state, formulated by the policy modernized patrimonial staff has vital consequences for all sectors of private enterprise such as the support of local industries, the attraction of foreign investment and tle allocation of money to the contractors. we may epitomize bourgeoisie as follows; a. the recent developments of the Persian

b.

c.

d.

e.

in this period. The industrial bourgeoisie Priqrew rapidly vate firms Dossess 12 larae industrial each of establishments, which employs over 1,000 workers. The remaininq 4 large factories of this type belong to the state.122 The number of commencement permits issued for industrial establishments increased from 55 permits in 1956 to 596 in 1965.123 There were rapidly over 300 private industrial companies which employed over 100 workers in 1963.124 hits also The industrial and mercantile dependent bourgeoisie in the past decade. The amount of foreign developed private inves tmgnt increased from $414,313 in 1956 to $12,763,340 in In Banking activities 1966. 2 eight mixed banks were estabwith a total investors lished by Persian and western paid-up of $25,000,000 in this period. capital hlowever, the main area is the oil industry. in this respect with a total In reqard to banking, 10 private companies paidwere created in this period by leadof $12,400,000 up capital elites and have been Ihiqhly ing economic and bureaucratic utilize in their enterorise. the successful They usually for their executive elite former bureaucratic positions.126 increased from 52 The number of contractina companies rapidly 100 leadinn contractors firms in 1953 to 500 in 1967 including members or who have a elite who are either former bureaucrttic 27 with these elements. coalition also have shown Bourgeois activities in transportation enterprises Persian aaencies of rapid development in the past decade. and several larae a few boat lines international airlines, The number truck operating companies have been established. 73 SPRINC-SUMMER 1969

of truck holding companies more than 20 trucks possessing nas reached 50 firms have over 10 companies which 100 including trucks at the present time.128 We may conclude that the Persian bourgeoisie is still in its formative period. Though it has gained functional significance, wealth, prestige and power in the past decade, it is not an independent, force in this country and i s still dependent on powerful the bureaucratic which carries the burden machinery of the centuries of 'Asiatic' tradition of total power,

NOTES See for example C.W. Mills, Imaqes of Man: The Classic Tradition In Socioloqical Th,nkinq, Socioloqical N.Y.1960;, Imagina1959 N.Y. his tion, 5 on article "Uses of H1istory6 " especially pp. 143-64; The Marxists, N.Y. 1961; I.L. Horowitz, The tJew N. Y7194; M. Stein Socioloqy, and A. Vidich, on Sociology Trial, N.Y. 1964; M1. Weber, ;Nethodoloqy of the Social Sciences, N.Y. 1949. "All peoples travel what is basically the, same path...The development of society proceeds throuqh the consecutive replacemenit, accordinq to definite laws, of one socio-economic formation by another." 0. Kunsined, Ed. Fundamentals of MarxismLeninism, London, 1961, p. 153. See N.V. Piqulevskaya, A.U. Yakubovsky, I. Petrushevski, L.V. A.1. Striyeva, Tarikh-e Belnitski, Iran az Dowre-ye B3stAn ta Payan-e Sadeye Hejdaho;n (The Iiistory of Iran from the Ancient Period to the End of Eiqhteenth Century), 2 Vols. translated by K. Keshavarz, Tehran, 1346/1967, pp. 5-67 (hereafter T.I.). See also I.M. Diakonov, TArikh-e Mad (Ilistory of Media), translated by K. Keshavarz, Tehran 1344/1965; M.M. Diakonov Ashkaniyan (The Parthians) translated by K. Keshavarz, Tehran, T.I., pp. 68-149. 5. oIbid., pp. 150-237. 6. Ibid., pp. 238-324. Ibid., pp. 325-490; see also D. Vladimirtsov, Le Regime Social des Mongols: Le Feodalisme nomade, P'aris, V.V. 1934; Barthold, Turkestan down to the Mongol Invasion, London, 1928; I.P. Petrushevski, Keshavarzi va MonAsebAt-e Arzi dar Iran-c Ahd-e Moghol, (Agriculture and Agrarian Relations in Iran; in the Monqol Period), translated by K. Keshavarz, Tehran, 1345/1966. T.I., pp. 491-596. 9. Ibid., pp. 597-664. See for example M.A. Khonji, "Tirikh-e Mad va Mansha-e Nazariyeye Diakonov" (A Critique on Diakonov's "Hlistory of Media"), in Shahrivar-e 1346 Ketab, Rahnema-ye (October 1967), appendix, also see A. Ashraf, pp. 1-36; "Nezaim-e Asia'i ya Nezam-e Feodali" (Asiatic Society or Feudal System) in Jahan-e Now, 1946/1967, Nos. 5-12. K. Marx, Pre-Capitalist Economic Formation, edited with an introduction bv E. Hiobsbawm, N.Y. 1964. p. 78. K. Mrax, "British Rule in India," New York Daily Tribune, June 15, 1852; also June 25 and August 8, 1853: See also Marx to Enaels 2.6.53 and 14.6.53 and EnqelstOcMarx 6.6.53. 74

2.

3.

4. 7.

8. 10.

11. 12.

IRANIAN STUDIES

13. 14.

15.

16. 17. 20. 21. 22. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 30.

31. 32.

33. 35.

New llaven, 1957. Despotism, Oriental K. Wittfoqel, Hlistory of Iran, See for example E. ferzfeld, Archaeological London, 1935; also Iran in the Ancient East, London, 1914; 1937. Bruxelles, du servaqe, iranien N. Adontz, L'aspect L'Iran sous les sasanides, A. Christensen, Copenhague, 1944; in Annales de Iligta IX au XIII siecle," C. Cahen, *Llevolution 1953; No. 1, Paris, (Economies--Societ4s--Civilisations), Islam, Vol. I, Leiden, 1958, in A. Ben Shemesh, Taxation pp. 62-64. Vol. 1. Leipzig, Islam-studien, See for example C.11. Becker, London, 1924; A. K. S. Lambton, Landlord and Peasant in Persia, "The Evoreflections, 1953, pp. 53-74; see also her excellent Iran, Vol. V. 1967, pp. in Medieval Iran," of the lqta' lution "La F4odalit4 41-50; A. Poliak, islamique,i ' Reveue des etudes islamicues, 1936, pp. 247-65; Fr. Ldkkenaard, Islamic Taxation Period, in the Classic Copenhaqen, 1950; see also B. Brandage, "Feudalism in Ancient Mesopotamia and Iran' and R. Coulborn, editor, Feudalism in History, 'The case of Iran," in R. Coulborn, 1956. Princeton, pp. 77-78. Economic Formation, Marx, Pre-Capitalist p. 38. Ibid., 19. p. 71. Ibid., 18. Ibid., 33-34. 1960. Portrait,7N.Y. R. Bendix, Max Weber: An Intellectual p. 359. N.Y. and Economic Organization, M. tWeber, The Theory of Social 1947, p. 355. Ibid., 23. p. 357. Ibid., p. 355. Siasi-ye See also A. Ashraf "Jame'e Shenasi-ye p. 355. Ibid., in Sokhan, Nos. Socioloay) Max Weber," (Max Weber's Political 1346/1968. 10-12, A Manual of Safavid AdminisTadhkirat al-Mul6ik: V. Minorsky, T.I. pp. 550-3. T.M.), p. 12. London, 1943, (hereafter tration, p. 502. Ibid., pp. 507-8. cit., p. 188; see also Lambton,op. T p. 106; T.I., Ibid., pp. 16-18. 29. p. 507; T.M. pp. 14-16. Ibid., The soyurghal was granted under tlhe Monqols and their which Hlowever, like the "fief." was, to some extent, successors, under Ghazan Kahn tendency already realized the centralizing was contradictory Safavid predecessors and Ahmad Aq-qoyunlu--the its practice. Minorsky says and limited to granting soyurahal in January 1942, on Ahmad Aq-qoyunlu conpleted 'In the artice the same sources as used practically Petrushevsky Professor on the purport of the myself and came to the same conclusions the against tendency of the qovernment directed centralizing Twenty Articles, Tehran, Iranica, (V. Minorski, fief-holders." pp. 72also Petrushievsky, op. cit.0 see 1964, pp. 224-41); 478-88. T.I. pp.497T, 74; Lambton, o pp. 197-211; cit., pp. 105581; Lambton, op. cit., 551, 557-59, pp. 510-11, T.I., 128. of Shah Abb5s I, character For a good account on the despotic Shah Abb3s-e Avval (The Life of ZendegXni-ye see N. Falsafi, and Vol. 2, pp. 77-211. Shah Abb5s I), Tehran, 1334/1955, Vol. 3, pp. 119-200. 34. pp. 551-6 & 581-90 T.M., p. 16; T.I., pp. 543 and 556. T.I., 1811, Vol. V., Chardin, Paris, Chardin, Voyaqes du Chevalier n -T.M. p. 16. cited pp. 224-25,
75 SPRING-SUMMER 1969

36. 37. 38. 40. 42. 43.

44.

45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 50. 51. 52. 53. 54. 55. 56. 57. 59. 60.

Iskandar Monshi, Abbasi, Xlam Ar3-ye 1314/1935, pp. 104-124 and 761-7. Khold-e Barin, Appendix to the Alam Ara, 1317/1939. T.M. p. 15; T.I. p. 507. 39. T.M. pp. 17-18. Ibid., p. 18. 41. Ibid., p. 30. See Ibid., pp. 30-6; T.I. pp. 544-6, 556; Chardin, Vol. V, pp. 7W7?32; P. Della Valle, Viaqgi, Brighton, 1843, pp. 476, 759-68; Hasan-i Rumlu, Ahsan al-Tavarikh, Sedon, 1931, p. 368. Under Abb5s I and his successors a bureaucratic landlordism developed. In the expanding lands state and crown lands opium, tobacco, barley and fruits were cultivated. to the According authors of Tadhkirat-al-iiulllk the shah possessed and Olearius, the best and most numerous cattle in the land. See T.I. pp. 564-70. See for example. T.I., pp. 551-6; R.Z. Safavi, Iran-e Eqtesadi (Economy of Iran), Vol. 2, Tehran, 1309/1930, p. 78; B. Parizi, Jazr va Madd-e Siyasat va Eqtes3d dar Asr-e (FlucSafavilye. tuations of Politics anrd iEconomy in the Safavid Period), in Yaqhma, No. 2, 1346/1967, 62, and No. 3, pp. 121-2. p. ?7afavi, Iran-e p. 61; T.M., Eqtes5di, pp. 19-20; Parizi, No. 2; T.I., pp. 551-6. op. cit., IV, p. 64. CFMTh, 7Vol. p. 162; T.I., Ibid., pp. 577-9. Chardin, Vol. 4, pp. 162-6; Safavi, op. cit., T.I. pp. 70-3; pp. 579-80. Chardin, Vol. IV, p. 64; Mohammad Mohsen, Zubdat al-taw5rikh, p. 208. T.I., p. 551-2. Ibid., p. 373; Safavi', o pp. 74-5. cit., C. N. Curzon, Persia and the Persian Question, London, 1892, Vol. 2, p. 13,- hereafter P.Q. Ibid., p. 13. Ibid., p. 13; uI. Naraqi, T3rikh-e KNshAn, Tehran, EjtemAi-ye 1345/1966, p. 132. P.Q., Vol. 2, p. 250; See also V. Minorski, Tarikh-e Tabriz, trans. by A. Karang, Tehran, 1337/1958, Etemad alpp. 55-7; Soltan, Mir'at al-Buldan, Tehran 1294, Vol. 1, pp. 554-61. Naser Khosrow, Safar Name-ye Khosrow, N3ser Tehran, 1335/1956, P. 123. T.I., 58. T.M., p. 554. pp. 12-23. See for example, Du Mans, Estate de la Prese en 1660, Paris, 1890. pp. 195-211; Chardin, Vol. IV, pp. 95-151; T.I. p. 570; T.M., p. 20. According to Tadhkirat al-Muliik, the Kalantar appointed the Kadkhudas, contributed to the reportation of taxes among the the desiderata quildsi,Tformulated of the latter.' (T.M., p. 148). See also E. Kaempfer, Amoenitatum exoticarum, Lem<oviae, 1712, p. 141; T.I., p. 571. In weberws view patrimonial rulers frequently resort to the organization of associations that are held collectively responsible for the performance of public duties...all village residents.. .guilds and other occupational associations are held jointly responsible ... for the and economic political obligation of each. ' Max Weber: An Intellectual Portrait p. 337. op. cit." 76

IRANIAN STUDIES

61.

62. 63. 64. 66. 67. 68. 70.

71. 72.

73. 74. 75. 77. 78.

79. 80. 81.

82.

'the of Tadhkirat al-Muluk, quilds to the author Accordinq IV, p. 93. but Chardin, meetinqs, some professional held oraanization their never met and that the guilds that asserts of Tarikh-e authors the Soviet (T.M. P. 148); loose." was quite See T.I., p.T71. view. the former with Iran are in agreement pp. 571-2. Ib., probably that "Most maintains However, Minorsky p. 572. ibid., thouqh we notables, from amonq the local to be chosen bothEhad pp. 148-9. T.M., election," of their of the system know nothinq p. 149. T.M., 65. p. 571. T.I., IV, p. 93. Vol. 20; Chardin, p. Ibid., VI, p. 119. Vol. Chardin, pp. 20-1; Ibi.7, p. 80. cit., Safavi, 0o. 69. 576. p. 551, T.I. the cities, in all ra'is al-toj jar e that says Chardin to According p. 149). an T.M., V, Vol. (Chardin., who about Malik at-tuijar "The T.M. savs nothinq Minorsky p. .' (T.11., by the merchants tieelves was elected probably on had to decide of the merchants "Thie chief Le Brun says 149); and the the weavers and also inspected proceedinqs mercantile p. 149). in T.M., (Cited of the court." tailors Vol. IV, p. 167: Chardin, pp. 19-20; T.!1., See for example p. 576. P. 183; T.I., Du Mans, op. cit., Safavid industry, of capitalistic "ln the absence says Minorsky had and contemporaries, predecessors to their similarly Kings, deand objects necessaries of certain production to segure Many of these own household. of their at the work-shops luxe such as the kitchen, departnents, domestic were simply buyutat were, there etc.; kennels, stables, stores, various scullery, state-owned real which were run like some buyiitat however, two tailormill, a weavinq mentions Our source manufactories. the of seven departments, the mint consistinq ing departments, " (T.Al. , p. 29) . etc. Arsenal, of Tadhkirat the author whereas 32 workshops, counts Chardin p 79VII, Vol. See Chardin, 33 workshops. counts al-Muluk p. 30. TFiT.tl., a ; pp. 73-4. Safavi, See for example op. cit., 20. 76. Ibid., p. p. 14. T.1., of Persia, Sir John Malcolm, History o p. cit., p.TI14; Lambton, London, 1720, pp. 182-3. Vol. 2, and Persian Question, Persia Curzon, for example, See, of India, London, and the Defense Persia R. Greaves, pp. 554-85; M. 1964; Pittsburgh, in Iran, Nationalism P.. Cottam, 1959; Khater5t-e 1912; London, of Persia, The Stranqling Shuster, 134/1965. Tehran, by A. Jali, trans. Kasakowski, Colonel Tobacco The Iranian in Iran, and Rebellion Reliqion N. Keddie, 7. 1966, p. London, of 1891-1892, Protest 1961, p. 7. Cambridge, The Hiistory of Modern Iran, J. Upton, Greaves, 2, pp. 528-85; Curzon, op.cit.,Vo1. See for example, 1335/1917, Tehran, Ganje Shayegan, M. Jamal-Zade, op. cit.; and Monetary Financial Recent E. N. Yeg5negi, pp. 100-116; of II on "Phe llistory Ch. 1934, N.Y., of Persia, llistory pp. 15-46. in Persia," Influences Politico-Economic Foreign N.Y., of Persia, ive Account and Descri Iistorical J. Fraser, p. 227 . 1834, 77 SPRINC-SUJMER 1969

833.

See

'Correspondence

Respecting

the

Issue

of

Decree

by

Hlis

Majesty

the

Shah

of

Persia

for

the

Protection

of

Riqhts

of

84. 85.

86.

Property in Persia, British Parliamentary CIX, 1888. Papers, (C. 5434). See Office to Treasury," 2 July 1889: F.O. 60150. 'Foreign to Law R. Greaves, Office op. cit. p. see 175; also 'Foreign and Wolf to Officers of ?he Crown, 7 May 1889 (F.O. 60/518), Salisbury, No. 3, Consular, 30 March 1889 (F.O. 60/518). Jams Fraser esti-mated the and total a unt of exports imports as about one the million and a quarter in early sterlinq

Nineteenth
37. 88. Curzon, ibid.,

Century,
cit., op. p. SW6-

see
Vol. 89.

J.

Fraser,

op.
0
.

cit.,
cit.,

p.
p.

211.
9. trans. p. 90. 1338/1959,

p. 572. 2, Jam5l-ZAde,

90.
9i. 92. 9.3. 94. 95.

safavi,

op.

cit.,

v.

159.

H. D'Aliemaqne, by Farrah-Vashi, Sani' al-Douleh, Tarikhche-ye si

p- .
E. Flandin, Safar trans. by Sadeqhi, Curzoui, ojo cit.,

Safar NEmeh-e Az KhorAss5n t.a Bakhtiari, Tehran, 7335/1956, pTT6T27 al-Asar, Tehran, 1306/1888, Ma?SseX Bank-e Tehran, Melli-e Iran, .Sle-ye Name-ye seco5id Vol. 2., Flandin dar Eugene Iran, Tehran ed. 1324/1945, p. 41.

p.

1840-1841, 107.

96.
98. 100.

Ibid.,

pp.

211-12.

97.

Ibid..

245.

101. 102. 103. 104. 105.

. Cit1 pp. iatT-Zade, 99. Ibid., p. 99. 795. Ibid., p. 10 Si Sa1e-ye bsii~7eMelli-ye Iran, 11ihche-ye "Bank 1 Da3TThr Bnk-e Markazi No. T. 54; Iran,' BuMlt4n, 1340/1960, pp. 1-9. Jamal-ZSde, it., pp. 98-9. OP. Curzon, Vol. 2, p. 573. cit., p Ibid., 41. K. Khosrovi, dar Iran, Tehran University, Memo. Bourgeoisie 1344/1965. dar Melli i, Bisto Yek Shaji ShorN-ye Majles-e Nam5yandegAn-e

106.

107. 108. 109.

Dowre-ye T ihran, 13T44/1965, Qanun GozAri, pp. 185-189. For an account on the collapse of state landlordism in this see N. Keddie, period "The Historical obstacles to Aqrarian in Iran," Chanoe See also Claremont, 1960; L.ambton, op. cit., 178. pp. 152-6, See for example A. Banani, The Modernization of Iran 19211941, Stanford 1961. Lambton, op. cit., pp. 131-93; ll. Makki, Dist TiarTkh-e 3 vols. Sale-ye Iran, 1324-26/1945-47. Tehran, No. 9, December, BEnk Melli Ir3n BuleItin, 1936, p. 6. As Professor Charles Issawi expounded on this in a sesmatter sion of the Conference we can understand the situation vertically and horizontally. Hie means by the former the historical forces at work and by the latter the contemporary necessities. The fact that the nature of political domination in this country has been the fusion of traditional patrimonialism and leqal the Constitutional rational authority, since Revolution of 1905, may help us to understand the situation more deeply. Ilowever, I do believe that have played the forces of tradition an important and consequently part patrimonialism has assimilated the rational leqal apparatus own frame work up to the into its time. present The fact the that qovernment emphasizes 78

IflANIAN STUDIES

110. 111. 112. 113. 114.

116.

117. 118. 119.

25 centuries domination for the legitimization of patrimonial is of utmost significance in underof political authority from within. standing the situation Majmu'e-ye Qavinin-e Mowzu'e (8th Majles), pp. 171-93. Ibid., 5th, pp. 316-23, 12th, pp. 528-33. See for example Bank Melli Iran Bulletin from 1933 to 1940. Bink Melli Irnn Bulletin, July 1938, p. 211. Ibid., p. 212. 115. Ibid., February 1933, p. 29. May 1940, pp. 82-91. EITd., Surat-e Peymnankaran-e Sazeman-e Barname Dar Barn5me-ye Sevvom, April 1967. See for example Bank Melli Iran Bulletins from 1933 to 1940. in this part are basically The figures estimated from the followinq sources: Bink Melli Iran Bulletins from 1933 to 1940; Vezarat-e Amar-e Amalkard-e Sanayel 'omde-ye Kar, Keshvar in Geographical ano London, 13267947;Persia, Series, 1945, pp. 457-64.
See N. Keddie, "The Historical Obstacles to Agrarian Chanqe in Iran," Claremont, 1960; Lambton, op. cit., pp. 181-93; Shajii, op. cit., pp. 174-205. Vol. 3, p. 395. II. Makki, p. cit., Shanzdah Bozorg-e Keshvar, (16 large factories) Arkh5ine-ye Vezarate-e Eqhtesad, Tehran, 1343/1964, p. 8. on Commencement and Operation Permits for Industrial Report of Economy, Tehran, p. 41. in I965, Ministry Lstablishments Iran, Rahnama-ye Maa'aden va Krgah-ha-ye San'ati-ye Bozorg-e (A Guide to Mines and Large Factories) Lghtesad, Vezarat-e 1964, pp. 178-99. Central 126. Bank, Unpublished. Ibid. of ContracSurat-e PaymAnkaran-e Sazeman-e Barnamie (TThe List tors of Plan Orqanization), Tehran 1346/1967. Interview the authorities with of the Union of Truck IHolders. A research project on the recent developments of Persian of the is beinq Bourqeoisie carryed out under the supervision at the Institute of Tehran Univerauthor for Social Research to this sity. The present paper is an historical background research.

120. 121. 122. 123. 124. 125. 127. 128. 129.

79

SPRING-SUMIER

1969