Curse 2011-2012 Featured by : Castro Romero, Anselmo Corral Villar, Manoli Garcia Lopez, Aida Pardo Eimil, Eugenio Rasser, Brunhilde Rey Mancebo, Javier Villaverde Pedreira, Pilar Via Iglesias, Dolores
Introduction.
A study as ambitious as the in-depth analysis of the democratization processes of the different countries that make up the MTN workshop, with the exception of Italy, requires a task that goes beyond the temporal limits and group members capability who has done the job. We believe a better approximation to analyse relevant aspects of the democratization process, which could give a full idea of the process and allowing the individualized work of the team members. The approaches chosen in the form of work items have been: The history of repressive violence, The educational system, The trade unions role, The Church role, The Forces Armed role, The CIA role, and The Arts and the Dictatorships. Only two countries, Poland and Spain could be a full comparison in all aspects, being able to appreciate the differences and similarities between both processes of transition to democracy. That is why these countries have greater weight in all the chapters that we divided the work. Czech Republic and the former GDR German offer less potential for comparison and therefore its weight in each one of the chapters is relatively minor, except for the first chapter on the repressive violence before to the processes of democratization initiatives. Also in the sixth chapter on the role of the CIA, is given a broad view of the movements of the CIA, in all the countries covers by the study and in the second chapter contains an analysis of the educational system that extends to all countries studied.
Work Index Chapters. Chapter 1. A history of violence clashes: the Riot of Berlin, the suppression of the "Prague Spring" and the events of Ferrol in the 72. Chapter 2. Educational systems comparative in the process of the transition to democracy in Poland, East Germany, Czech Republic and Spain. Chapter 3. Influence of Unions, and more specifically of trade unions in the shipyards, in the process. Affinities and differences between Ferrol and Gdansk Chapter 4. The Catholic Church influence on the democracy processes in Spain and Poland. Chapter 5. Armed Forces influence before and during the democratic transition in Poland and Spain. Chapter 6. Outside Factors the democratic process. The CIA involvement. Chapter 7. Art in dictatorships: painting, cinema, theatre, the singer-songwriters in Spain.
Captulo 1. A history of violence clashes: the Riot of Berlin, the suppression of the "Prague Spring" and the events of Ferrol in the 72. 1.1 INTRODUCTION
To speak about of the process of transition to democracy of the Eastern bloc means to go back until the end of the Second World War as it had a before and an after. The before began when the countries which were occupied by Nazi Germany became liberated. Germany, the big loser had declared his unconditional surrender 9 weeks before official ending of the war (18th May 1945). Already well before, during the Yalta Conference, held during the war February 1945, the heads of governments of the United States of America, the United kingdom and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics ( Franklin D. Roosevelt, Churchill and Josef Stalin the Big Three) decided on the segmentation of East Europes territories. The conference was the consecution of a set of meetings beginning with the conference in Casablanca in January 1943 and took place at the former emperor palace of Yalta (Crime). The agreements of Yalta were polemical even before the final Potsdam Declaration . Churchill and Roosevelt were accused (after the dead of Roosevelt) for not accepting an international control of the countries liberated by the URRSS. In addition to it , none other government was neither consulted nor notified about the decisions which were taken by the URRSS . It was the initial of The Cold War. The Potsdam Conference passed following agreements for Germany: disarmament, denazification and redevelopment in collaboration with Germany as the Big Three deemed it as requisite for future global peace and security. After the war Germany was divided into four zones, each of the four victorious powers, Great Britain, France, the USA and the URRSS occupied and administrated one of the zones. Germany had to dispense lots of his eastern territories to Poland as: Pomerania, Silesia, East Brandenburg and the southern 2/3 of East Prussia. Austria had to pass territories to Hungary and Czechoslovakia. Down to the present day these borders are established
workers demanded the resign of Grotewohl and Ulbricht. Then, spontaneous orator rose from the rank of the workers new economic demands such a price reductions, but above all political, such as the government resignation and the holding of free elections. With the gradual dissolution of the demonstration succeeded the striker nor a sound truck of the SED to take possession by force, with which the population of East Berlin it to a general strike the following day, the 17th June 1953 calling. This appeal reached until late afternoon, large parts of the population in East Germany.
The great uprising of 17th June 1953 on the same day still largely suppressed, this is probably events was certainly. The demands of the 17th June 1953 should, however, only 37 years later to come into force.
These clubs and assemblies and their work hasten the approximation to the West what awoke the suspect of Moscow. The Soviets tried to stop, or limit the change in CSSR through a series of negotiations. At the same time they prepared a military manoeuvres so-called Operation Danubio through the Warsaw Pact along the borders of Czechoslovakia. Vaclav Havel, the architect of Czech Republic remembers his experience of this time followings: It had been a very good time for me. Ones could breathe and speck free since the last 20
years. Of course, we run into politic troubles tightly linked to this time but I think that nobody who had lived that can forget it forever. The occupation of the troops of the Warsaw Pact throws out an amazing thing, how could a disarmed population to put into check the attack of several powerful armies. The resistance during a week of the population against the invaders, these complete resistances was a phenomenon an I could contribute a little on it. On the night of 20th 21st of August 1968, Eastern Bloc armies from four Warsaw Pact countries the Soviet Union, Bulgaria, Poland and Hungary invaded the CSSR. That night, 200.00 troops and 2.00 tanks entered the country. They first occupied the Ruzyne International Airport, where air deployment of more troops (estimated 350.000/400.000) was arranged. The Czechoslovak forces were confined to their barracks, which were surrounded until the threat of a counter-attack was assuaged. By the morning of 21st August Czechoslovakia was occupied. At difference to the events in Hungary in 1956, the Soviet troops encountered in Czechoslovakia a nonviolence resistance, based on pacific actions of no-cooperation, coordinated by members of the party and even that the resistance was sometimes heroic, the leadership of the mobilizations were the same who had govern the country during the last 20 years. Alexander Dubcek called upon his people not to resist. Nevertheless, there was scattered resistance in the streets. Road signs in towns were removed or paint over- except for those indicating the way to Moscow. Many small villages renamed themselves Dubcek or Svoboda; thus, without navigational equipment, the invaders were often confused. The generalized resistance caused the Soviet Union to abandon its original plan to oust the First Secretary Dubcek, who had been arrested on the night of 20th August was taken to Moscow for negotiations. But instead of negotiations, there, he and several leaders signed were put into Soviet jails and under heavy psychological pressure from Soviet politicians, the Moscow Protocol and it was agreed that Dubcek would remain in office and a programme of moderate reform would continue. When Czechoslovakians heard about the Moscow Agreement many were outraged. They felt their leaders had sold them out. Demoralization began to set in. Gradually the clandestine printing press and radio stations were found by the Soviets and closed down. Throughout the next few month scattered dissent continued in the form of factory resolutions, demonstrations and the occupation of university buildings by the students. In April 1969, Dubcek was replaced as first secretary by Gustv Husk, and a period of normalization began. Until 1989 there were Soviet troops stationed in Czechoslovakia and Husk govern exactly how Moscow dictated. He reversed Dubceks reforms, purged the party of its liberal members, and dismissed from public office professional and intellectual elites who openly expressed disagreement with the political transformation. Husk worked to reinstate the power of the police authorities. The only significant change that survived was the federalization of the country, which created the Czech Socialist Republic and Slovak Socialist Republic in 1969. In 1989, Dubcek became chairman of the federal assembly. He died by a street accident in November 1992. In January Czechoslovakia was dissolved and the new President of the Czech Republic was Vaclav Havel.
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March 1972 the military force control must bee necessary. The position of Romero remained clear. He had taken possession as General Captain in April 1970 and ceased in December 1973. The persons whos covered his post for the next years showed out all sorts of difficulties lived in Ferrol and in Spain generally: from pro-Franco Admirals and opposite to the restoration of democracy like De la Guardia y Oya to intellectuals like Alvarez Arenas Pacheco. Therefore, sometimes it is not necessary leave Ferrol to know the history of Spain.
1.5 CONCLUSION
In Spain and in the eastern bloc countries, the painful road to democracy was a briar patch, paved with those who lost their life because the battled for freedom and human living conditions, in the political underground or in fierce fighting. Only the force of military could smash the national uprising in the specific countries but the state authorities in the various types of dictatorships never could silence the voice of the people in compliance with their desire to struggle for freedom. All dictatorships in the past and nowadays have a common feature: power over the own people and repression of the own people. To clip the wings of freedom means to clip the wings of human rights. Military force exercises
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Chapter 2. Educational systems comparative in the process of the transition to democracy in Poland, East Germany, Czech Republic and Spain. 2.1 Spain educational system in the democracy transition.
The educational system in the Spanish transition is the continuation of the educational system at the end of the government of General Franco. During the transition paves the way for an education in the constitutional framework. 2.1.1 Education in the first stage of the dictatorship.
In Spain, it is important to know how the education in Francos regime was in order to understand the situation during the transition.
Education in the early years of the Francos dictatorship only interested as a vehicle to transmit ideology, during this period are proliferating decrees and ministerial orders with a single idea: Education must be catholic and patriotic.
Catholic teaching is based on three premises: - Education must agree to morality and Catholic dogma. - The Catholic religion is compulsory at all levels of education. - The Catholic Church has the right to inspect the teaching in all centres of education. The State leaves the educational task in the hands of the Church; there was a total hegemony of religious schools and a mishandling of the public school. Education became politicized through a doctrinal guidance in all matters and reading authors opposed to the regime was forbidden. The subjects such as:Formacin del Espritu Nacional and Educacin Fisica are created under the direct supervision of the Frente de Juventudes (FJ). The subject of Enseanzas del Hogar was under the control of Seccin Femenina; all these subjects were taught from 1941 until the transition to democracy in 1977, in all educational institutions of any degree of education from the primary to the University including, by trainers selected and trained by the falangists in the (FJ). Teachers in the first stage of education needed to obtain the certificate of instructor elemental de Organizaciones Juveniles and women needed the certificate provided by Escuelas del Hogar de la Falange; a rigid control was exercised in the ideology of teaching staff, those teachers that did not obey the rules could be punished by the regime. There was a total break with the educational policy of the Republic which proclaimed the only school, free and compulsory in the primary education, the freedom of expression and the secularism of the teaching; we lost all the advances gained in the Republic as a renewal of teaching methods and improving the level of education. During the dictatorship, the State remained authoritarian and repressive mechanisms, it is important to put on record the prohibition of coeducation and finally increased the elitism and discrimination in education, manifesting with the existence of a "twin-track" education system: one for the elites of high school and another for the most disadvantaged classes.
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Between 1960 and 1963 increased the number of University students (this was an important point to put pressure to the regime). In 1970, the General Education Law (LGE) was enacted by the Minister Villar Palas, which marked an important effort in the modernization of the education system, introduced free, and compulsory Basic General Education (EGB), which comprised eight years of study from 6 to 13 years, and replaced the primary education and the elementary high school. The General Education Law will regulate all forms of teaching and its alternatives: - Education for adults, which are allowed to complete the different educational levels for those people who could not do it in time. - The specialized education, which includes the teachings of Arts and languages, which were not included in levels, cycles and degrees of the regulating system - Distance teaching (UNED). - Special education, for students with special educational needs. A critical analysis of the problems in this field is checked in the "white book of education". In the General Education Law, we can consider two phases: until 1973, when Villar Palas ceased as Minister, and from that date until the death of Franco, who closed the history of the dictatorship. It can be said that this ministerial proposal as innovative, was not accompanied by sufficient economic support to be able to carry out fully.
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2.2. Educational systems of Poland, the Czech Republic and the German Democratic Republic in the transition to democracy.
Poland, Czech Republic and German Democratic Republic (GDR) belonged to the Communist field from 1945 until 1989, taking an educational system, public and controlled closely by the Communist Party. Private schools were not allowed. The subject of religion was forbidden in schools and there was a single plan of studies with the same schedule for all of them. Schooling took into account the coeducation even in physical education class. The reading of authors, whose doctrine was in disagreement with the Communist Party, was not permitted. In 1989 the Soviet Union disappeared. Poland achieved independence in the same year. The GDR was reunified with West Germany in 1990 and the Czech Republic was constituted in 1993 separating from Slovakia, occurred in all of them a transition to democracy in the educational systems. The Constitution of Germany, Poland and the Czech Republic provide the fundamental principles on which the educational systems of these countries are based.
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to the labour market or, in the case of having passed the exam successfully, will provide a title for university studies. The Polish system of vocational training differs in its organization of the dual system applied in other European countries. Vocational training is organized on school working days and is part of the system of secondary education. Practical works in companies hardly exist and the possibilities of acquiring practical knowledge are very limited. Higher education may be University studies or other types of higher education. Studies can continue in a University Centre to be passed the validation test. Depending on the type of Centre, the profile of the studies and their duration, you can get: Title of diploma (three years of career) and title of degree (five or six years of career).
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The German education system differs greatly from other countries and is quite complicated to understand. We will try to decipher and do it something more understandable. The 16 Federated States or Lnder have jurisdiction in the field of education and culture. In this way, the Government provides the General rules and States are responsible for implementing them. Both Institutions, State and federal, pursue common objectives. For this purpose, the Ministers of education of the 16 States meet regularly to discuss matters, at the same time that a State Commission coordinates the policy of education among States. The compulsory school in Germany is from 6 years up to the ninth or tenth course, depends on the State, and a maximum up to 18 years of age. All the German educational system is public, including the University, do not pay any fees. The different levels of education are: Pre-school education: It begins in "kindergarten" from 3 up to 6 years of age. Basic school / Primary, public education in Germany is free from primary school (Grundschule) ranging from 6 to 10 or 12 years depending on the Lnder. Secondary School, according to the efficiency of the student in the first four years of school, teachers advise parents the kind of school better secondary education for their children, they can choose: -Hauptschule or basic school: students receive basic general education. At the end of the Hauptschule usually students are directed towards vocational training that enables them to develop a profession, an activity in industry or in agriculture. Lasts from 5 to 6 years. -Realschule (secondary professional): is situated between the primary school and high schools or Gymnasium. Transmits a general formation more enlarged than the teaching of the Hauptschule. It ends with a medium degree, which allows extending studies, for example: in technical vocational schools or in secondary technical schools. They can also access to the upper level high school Gymnasium (level II). It lasts six years. -Gymnasium (Institute of Bachelor): generally lasts 9 years. This length allows a general deep formation. The higher secondary level (level II) is studied during the last two years and concludes with the Abitur examination (of analogous significance to selectivity in Spain). Passed this examination, the student can access to a university or college. In some way the system is flexible. According to the academic efficiency of the students during the first two years of the secondary school (5th and 6th year), there is a possibility of changing to another different school from the chosen one. In recent years, have become very common "Gesamtschule", schools are composed by the three already named types.
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Educational systems comparative chart during the dictatorship in Spain and the communist worlds countries: GDR, Poland and the Czech Republic.
CoEducation No
Censorship
Yes
No
Yes
No
Yes
Educational systems comparative chart in age, during the transition to democracy in Spain, Germany, Poland and Czech Republic.
Germany 3-6
Poland 3-7
Czech R. 3-5
Primary Compulsory Educ. Lower Secondary Upper PostCompulsory Secondary High School
6 - 12
6 - 10
7 - 13
6 - 10
12 -16
10 -16
13 - 16
11 - 15
16 - 18
16 - 20
15 18/19
16 - 18
16 18/19
16 - 19
15 - 19
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Educ. Vocational Training Higher Educ. Non University University 18 - 20 19 - 22 16 - 18 16 - 18 16 - 19 1517/18/19 20-22/23
18 - 23
19 - 22
19 - 24
20-23/24
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Chapter 3. Influence of Unions, and more specifically trade unions in the shipyards, in the process to democracy. Ferrol and Gdansk: Affinities and differences. 3.1. Trade unions as actors in the process of transition to democracy.
Trade unions are actors of change in civil society, because they are intended to improve it. Therefore they have been present in the processes of transition to democracy from regimes without freedom, because these processes represent an improvement of the living conditions in all aspects of its members. As Dan Gallin, responsible for Global Labour Institute, in his work for the Research Institute for the Social development of the United Nations (UNRISD) of 1999 says: "The unions have always maintained the idea that the defence of the interests of its members, in the long term, requires them to work for the well-being of the people and society as whole (including concepts such as political and social democracy, civil and democratic rights, the eradication of poverty, equality, the rule of law)" We are interested in the study on the transition to democracy, analyse the impact of trade union movements in two countries where his role has been key: Spain and Poland and not because unions might not exist in the other remaining countries in our study, in particular the former Czechoslovakia had a trade union tradition than the rest of Communist countries, drowned by the country's Communist integration process and the GDR maintained their previous Division unions, but not had as much impact on the process of political change to democracy.
3.2. The role of trade unions in the process of democratic transition in Spain. 3.2.1 Preliminary idea.
As believe the majority of historians, the first opposition movement to Franco's regime begins in 1962, as a result of a wave of strikes, extended throughout the country. In this year are creating the so-called Comisiones Obreras (CCOO), which as we shall see, play an important role during the following years.
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CCOO (Comisiones Obreras). Born in the 1960s, and is formed in labour disputes and strikes, as assembly movements driven by the PCE (Communist Party of Spain) and ground Christian movements, they take a strategy of penetration in factories based on occupy the positions in the official unions of Francos regime company-based. It is the main Union force of transition and with a clear domination in industry and construction. UGT (Workers General Union). Trade Union Organization of great historical tradition linked to the PSOE (Spanish Socialist Party), first marxist oriented, led towards socialism. At the time of the transition, he chooses a strategy different from CCOO, staying out of the official unions and boycotting them. The trade union movement was supported by the ICFTU (International Confederation of free trade unions), where he received financial support and international credibility. He tried to promote the unity of Socialist unions in Spain to counterbalance the Communist dominance, creating the ACE (Alliance of Association) with SOV (solidarity of Basque workers) and CNT (National Confederation of labour). USO (Workers Union). It is the most important force behind CCOO in the Francos regime. He was born at the beginning of the 1960s. With socialist roots, part of a Christian, selfgoverning and autonomous tradition (in the sense of independence from political parties). It focuses on trade unionism as a global commitment against capitalist society in the cultural, economic and political field. It disappears as option radical in the first part of the transition and after leaving defeated in the struggle for the Socialist Trade Union space, fades gradually to have a current that opts to join the UGT in 1978 and another that will to CCOO in 1980. SU and CSUT (Unitary Trade Union and Unified Trade Union Confederation of workers). The first linked to the ORT (revolutionary workers organization) and the second to the PT (Labour Party). Both are created after the break-up with CCOO produced in the congress of Barcelona of July/1976. They constitute the bigger force of radical unionism and at the same time more volatile, they will disappear after the collapse in 1980 of the political parties that fuelled. CNT (National Confederation of labour). Reconstituted in Barcelona in February 1976. It continues the libertarian tradition of the historic CNT. It was not developed by internal ideological tensions (culminating in its refunding as CGT in 1984), also by lack of a generation of leaders solid and expert in the real trade union problems and police harassment subjected in Catalonia. Except for its leading role of some specific conflicts has not left of marginalization role in the process of transition. USO, CSUT and CNT we can frame them in so-called radical unionism, which explains to some extent his disappearance of the trade Union scene, achieved the democratic stability. As reflected in an article in the Advisory and Social Studies Centre (CAES), in Madrid, referring to radical unionism: "The absence of an own project, the coincidence in the main categories with the majority left and the installation in a kind of tactical parasitism, explaining the total disappearance of some of its most important currents (SU-CSUT) and the marginality of others (LCR-MC) or the switch of radical leaders which will progressively, accessing to the board of CCOO leadership positions to make from them almost the same role as called -reformers leaders-." At the end of the 1960s and until its legalization the Spanish trade union movement is dominated by CCOO and UGT, with clear dominance in the industrial sectors and construction companies.
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3.3 The role of trade unions in the process of democratic transition in Poland. 3.3.1 Preliminary.
A first opposition movement to the regime occurs from the year 1976, also as a result of strikes of the population for economic reasons. As points out Bogustawa Dobek-Ostrowska, in his work "The democratic transition in Spain and Poland (comparative analysis)": "The first opposition organizations began to emerge during the Gierek era, supported by the climate of economic demands of the population, causing strikes and rallies during 1976." Political power reacted with strong reprisals against protesters and strikes organizers. At this point in the circles of intellectuals of anti-Communist orientation, came the idea of creating an organization that focuses on help to repressed persons or their families. "In these circumstances the first oppositional force was created in the Soviet bloc - KOR (Workers Defence Committee)."
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liberal, as it was also his attitude in the economic field. Solidarity not proposed, in the early 1980s, introduced market reforms in the socialist economy".
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Beyond the narrative of the facts and it is reflected as a chronicle in that paragraph, we are interested stress that the conflict ended in a bloody way and that this meant for unions and in particular for CC.OO., the recognition of their role of movement of opposition to the Franco regime.
3.5. Conclusions of trade unions role in the process of transition to democracy in Spain and Poland.
Affinities: They emerge as clandestine movements and set up in the workers strikes by labours and economic improvements.
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His confrontation with authorities sometimes ends in a violent and tragic way, gives to their leaders respect and notoriety. During the transition, they operate more like opposition movement and less as Labour Union. They were a question-less partners in the process by the overthrow of the dictatorial regimes. Differences: UGT unties from the PSOE party and CCOO accentuated its radical nature of class union. Solidarity has led to a political party.
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Chapter 4. 4.1. The Spanish Catholic Church in the transition from Franco 4.1.1. Introduction
The Spanish political transition has been only the transit of an authoritarian regime to a democratic regime. This fact in itself important, we must add the task of reconciling a nation fractured by civil war, which involved the overthrow of a democratic regime and the establishment of an authoritarian regime. These historical facts have been present in the decisions of policy makers in the transition (government and opposition) and in all of Spanish society. The Franco regime since 1936 was supported by the basic trinity were: Army, National Falange Movement and the Catholic Church. But of the three organizations that supported the dictatorship, the church was the one that played a greater role, international support and legitimacy that the Holy See gave the military uprising served as a criterion of performance for most organizations Christian and for national bishoprics throughout Europe as widely branched structure, the church served as a form of social control of behavior of the Spanish population, and as a means of disseminating ideas "national", and finally, the Catholic hierarchy endorsed by their actions and positioning the action of the dictatorship until the nineteen seventies. The Catholic Church happened to be the ideologue of the Franco regime to be priests and religious prisoners in Zamora, a situation unheard of in a confessional state until 1978. The Church had a notable role in the period immediately preceding the beginning of the political transition in the period known as "pre-transition". Different circumstances, took her to star or appear as the star of various acts of opposition to Franco, which produced the aforementioned surreal situation of prison Concordat of Zamora.
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a. The momentum of the Church based On the one hand, the separation would be the result of social transformation, economic, political and cultural among Christian groups of lay people and secular would have occurred between the late fifties and early sixties. The creation of the ACE in 1947 and the formation of specialized groups of lay apostolate, the Catholic Action Workers' Brotherhood (HOAC) and the Young Christian Workers (YCW), would be on the basis of this development, which would have produced the mismatch between what they thought an influential part of Catholic social bases and what did the church hierarchy, this thesis is based on the "Crisis of Catholic Action," by the Catholic hierarchy cut breakthrough trends on the dictatorship from early sixties nesting in these groups of lay apostolate. Regarding the hierarchy, it also underwent a profound change. In 1966, the prelates gathered in the newly formed EEC, under the presidency of Cardinal Quiroga, issued the document "The Church and the temporal order in light of the Council" which had a narrow image of the church and dogmatic changes council agreements and refused the need to review some temporary issues. In March 1972, and due to the choice of Tarancn as president of the EEC, GE issued a document classified "Situation of the Spanish Church after the Sixteenth Plenary Meeting of the EC". The Permanent Commission of the EEC would be controlled by 10 bishops progressive conservative versus 7. b. The Second Vatican Council Other authors provide for the release as a result of aggiornamiento that fruit of Vatican II took place in the Church. So the changes that occurred within the EEC from the late sixties would respond to the need for accommodation of the Spanish Church to the new dictates theological but also political, as contained in various Vatican documents. The council produced, the division of the Spanish hierarchy, in two halves, the Church of the Cross and the Peace, which would have remained until the end of Francoism, or several segments, as noted by Damian Gonzalez and Manuel Ortiz, a Franco's conservative core and small, a large segment, almost a majority, a conservative but apolitical inclination undergoing regime depending on whether this was a guarantee for the maintenance of the situation and the reform wing, a majority group, moderate with a strong social commitment, and another, smaller and more radicalized. c. Montini, Dadaglio and Tarancn The transformation of the EEC to have a greater spirit of reconciliation, according to that suggested by the Holy See, now occupied by Monsignor Montini, Paul VI, introduces the element personalism, voluntarism in historical interpretation of the causes that led to the estrangement of the Church of the dictatorship. Thus, making clear distance from the inauguration of Bishop Tarancn as president of the EEC, is due to the unmistakable attitude of the characters directly involved: Paul VI acting through the Nuncio in Spain Luigi Dadaglio or Tarancn. However, this papal authority amending majorities likely to release, could not make the dictatorship to give up the "privilege of filing" as well directly asked in a letter to Franco Paul VI in 1968, forwarding Franco Montini opening negotiations for the signing of new concordat, which never occurred and that led to the maintenance of said privilege in the hands of Franco until his death.
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This state of affairs dramatically conditioned the design and scope in religious matters was the 1978 Constitution where if explicitly renounced the confessionalism of the State and to a clear defense of the democratic system, however, also required the explicit recognition Church in the statute. Establishing a legal framework for relations between Church and State as ambiguous, may have been beneficial to the Church, although Spain was no longer continued to hold religious spaces of social power that had always been in education, health and to guide ethical and moral behavior of citizens, since Spanish society has been hampered by the constant interference of the Church in matters regulated ceased producing a clumsy and confused, the teaching of religion in classrooms, the financing of the Church, the existence of religious symbols in documents and official bodies, etc..
4.1.6. Conclusions
The Church of the sixties and seventies never left the promiscuity he had with the regime from the "Crusade", continued to receive financial aid to international and national agreements had been established for maintenance by the dictatorship, did not resign at any time to exercise ecclesiastical jurisdiction, and never denounced as "hated" Concordat of 1953. Its nest she sat on the couches institutional attorneys seats in Parliament, Council of the Realm, etc.., And most of the churches of the country continued to call until the death of Franco in the care of his soul, for all that, the "decoupling" of the Catholic Church was on the dictatorship. What is not to deny or minimize the action towards the end of the dictatorship many priests and religious clerics made and that some cost the prison, threats or exile, or that the Church of Goma and Pla y Deniel were the same as that of Tarancn. The decoupling of the dictatorship that is presented by historians and some of its protagonists as the moment of rupture with the regime that served to justify thirty years of collaboration with the regime in acts such as taking confession, lest they die without peace of God, condemned to death, there was such a transformation was only part of a formal part of their authorities and wider sections of the priesthood and the faithful, but in essence the pillars of national Catholicism remained until death the dictator. If this change had a major impact both historical and historiographical was not for the relevance of it but by the rigidity of a dictatorship "anachronistic", which meant that time is not discurriese, and that everything will remain as the founding moment, and during the Crusade. Despite this hostility of the regime and its minions and religious media served to legitimize the Church as an institution opposition to the regime among the various opposition groups and made to appear as a defender of democratic values (that if the institution) and freedoms, including religious (but with some qualifications), which allowed its adaptation to modern times with the monarchy and the Suarez government were taking place.
4.2. The role of the Catholic Church and Pope John Paul II in the democratic transition in Poland
In the late twentieth century the world had revolved around a bipolarity, changes dramatically because the USSR is no longer considered as a powerful rival to U.S. In 1989 the impossible happened. A political order established for decades, with unparalleled appearance of solidity, slumped over a few months in the region usually known as Eastern Europe. But most surprising is that this transformation was not limited to a single country but affected six sovereign states.
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Poland has been considered one of the first nations of Central and Eastern Europe initiators of change for the transformation of the communist system to a democratic process. This event could not have been done if the collapse of the Soviet Union had not been consummated. In Poland all its democratic transition took place peacefully without reaching the end of a civil war or fatal consequences. Poland not only wanted a democracy represented by the expression of political rights and civic participation but people had the power to prosecute its own economic and social welfare. In the political transition should also recognize the significant role played by the Catholic Church and Pope John Paul II to achieve successful transformation from a socialist system to a democratic system. Poland, in the early 70's, suffered a major deterioration in the economy that affected the political order because the Polish population blamed the Soviet control of deterioration in their living standards. Therefore, during this time, Gomulka had to give up his post as prime minister Eduard Gierek. When Gierek was in power, they were articulated two major forces: on the one hand, a clandestine unions subsequently acquired great importance to the figure of Lech Walesa and the other, the Catholic Church, most influential social force acting on the public light under the action of Cardinal Wyszinski which raised the flag for the rights of the population. This is how the Catholic Church has evolved to become a defender of human rights institutions for the Polish population. In particular, the Catholic Church in Poland was seen as the result of historical development of a strategy religious, moral and intellectual leaders of the Polish Communists. Was seen as a victim of political problems, but when there arose a national transformation, became a mediator for differences between the groups with the power and population. The Catholic religion in Poland was further consolidated when the pope Karol Wojtyla was recognized in the Vatican as Pope John Paul II. The Poles were proud that a citizen of Krakow was an international leader in the Catholic religion. As John Paul II had suffered like many Polish foreign dominations such as the might of Nazi Germany and the USSR, gave priority to finalize definitely totalitarianism and especially totalitarianism that was living in Poland. The Pope had recognized better than many other panic of authoritarianism and interventionism, which is why we supported the Solidarity movement of Lech Walesa in 1980 with the result that you recognize their role in defense of the movement against the Communists, who later achieve the overthrow of this regime and the establishment of a democracy. John Paul II was the interpreter who went on the revolution of consciousness in 1989 with the aim of confirming the moral basis in the creation of a post-communist democracy. It is for this reason that John Paul II confirmed their unconditional support to the democratic revolution of the opponents of communism in Poland, to conduct a welfare within the political community, in the free and responsible participation of citizens in political affairs considering the respect and promotion of human rights. On the other hand, it is important to note that not all the population of Poland was Catholic, but yielded to her because they shared a common characteristic which was to dismiss communism in Poland for a democracy in which elections take free and sovereign. That is why it was a great number of individuals who joined this cause regardless of religion and race which were very well thought out what you wanted.
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Thus in this way that for 1989, and with difficulty, the Solidarity movement was legalized recognizing religious freedom, they proceeded to the reorganization of the presidency of the nation and establishing a multiparty system for future elections. Thus is born in June 1989 a new state where election was held, the results were the unquestionable triumph of Solidarity and the birth of the Republic of Poland characterized by having a change in the institutional system and a new constitution that originates from the change of political system to another. The Catholic Church and Pope John Paul II had to become a means for the Solidarity movement reached its aim: to dismiss communism for democracy through the dissemination of ideas with political awareness coupled with the human rights issue. John Paul II and the Catholic Church had praised democracy as a form of government most likely to give effect to the principles of Catholic social morality such as personalism (human rights principle) common good (the principle of community), subsidiarity ( free association) and solidarity (such as civic friendship). Pope John Paul II through Catholicism contributed to the formation of a Polish national who defend their freedom in all aspects as well as promote the existence of reasons to forget communism as a form of repression to the execution of their rights and obligations as a citizen has free and sovereign.
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Chapter 5. Armed Forces influence before and during the democratic transition in Poland and Spain. 5.1 Some information about the armed forces role.
In Spain the role of the army, must be placed in those countries, where the armed forces have played an important role in the processes of social and political change. As Alejandro Muoz Alonso, in the "Revista Espaola de Investigaciones Sociolgicas" says: "The Spanish history of the last two hundred years must place into a scheme well known and studied, the countries in which the armed forces have played a key role in the processes of political and social change." "As it is well known, this role has been to accelerate the process of change while in others has materialized in a brake of that same process". In the centuries XIX and XX has been constant and abusive the military presence in the Spanish political and social life. However this approach is not applicable to the whole of the countries of Eastern Europe. Carmen Gonzlez in an article in the "Journal of political studies", entitled "Democratic transitions in Eastern Europe." (A comparative analysis): "The armies of the area - Poland excluding - lack interventionist tradition, and during the transition phase did not give any sample of own political will." Despite the political control and the use of military service as a phase of ideological training to young people, the armies were manifestly liabilities in political life. The dictatorships in southern Europe, the national armies had a strong and often dominant political weight however in the socialist countries of Eastern Europe the political influence of the military forces was weak." We will analyse the role of the forces armed in Spain and Poland.
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In the institutional model are much important certain values and standards as the Duty and the Homeland. The military are followers of a vocation which acquire with some degree of self sacrifice, and think that their mission is saving and their values higher than those of the rest of society that are ideologically strongly distanced. Undoubtedly, during the nearly forty years that remains in our country the dictatorship military general Franco, the position of the military, their mentality with regard to civil society and even their ability to participate as an institution in the political life of the nation, was evolving. But we start from the fact that the outcome of the events in 1939 determines a kind of particular army in which prevail the values of the generation of military triumphant in the civil war(the Africanists), more specifically your particular Homeland concept and their way of conceiving the moral military. Highlighted the presence of acting ensigns, who throughout the war becoming something more than 29,000, it is estimated that around 10,000 would y remain in the army when it ends, becoming officers of active scale. They came from middle class families, largely in rural areas; his basic training received between 17 and 20 years, during the war and immediate post-war. This group has an accentuated conservative nature, anti-communist, anti- liberal, and strongly nationalist. The subsequent imposition of the Franco regime will seek that such values are maintained and are instilled not only to the military family but to the whole of society. They will be the Africanists, which constitute the core of the conspirators who headed the military uprising and the subsequent civil war, that, as a group winner, attempt to impose their mentality during the dictatorship. "Even in 1975 the majority source of the official group are acting ensigns". A mutual social distancing between army and society occurs during the 40 years of Francos regime still relevant in late 1975. The DRA. Frieyro de Lara says about the social isolation of the army at this time: "This historic social distancing has its justification in very diverse reasons. Political reasons, the use of the military as a guarantor of public order or the deep development that reaches with Franco the idea of the internal enemy. Economic reasons, the policy of low salaries offset by certain social benefits that facilitated life to these families, as military housing, military schools, supermarkets, entertainment venues, and so on, that they share with other military families out of civil society and cooperating, in addition to isolation, strong corporatism of the members of the armed forces. Social reasons, the policy of transfers which requires the military and their families continuous changes of residence place. This high rate of mobility explains the territorial uprooting of the military and contributes to identification not only with the idea of the unitary and uniform Spain explained above, but also with the military institution itself. And, finally, should be cited the ideological reasons that are specified in the values of the Group of Africanists triumphant in the civil war and the subsequent imposition of a military dictatorship in the country. We believe that all this has determined the isolation social and institutional of this group of professionals of the defence. "The result was a deep popular ignorance about the armies and their members, only surpassed by great distrust which elicited in people." On the other hand, a report by the German army in 1940, emphasis that the strength of the Spanish army in armament was outdated: missing nearly everything from boots to fuel, tanks and heavy artillery and the Navy and Aviation had large gaps in ships and planes, all this
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combined with the lack of knowledge of modern warfare tactics, this lacks dont help to act in a European conflict, with guarantees of success. In later years the military aggregates of other European countries including England, emphasized the lack of resources and the excessive age of commanders and NATO should take action on the matter. In summary, Spain maintained a large, poorly equipped and trained army and whose commanders should already be in the reserve, with a conservative mentality in their values and ever more distant from the society to watch through the control of public security and military justice.
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Government, the law of basic defence criteria and the military organization of July 1980, where the command chain in the army was placed under the orders of the Defence Minister. There were conspiracy movements, in a moment of extreme weakness of the Suarez Government, culminating in the coup attempt in February 23, 1981.
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On the other hand as result of internal resistance to the German occupation were created the so-called Polish Interior forces who maintained a struggle of sabotage and urban guerrilla warfare against the occupying forces. Once the conflict is over, these forces are reunited and returned to re-emerge as Polish armed forces.
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5.4 Conclusions of the role of the army in the process of transition to democracy in Spain and Poland
Affinities Before the transition they are repressive movements for Franco and Communist orthodoxy. Once accomplished the political transition, they reinforce in his role of modernization and troop reductions and its professionalization which culminates with the entry into NATO. Differences The Spanish army keeping in maintain the Franco regime without Franco that culminated in the coup attempt of the 23F. The Polish Army was involved in violent reprisals against the civilian population with large numbers of victims.
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Chapter 6. External factors to the process. Participation of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA).
The existing documentation relative to the external factors, as it is the case of Central of American Intelligence, the CIA, is very different. Abundant in the case of the Spanish Transition as well as in the case of Poland, she is nevertheless, very little with respect to the Czech Republic and Eastern Germany. We are going to analyze each one of the cases.
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Later, it travels to Brazil, where one ties to him with the coup d'etat of Castelo Branco against president Joao Goulart, who finishes successful. As it says Vernon Walters in his book a basically hostile regime to the United States was replaced by much more friendly other. I am convinced that if had not been revolution, in Brazil it would have happened just like in Cuba Is compensated with the promotion to general of brigade and destined to Vietnam and France. In 1969 it accompanies to Nixon in its visit Europe. In Paris it establishes negotiations with the Vietnamese Communists and participates, with Henry Kissinger in the negotiations with the Chinese government. In 1972 Nixon it names attached director him of the CIA, position in which remains until 1976. In those four years, diverse events are developed in which the CIA it takes part directly: the overthrow of Salvador Allende, the occupation of the Western Sahara by Morocco, the South African invasion of Angola and the murder of the Chilean politician Orlando Letelier in the United States.
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Let us see what Alberto Grimaldos in his book counts on the visit: The first problem that finds the ambassador flying of Nixon is the one of being able to see alone with Franco, without the embassy of the United States in Madrid nor the own Spanish Ministry of Foreign Office mediate in the subject. And in addition, he is not far from easy to have to speak to a man of its own death. Not even to somebody as cold as the head of the Spanish State. In the end, he is the own Spanish Ministry of Foreign Office, Gregorio Lopez Bravo, who facilitates the encounter to him. Franco has a special sense of smell and an cleverness to move in those situations and immediately realizes of which it is the reason for the visit. It says to Walters who already have made the opportune decisions so that, when its Captainship gets to lack, everything is tied well and tied. As he already declared in his speech of 1969, during the act of designation of Juan Carlos de Borbn successor like King. It assures the North American general that the succession will take place of controlled form. The prince is the only alternative and the Army will support to him. It says to him that diverse institutions have been created to assure one ordered succession and insists on transmitting Nixon who the order and the stability in Spain is guaranteed by the opportune measures that I am adopting. And it adds: My true monument is not that cross in the Valle de los Cados, but the Spanish middle-class. Anyway, Vernon Walters does not know very clearly that those explanations are sufficient to remain calm and to be able to conclude therefore the mission that has entrusted to him. He considers that his president has trusted a delicate work to him that, in fact, he demands that he does something more than to speak with general Franco. With the pretext to be of permission in Madrid, it visits several friends of the Spanish Armed Forces that occupies positions nails in the control structure. And all of them show clearly to him that they will give of the State. The phases of this operation included/understood from the target designation to occupy, to the domiciliary warning to all the involved heads and officials, its support to the elevation of prince Juan Carlos to the throne, after the death of Franco. In addition, they express its belief in that there will be disorders nor no political disagreement in the nation.
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The target t to anticipate the necessary performances in case of an emptiness of executive power, and it is developed in accordance with the Statutory law of the State, that determines the paper of the army like guarantor of territorial integrity and the legal ordering. By this text article 8 of the Constitution of 1978 is inspired, that arrives to them written up the parents from the Constitution. Peculiarly, this operation continues effective until the 23 of February of 1981, and general Milan del Bosch and colonel Tejero tried to hide behind this text to give the Coup D'Etat. Alborada Operation. Thus they call it in the Real House, and in the SECED she is well-known like Operation Transit. His target is determine what the King must do at any moment. From how more warm narrowing the hand to him to Giscard d' Estaing, to the coldness whereupon Augusto Pinochet must greet itself to the Chilean dictator. Grimaldos says that the Transition is handled, at any moment, from Washington and from within of the regime, so that the update of the Francos regime is not overflowed. The coordinated action of the company and the SECED look for to impose the controlled reform and to prevent the rupture at all costs.
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The murder is work of ETA commando is no doubt, although several indications aim at that she was not the only involved organization. The commando was more than 6 months in Madrid watching to Carrero, from a bus-stop that is practically before the American embassy. Has not noticed anything? Is not noticed of the activities of monitoring, nor of the derived ones from the construction of the tunnel? One of the authors of the attack, Jose Ignacio Perez Beotegui Wilson, declares the police, to the being arrested in 1975, who the data on Carrero provides a person to them with whom they meet in the Mindanao Hotel, in Madrid and that is the one who says to them that she goes every day to mass to the same church. Wilson does not know the person who gives the data them. In the book Ogro Operation, of Eva Forest, one says the material executors of the attack recognize that they do not know how has gotten at ETA the precise information on the passages from the admiral: We limited ourselves to verify what they requested to us, but the route we do not know it. Now, which yes is truth is that in Madrid, like in other cities of Spain, there are informers, is an information service and just like arrived the one from Carrero Blanco can arrive any political report The designated judge to take the case, Luis of Torre Arredondo, affirms in an interview in Intervi the 28 of March of 1984 that the CIA knew that they were going to kill to Carrero Manuel Campo Vidal, in his book Information and secret services in the attack to President White Carrero say: agreeing with the previous discussion to the entrance of Spain in NATO, the news of agency TASS blames the CIA have collaborated with ETA for the elimination of White Carrero, because it was against to the entrance of Spain in the Atlantic organism of defense In confidential Telegram 700, sent at the beginning of January of 1971 from the EEUU embassy in Madrid to the Secretary of State William Pierce Rogers, it is indicated that: The best result than can arise from this situation would be that Carrero Blanco disappears of scene (with possible substitution by Ten general Alegra or Castan) Eduardo Martin Pozuelo writes in La Vanguardia, in August, 24th of 2005: The North American analysts considered to Carrero a bitter gray reactionary, more pro-Franco than Franco itself. The information of Intelligence that wrote on him, their surroundings and its political attitude do not draw to Carrero only like an anti-american, ultracatholic, ferocious personage antimasn, anchored in the past, but that they painted it rather as a hindrance for the development of the North American interests in Spain and for the modernization of our country The day before the attack, Carrero interviews for more than 4 hours with Henry Kissinger. The details from that interview are not known. Writer Pilar Urbano, in its book the price of the Throne, is in favor also of the theory that it involves to the CIA in the attack. It says that the explosive is not the habitual one of ETA, that is of American origin, military. In chapter 6 of the mentioned book, it relates that judge Arredondo says that ETA was the hand executor of the CIA. In another section, comments the declarations of the general prosecutor Herrero Tejedor, In the sense that in addition to the ETA, there have been other instances that have taken part in the operation Pedro Canales and Enrique Montnchez, journalists of the Reason, affirm that, after 30 years of the murder, they have had access to secret documents of the government that support the
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participation of the CIA in the attack. According to them several American mines were engaged in from Fort Bliss to the base of Torrejn. These mines were very sophisticated, driven by wireless control, and that at least two of them were placed by the CIA in the tunnel which they had excavated the ETA terrorists. Finally, it is necessary to comment that all the analysts do not share these theories. Ana Grau, journalist, in her book Of how the CIA eliminated Carrero Blanco and put to us in Iraq, doubt of the participation of the American agency of espionage in the attack.
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Other sources comment more meetings. Colonel Arturo Vinuesa relates: In February,14th ambassador Todman meets, in a property located in the neighborhoods of Logroo, with the general Armada, with whom will study the development of the possible future events. They contemplate the different aspects from the probable relief of the Government and make special emphasis on the necessity to guarantee the North American interests in Spain. One more data. Pilar Cernuda and Fernando Juregui they relate in its book 23-F, the conspiracy of the fools how in afternoon of the blow preparations are made to use the Conference hall in the American embassy, specially protected against the radio monitoring.
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In 1981, Kuklinski informed into the plans of general Jaruzelski to impose the martial law and, feeling in danger, it was evacuated to the United States, in where it lived until its death. The alliance Reagan - the Pope. From their taking of possession, the January, 13th of 1981, Reagan was interested in forming an alliance with the Vatican to influence in the events in Poland. Contacts settled down and a network of economic support, through the CIA, constituted radio transmitters, Radio Europe Libre, the Voice of America and Vatican Radio, that emitted programs that they urged the Polish population to be against to the regime. On the other hand, information between the U.S.A. interchanged and the Vatican. The adviser of Reagan Richard Allen said that One of the things that are learned on the catholic Church it is that it is organized to collect of the faithfuls. (.) A information agency would have to be organized like the Vatican. Others of the advisers of Reagan were known like William Casey catholic, (head of the company), William Clark, (adviser of National Security of Reagan), Vernon Walters, Alexander Haig and William Wilson. Casey flew first to Rome before his trips to Europe and the Middle East and informed continuously to Reagan. Casey says we spoke constantly of the situation in Poland, the concealed operations, who was doing and where. (News article in the Time magazine the February, 24th of 1992). Although the main emissary between Reagan and Wojtyla would be, of course, the catholic Vernon Walters. On the part of the Vatican, one of its emissaries was Laghi archbishop, papal delegate in Washington, that developed to a good friendship with Casey and Clark. In June, 7th of the 1982 Reagan interview with the Pope in the Vatican, simultaneously that cardinals Casaroli and Achille Silvestrini did it in another stay of the papal apartments, with the Secretary of State Alexander Haig and Judge William Casey, Advisor of National Security, and seal their secret alliance. One of its consequences went the imposition to Poland of economic sanctions and vetoes to the commerce that took effect in 1982 and 1983 until February, 19th of 1987, in which rose. According to the mentioned article of Time, Casey (CIA) became the architect of the measures to take against the Polish government: The objective was to wear away the Soviets and to throw the fault to them of the martial law decreed to the puttings of its house. The Pope, says itself in he himself article, interview repeated times with the American civil employees to evaluate the events and the effectiveness of the taken actions. According to it publishes Nstor Cortina in the Guaracabuya magazine In which it respects to Poland, the United States offered to ample Solidarity financial, logistic support to him and of intelligence so that they could reconstitute its forces, downcast and fragmented under the martial law. The CIA happened to be, to a great extent, the eyes and ears of Solidarity. By diplomatic and clandestine routes, training Poland manual of and bottom arrived at to fortify underground, techniques of disinformation and psychological war, the presses, books, and electronic equipment of communication. These allowed to Lech Walesas colleagues, when the resistance seemed exhausted, to interfere with radial programs of the tyranny with the hopeful shout of Solidarity Lives
6.3 The transition in the Czech Republic and the former DDR.
Very different it is the case of the Czech Republic and former Eastern Germany. Leaving the suppositions separate, reasoned enough, on the outer participation, and in particular of the U.S.A. through the company, it is not possible to extract good information on the external influences. In the case of the Czech Republic, we know that the member of the CIA, Richard
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Estes, person in charge of the base of the CIA in Madrid when the attack of Carrero Blanco, was destined in the Prague from year 1965 to 1967, a year before the Spring of the Prague. Nevertheless, the external influence in the process is undeniable. In both commented cases, Czech Republic and Eastern Germany, the influence of perestroika of Gorbachov has been evident. Carmen Gonzlez Enrquez, in his work the Transitions to the democracy in East Europe affirms the change has only been possible thanks to the crisis of the Soviet Union, bottled in a progression of the military cost in the arms race with the United States much more there of which she advised his real economic power. The USSR allowed the ruin of its national economy to maintain the cost of the military technological competition until a point in which the deterioration was irreversible, and when Perestroika or reconstruction considered, it was interpreted by the countries subordinated like the evident signal of a defeat. Nevertheless, the reformist elites of these countries had to wait for until the clear resignation the Breznev doctrine - that proclaimed the right of the USSR to take part in its space of security towards the West, made in 1989, to confirm themselves in the independence of its country and to undertake its own political life. In words of Andrs Bozoki (1991, pgs. 22 and 64) Although no war had a paper in the changes of 1989, yes had the important understanding that the Soviet block was lost the cold war in the decade of the Eighties. The countries of Central Europe and the East had to wait for to the deepening of the Soviet crisis, the emergency of Gorbachov, but they could not be sure that the new Soviet direction had left really the doctrine of Breznev until 1989. For that reason, the transition process was delayed one decade and began worse from an economic position. The democratization of the East would have been impossible without this Soviet crisis and the consequent carelessness of its prerogatives as imperial power on its old European colonies (See Przeworski, 1991). Of the same form that the socialist regimes of Poland, Czechoslovakia, Hungary and Eastern Germany were the result of a foreign conquest, only the military defeat of the power occupant, in a peculiar cold war, allowed the beginning of the democratization process.
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Chapter 7. Art in dictatorships: painting, movies, theatre, the singer-songwriters in Spain. 7. 1 History of art in Nazism.
In the second half of the 20th century Nazism, in the hands of Hitler and Goebbels, imposed in Germany a unique, different, exclusive art, an art that was used as a key tool for the consolidation of the regime and the subjugation of the masses. And already then the culture in general was used as a weapon of Nazism to transmit the ideals of Hitler. The dictator was passionate about art, in his youth tried to enter several times at the Academy of fine arts to study painting. But never got it. It is said that this frustration developed his complex against society. Following the arrival of the nazis to power on 30 January 1933 in Germany established a radical totalitarian dictatorship. Some of European dictatorships (Hungary, Romania, Bulgaria) and the Italian fascist regime were integrated in the new order that Hitler tried to create from 1939. Other (Austria, Greece, Poland) succumbed to him; one, Portugal, was on the sidelines. Spain, Franco, despite some attempts to create a Falangist art, imitation of Italian fascism and German Nazism art, Spanish art remained loyal to the styles european, particularly French, prevailing styles already before the war, or sought inspiration in the own artistic past. This explains the great masters of the generation before the war, despite their different political and social ideology, to maintain its validity in all aspects.
7. 2 Germany.
From September 1933, a new House of culture of the Reich (organization formed by the cameras of film, music, theater, press, literature, fine arts and Reich Radio), was dedicated to monitor and regulate all aspects of German culture. The new aesthetic nazi took the genre of classical realism. The Visual Arts and other modes of "high" culture used this way to glorify the community, the family and rural life, and heroism on the battlefield. They also tried to give examples of "German virtues" as the industriousness, selflessness and "Aryan" racial purity. In the nazi Germany, art was not "art for the same art", but that was a calculated propaganda background: kept a sharp contrast with the trends of modern art in the decades of the 1920s and 1930s, employing abstract expressionist and surrealist principles. In July 1937, the House of German art in Munich premiered a "great exhibition of art German" showing the cultural inclination of National Socialist art taste. By contrast, a nearby Exhibition Hall featured an "exhibition of art degenerate" ("Entartete Kunst") in order to demonstrate to the German public "Immoral" and "corrupt" influences of modern art. Many of the artists featured in this last exhibition, such as Max Ernst, Franz Marc, Marc Chagall, Paul Klee and Wassily Kandinsky, are today among the great artists of the twentieth century. That same year, Goebbels ordered the confiscation of thousands of works of "degenerate" art museums and collections of all Germany. Many of these pieces were destroyed or sold at public auction. In architecture, artists such as Paul Troost and Albert Speer built monumental buildings in a classic form and in order to express the "lasting greatness" of the National Socialist movement.
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In literature, the authorities of nazi culture promoted the works of writers such as Adolf Bartels and the poet Hans Baumann of the Hitler youth. The literature that glorified the rural culture as basis of the German community and the historical novels who supported the centrality of the Volk were the favorite works of fiction, as well as the stories of the war that were intended to prepare or sustain the population for an era of conflict. Censorship was the other side of this equation: the literary House quickly made "black lists" to facilitate the Elimination of "unacceptable" books from public libraries. In cinema, modern art field, also extended this "art cultivation" the film industry received large subsidies from the State and proved to be an important tool for propaganda. Films such as Triumph des Willens (triumph of the will) and Der Hitlerjunge Quex (young Hitlerite Quex) of Leni Riefenstahl pioneer glorified the nazi party and its supporting organizations. Other films, like Ich klage an (I accuse), intended to achieve the tacit public acceptance of the program of euthanasia, even underground, while that Jud Sss (the Jew their) and Der ewige Jude (the wandering Jew) made clear the anti-Semitic elements of nazi ideology. In theater, the companies followed the example of cinema, to organize works with the national socialist ideology, as well as classical and traditional features of works by authors such as Johann Wolfgang von Goethe and Johann Christoph Friedrich von Schiller. In music, the authorities of nazi culture promoted the works of giants in the musical Pantheon German as Johann Sebastian Bach, Ludwig van Beethoven, Anton Bruckner and Richard Wagner, while they banned classics of authors "not Aryans" such as Felix Mendelssohn and Gustav Mahler, and functions of music jazz and swing, associated in the nazi mentality to African-American culture. Adolf Hitler himself was for a long time admirer of the operas of Richard Wagner, an artist connected with anti-Semitism and tradition vlkisch movement which the nazis obtained much of their ideology. He regularly attended the Bayreuth Festival held annually in honor of Wagner. But the music "nazi" was not limited only to the "high" culture: "Das Horst-Wessel-Lied" ("Horst Wessel song") and "Deutschland, Erwache!" (Germany, "wakes up") were some of the many songs and marches that were circular Nazi activists in order to foster the commitment of his party and its ideological principles. The efforts of the Nazi authorities to regulate, direct and censor art and German literature corresponded to what the German historian George Mosse called an effort "towards a total culture". This effort also reached the lower levels of culture that punctuated the daily life of common Germans. The nazi leadership, expected to dominate Germany through power politician and terror, but also winning "hearts and minds" of the people, this coordination of the high and low culture used to influence at the most basic level in the lives and actions of its citizens.
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serve as a breeding ground for cultural bolshevism, he happened to be in the crosshairs of the nazis, in April 1933 was sacked. Finally, its last director, architect M... In April 1933, the Government enacted a new provision whereby failure to twenty-seven heads of State museums, accused of sympathizing with the artistic avant-garde movements, being immediately replaced by related officials to the new regime. Under the same provision ceased their charges and artists of the stature of educational functions: Max Beckmann, which occupied the Chair of Stdelsches Kunstinstitute in Frankfurt, Willi Baumeister, who served as Professor in the school of art located also Frankfurt, Otto Dix, Professor of the Academy of Arts in Dresden and member of the Prussian Academy and Paul Klee, Professor at the Dsseldorf Academy of arts Hitler personally along with his Minister of propaganda, Dr. Joseph Goebbels, which featured the very useful tool which led to the creation in September 1933, a House of culture (Reichskulturkammer) subordinated to the Ministry itself for their purposes. This agency that had sections devoted to the plastic arts, music, theatre, literature, press, radio and cinema, allowed control of centrally of all artistic and cultural fields, as well as the close surveillance of professional and personal expression and forced all creators and intellectuals, that did not want to be deprived of its right to exerciseto accept their standards and put at the service of the nazis ideal. In fact in 1935 Goebbels put directly to all artists under the jurisdiction of the Reichskulturkammer, giving them the motto of producing a popular art of social conscience. All planned artistic manifestations and mainly the e... German art which until then had been dominated by initiatives of advanced management, as the own Bauhaus and the resumption of its relations with the Parisian art after the paternalistic and interested official intervention started in 1933 that decides the tutelage, cultural to banning the free exercise of contemporary art, suffers a huge, focusing on the formulation and Nordic Superman shift, within the framework of their German homeland. The replacement of the avant-garde art, in block, for a conventional, national and neoclassic, bourgeois art whose origins go back to the 17TH century, but was then widely disseminated and trivializada in the 19th century, whose aesthetic sense in a process of national integration, the avant-garde artistic product, accomplished by an elite of intellectuals, was unable to meet. At the same time, Alfred Rosenberg, who had published in 1930 his racist myth of the twentieth century, it was commissioned by the Fhrer of nazi philosophical and spiritual education, was founder of the Kampjbund fr Deutsche Kultur (Union of battle for the German culture) and a regular collaborator of the newspaper Vlkischer Beobachter nazi, which overturned many of his racist ideas about art. His writings, as well as thinking and speeches of Goebbeis and, above all, Hitler, served to establish the chain of artistic production with political doctrines and racial theories. However, the climax of the nazi to avant-garde art attack and parallel affirmation of the new art fostered by the State, came in 1937 and through two exhibitions, the first one with a function of counterexample. In this sense, in the same year, had created a "Commission for the debugging of the temples of art", ordered by Joseph Goebbels and was under the direction of Adolf Ziegler, an academic painter of nudes of low relief, who arrived to requisition Germans about Seventeen thousand works of avant-garde art, subsequent to 1910, some twenty-five museums and public collections. The action was, according to Ziegler, rid the modern art of "unhealthy appearance" and their "racial inferiority", in order to purify the Germanic art of any Bolshevik or anarchist
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tendency and restore the purity, the dignity and the role of art as a moral example for the people. At the opening of the exhibition, the President of the House of culture of the Te... All confiscated works, more than 600 were displayed to the public in the famous exhibition Entartete Kunst ("degenerate art"). In a speech delivered in 1935, before the Nuremberg Party Congress, Hitler left that war without quarter, declared to the advanced art position clearer. Opened in July 1937 in the arcades of the Munich Hofgarten, near the dedicated to the new German art officially encouraged. The contra-muestra, organized by the Ministry of Propaganda, intended to provoke in the public a sense of reaction against modern art, so in his presentation, to get the public disapproval, spared no to use resources to contribute to stress deformations and singularities of the achievements of expressionist, abstract or constructive tendency, as already expected from the cover of the catalogue (for which was chosen one of the sculptures of primitivist abstract aspect of Otto Freundiich). Thus, among the more than one hundred artists whose work exposed to public derision in the sample, included many Expressionist and nuevo-objetivistas (Franz Marc, Emest Kirchner, Erich Heckel, Karl Schmidt-RottIuff, Georges Grosz, Dix, Beckmann, Emil Nolde, Kokoschka), members of the Bauhaus (Kandinsky, Klee, Oskar Schlemmer), constructivist, Dadaist and surrealist (Kurt Schwitters, El Lissitzky, Mondrian, Max Ernst), etc. These works were also accompanied of a cartouche with the name of the author, the title and the money paid by its acquisition in the Museum of origin under the general indication that had been paid with taxes of working German people. Grouped by topic conveniently focused and labelled: "Insulting the German hero of the world war", "mockery of the German ideal woman: cretina and prostitute", and so on; which joined the immediate attacks of the controlled press. The exhibition, which had a huge influx of public, visited more than forty thousand people, after its exhibition in Munich, where the entry was free and prohibited to minors, went through nine cities German and Austrian until 1941, always with a large attendance, as it only between 1937 and 1939, years in which it was shown in MunichBerlin, Dusseldorf and Frankfurt, received more than two million visitors. On the other hand, in this course, continued action to the "cleansing of the temples of art", reunited around Seventeen thousand works of "degenerate art". Some of them became the basements of museums and collections, while more than one hundred fabrics and four thousand works on paper, not exploitable considered, were burned down in March 1939 by firefighters of Berlin. On the other hand, more than one hundred and twenty, among which were works of incontestable international artists, such as Rembrandt, Paul Gauguin, Van Gogh, Matisse, Picasso, Ensor, Chagall, Kokoschka or Kandinsky, and numerous German masters (Paul Klee, Franz Marc, Otto Mueller, Grosz, Munch, Beckmann, etc), were auctioned in June 1939. Such a policy of action before the avant-garde art, as we said, also was accompanied by an autoafirmativa action of National Socialist art, which took its most prominent example in the sample held in 1937 in Munich, presented as a counterpoint to the annotated. This first "Grosse Deutsche Kunstausstellung" ("great exhibition of German art"), was opened on July 18, a day before the Entartete Kunst that corrected in the newly completed House of German art. It had been organized by direct order of the Fhrer to counter the decline that the influence of the
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avant-garde art, plunging to German art, and consisted of more than a thousand works selected by Heinrich Hoffmann. The works on display there, mostly belonged to the nineteenth-century realist tradition and especially to the Munich school, already very worn out and with that established, a programmatic connection. As regards the thematic and the idea that inspired the show, it was, in the National Socialist spirit, return to the Aryan man healthy appearance and his dignity, as it corresponded to a select and superior society. That is why predominaran the portraits bourgeois and apparatus, rustic idylls, the exaltation of the sport, the holding of labour or purity and grace of divine and mythological inspiration. Hitler himself, in the inaugural speech of this great exhibition Munich, wants a "German art", an art that must be and will be of eternal value, as they are all authentic creative values of a people... It is, therefore, imperative to the artist to erect a monument not once, but a people... "(whose racial formative force) appears again in the Aryan race, which we not only recognize as carrier of our own culture, but also of previous cultures of antiquity... want an art that takes into account the continuous and growing unification of this racial scheme, and that, as a consequence, he emerges with a unified and fully formed character"; Considered Hitler, moreover, that "authentic German art", always is he guided by the clarity Act, finding in the production of the romantic "a treasure immortal true German art", because they sought the authentic and intrinsic virtues of our people, and the honest and respectable expression of who only inwardly experienced the laws of life. In this way, art came under State protection and museums and galleries followed the line, marked by the State, inspired by race and the homeland, their health, their virtues and their heroic dignity, but stylistically, the art glorifying the Nazis perfectly linked to the academic classicism and history and genre of the 19th century painting, so it is not surprising that the paintings and sculptures which were presented annually in the major exhibitions of "German art" of Munich, ordered by themes of traditional evocation: landscapes, portraits, nudes, animals, scenes of the... Official painters as Adolf Wissel, Sepp Hilz a. Kampf, or sculptors as master Breker or Josef Thorak, produced so works that, stylistically, little differ from the of Soviet Socialist realism. However, this type of art was not exclusive nor of Germans or Russians, it could also be found in the American public buildings. On the other hand, turning on the art promoted in the nazi Germany, also we can distinguish some of the specific roles that were reserved to the painting, sculpture or architecture. Thus, the latter had mission design spaces and construct buildings representative, solemn, hierarchical and rituals, with which autoidentificase the "German nation", although they were lacking functionality. For this task, Hitler told especially with two architects: Ludwig Troost and Albert Speer, whose urban designs and architecture aroused rhetorical, hierarchical, distant and giant, where the individual is dwarfed and spaces only charged significance in relation to the masses, while the grandiose monuments and high quality of the materials used in the constructions, responded both ideological propaganda and its rhetorical enhancement as a symbol of eternity. Similarly, the sculpture was asked, especially, put in evidence a type of beauty allied to a certain feeling of triumph and grandeur, often in connection with a more general program and trying that, linked to architecture, to translate national and racial greatness. Issues, therefore, were enrolled in speeches and prototypical images Nazis, presenting us, as did the sculptor Anton Grauel, robust and athletic bodies of Germans with martial air and women in its fullness,
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of wide shoulders and abundant breast, seated and semi hold a plump and cheerful child in her arms. For its contrast at the international level, Josef Thorak carried abroad, with camaraderie (1937), a clear sign of the new address of German art. It was the sculptural group made for the German Pavilion at the Paris Exposition of 1937, which rose to its entry. With him he glorified the Aryan race, insisting on the Nazi ideal of beauty and force, with some nudity, vigorous healthy and athletic proportions. However, who truly became the interpreter and official sculptor of the Third Reich was Arno Breker (1900-1991), who after his training in Paris and Rome, had returned in 1934 to Berlin with a brilliant domain of the neoclassical style, becoming between 1937 and 1945 Professor and then director of the school of Arts in Berlin. He here received numerous commissions, especially for his friendship with Architect Albert Speer, to whose constructions sculpted works as "the Portaespada" (1938-1939), who was in... Both in these large sculptures of robust naked warriors, and other similar mythological, the type of its Prometheus (1937) topic, work for the Ministry of Propaganda, became spokesman for the willingness to official define a manly and heroic, monumental art exaltara: the strength and the physical Aryan man's health. This taste of Breker by allegories of force, completed with abundant portraits of Hitler and Goebbels and many personifications of the virtues ensalzadas by national socialism. As regards painting, happened the same, although, on the one hand, it provided a more thematic variety and, to a larger eclecticism and in which the romantic and Classicist reminiscences were hegemonic, in order to give shape to the nazi ideology. Well, painters as quoted Adolf Ziegler or Ivo Saliger, when they went to the nude and myths, did so much to create moralizadoras and allegorical images of Socialist values, to extol the purity and vitality of the Aryan race. In this sense, Saliger "Judgement of Paris" fabric is especially illustrative (1939), in which the old myth serves to present to the watchful eye of a new German Paris, beauty and an idealized woman Aryan racial purity. But the painting also served to represent another kind of beauty and idealizations, evocative of a simple life, showing happy peasant families, idyllic maternity or bucolic landscapes. Thus Martin Amorbach, for example, achieved with the sower (1937), which featured a vigorous German peasant, with a plow manual in some lyric fields crowned by the Rainbow, by carving out a finished image of the idealized world, although a staging excessively pre-industrial and unreal for a country as high technology reserved for war might be. On the other hand, there were other painters who were devoted to portray characters of the gentry and the nazi party, as Conrad Hommel or Mathias Padna, who also made mythological painting and during the war, was devoted to exalt their works at the German army and his bouts. And that the conflict, certainly demanded to painting a new genus for the nazi Germany, because they must glorify their victories and represent its fighters as heroes. Also in occupied countries, the nazi regime was responsible for exhibition spaces facilitate both their combatants artists and great figures of German art, faithful to the regime. The latter case was that of the previously annotated sample dedicated to Arno Breker in the l'Orangerie Museum of Paris. With regard to the work of the combatants, the most outstanding performance was the requisition in 1941 of the Jeu de Paume Museum, to publicize, titled Kunst der Front, works carried out by soldiers of the Wehrmarcht, mainly drawings and watercolors with portraits, landscapes and scenes of war of little originality.
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This type of facts, which the nazi Germany imposed in the occupied countries, as well as already mentioned requisitions, not they assumed that Governments thereof, with the Vichy in front, arrived to raise an official similar to the German art, although it caused more alarm among the representatives of the vanguard of the country, which were forced into exile, as had happened with the Germans. However, by the side of advanced art, the picture wasn't so passive. Since before even the coming to power of Hitler, artists such as the Berliner John Heartfield, had denounced the threat posed by Nazism and continued to do so, although they were sentenced to exile, as it was the case with the same Heartfield,. But leaving aside these episodes, almost anecdotal, that the avant-garde artists wanted to respond jointly to the Nazi attacks on his art, the true answer to this erroneous artistic policy gave her these artists with his own art, although this had already done in exile, where were to contribute to a new artistic impetus. Paradoxically, because efforts to Nazis to erase the advanced art of the scene only managed this rebrotara in other places and help to grow, prominently, art across the Atlantic. The foundations of a new artistic capital, New York, young and determined that appeared after the second world war, while, among the artists of Germany, the nazi passage left only a true trauma, which weighed much in the resurgence of its artistic movements were there, from now on, laying.
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7.3 Poland.
Theatre In the 1960s and 1970s, along with the most important achievements of Grotowski, in Poland developed a socially and politically engaged theatre movement. Initially it was above all a nonconformist student Theatre, at the time of the State of war, the movement came to professionals, who organized the clandestine home theatre shows. A particular form of political response that used theatrical means is constituted by the activity of the Orange alternative, group of Wrocaw that organized massive happenings in which mocked the symbols and official ceremonies. After regaining sovereignty, in 1989, the Group weakened, but has recently returned to regenerate, now taking a character above all anti-capitalist and anti-war. Cinema When the Communist regime lost its ideological severity, especially in the years 1956-1981, the Polish film managed, in its vast majority, to avoid the propaganda requirements of power, and to put on the side of society. It was in that period were developed when the two most important artistic currents in the history of Polish cinema: "Polish film school", from the years 1956-1961, and the "cinema of moral concern" of the years 1975-1981. Literature After the second world war numerous writers were forced to leave their homeland. Many of them gathered around the Kultura magazine published in Paris by Jerzy Giedroyc. Figures such as Witold Gombrowicz, Gustaw Herling-Grudzinski, Czeslaw Milosz and Slawomir Mrozek lived and wrote out of Poland. Zbigniew Herbert, Tadeusz Rozewicz, Czeslaw Milosz (Nobel Prize in 1980) and Wislawa Szyborska (Nobel Prize in 1996), among others, are considered the most outstanding poets of the second half of the 20th century. Writers and playwrights of the time, include Witold Gombrowicz, Stanisaw Mrozek and Stanislaw Lem (futuristic tales). Reports of Hanna Krall (dedicated to Polish Jews during World War II) and Ryszard Kapuscinski books were translated into numerous languages.
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Others of his novels best known as 'The tank battalion', in 1971, and 'The engineer of souls human', in 1977, as well as numerous short stories.
Detail of "Shoes that walked the history", of Pavel Brzda (Gallery 5. patro) In October 1989, underground Polish and Czechoslovak artists gathered in Wroclaw on the occasion of a festival of independent culture. Twenty years later, this Polish city and Prague commemorate respectively, through an exhibition and a concert, that existing solidarity between cultural resistance to the Communist regime. For a generation of Czechs and poles, the concert which will take place this Tuesday, November 3, 2009 the Archa Theater in Prague will be the culminating event of the season. The meeting, entitled "Sounds and echoes of solidarity," will commemorate the 20 years of the musical event in Wroclaw, in Poland. A few legends of the Polish and Czech underground of the 1980s music will rise again to the stage for the occasion. Again to listen to the songs of Karel Kryl, in Polish, and the non-conformist singer Jacec Kaczmarski, Czech. Jacec Kaczmarski, has a song called Mury which is a version of Lluis Llach LEstaca. In the days of solidarity in the 1980s, the song of Jacek Kaczmarski "Mury" became the anthem of the antiCommunist opposition. It has been the symbol of the struggle against the regime. He also recalled the role of the poet. In the Polish tradition since the romantic era, when the country was oppressed, the poet became "the voice of freedom"
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takes place in the municipal Museum of Wroclaw and entitled Zarekwirowano/Zabaveno [Confiscated] is twenty years ago as a return.
Singer songwriters for freedom are a large group of singers who have left their mark on the music scene, social and policy of our country mainly in the final period of the dictatorship of Franco and the first years of democratic transition. Their marked determinism against the constraints and mandates by the dictatorial regime made the singers became political opposition. Through their compositions, not only protest and demand, but also love and 56
solidarity, they collaborated with the weapons of their voices and guitars to convert these times of repression and shame in times of strength and hope. And they raised awareness in the fight for freedom and change. We are speaking about Serrat, Lus Llach, M del Mar Bonet, Aute, Paco Ibaez, Sabina, Labordeta, Victor Manuel y Ana Beln, Amancio Prada, Voces Ceibes, Andres do Barro, Fuxan os Ventos, Lus Pastor, Carlos Cano, And also we are speaking about our brothers songwriters from across the Atlantic, like Victor Jara, Pablo Milans, Quilapayn, Violeta Parra,.. We are talking about the songwriters for freedom
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La Primavera de Praga: Pgina Web http/socialismo internacional.org. Pgina web del partido comunista de Alemania Encarta 99 Crnicas de Radio Praga
Ferrol 1972: Artculo O 10 de Marzo publicado en Galicia Artculo en la Hemeroteca WEB de La Voz de Galicia , Diciembre 2004 Iglesias Diguez, Alfredo. La lucha obrera y antifranquista en Galicia. 2006 http://www.rebelion.org/noticias/2006/3/28034.pdf
Chapter 2 References.
Cruz Orozco, Jos Ignacio. El Yunque Azul. Alianza Editorial Garca Hoz, Vctor .La educacin en la Espaa del siglo XX. Ediciones Rialp, S.A. De Miguel, Jess M.Estructura y cambio social en Espaa Alianza Editorial, Madrid, 1998 Sistema educativo Espaol: http://www.oei.es/etp/sistema_formacion_profesional_espana_cedefop_cap2.pdf Rodrguez Tapia, Rafael http://www.forodeeducacion.com/numero10/009.pdf Sistema educativo Polaco: http://www.eurorai.org/PDF/pdf%20seminar%20Karlsruhe/Karlsruhe-Situation%20in%20POLEN_definitiv_ES.pdf Sistema educativo de la Repblica Checa: http://www.educacion.gob.es/exterior/cz/es/File/RepCHECA.pdf http://www.dgb.sep.gob.mx/tramites/revalidacion/Estruc_sist_edu/Estud-REP_CHECA.pdf Sistema educativo Alemn: http://www.justlanded.com/espanol/Alemania/Guia-Alemania/Educacion/El-sistema-escolar-aleman
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Chapter 3 - References.
Gallin, Dan. Sindicatos y ONGs, una colaboracin necesaria. 2006, http://www.globallabour.info/es/2006/12/desarrollo_social_sindicatos_y.html Dobek-Ostrowska, Bogustawa. La transicin democrtica en Espaa y en Polonia (Anlisis Comparativo). 1996, Investigaciones histricas: poca moderna y contempornea, ISSN 0210-9425, N 16, pgs. 239-256 http://dialnet.unirioja.es/servlet/articulo?codigo=66403 Bilbao, Andrs. La Transicin Poltica y los Sindicatos. Cuadernos de Relaciones Laborales N 1, 1992 http://www.ucm.es/BUCM/revistas/rla/11318635/articulos/CRLA9292110105A.PDF CAES Centro de Asesora y Estudios Sociales. Transicin Poltica Espaola y Sindicalismo. 2004 http://www.caesasociacion.org/index.php/archivo/2004/09?start=20 Redero San Romn, Manuel y Prez Delgado, Toms. Sindicalismo y Transicin Poltica en Espaa. Revista Ayer N-15, Asociacin de Historia Contempornea., 1994. http://www.ahistcon.org/docs/ayer/ayer15_08.pdf Gonzlez Enrquez, Carmen. Rasgos Peculiares de la Transicin Polaca. Seminario sobre Transicin y Consolidacin Democrticas 2001-2002 organizado por FRIDE http://www.fride.org/publicacion/373/seminario-sobre-transicion-y-consolidacion-democraticas-2001--2002:-latransicion-a-la-democracia-en-polonia Herrero de la Fuente, Mercedes. Papel de Solidaridad en el proceso de transicin democrtica en Polonia. 1999. Tesis Doctoral, Facultad de Ciencias de la Informacin. Madrid http://eprints.ucm.es/tesis/19972000/S/3/S3031001.pdf Iglesias Diguez, Alfredo. La lucha obrera y antifranquista en Galicia. 2006 http://www.rebelion.org/noticias/2006/3/28034.pdf Aspden, Alex.1970-71 Uprising in Poland. 2008 http://libcom.org/history/1970-71-uprising-poland
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Batllori, M., Durn, E. y Solervicens, J. L`Esglsia i la II Repblica Espanyola: el Cardenal Vidal i Barraquer; Valencia, Eliseu Climent, 2003. Raguer Suer, H. Dos cardenales antagnicos: Gom y Vidal i Barraquer en Chico Isidro, J. M. (Coord.). Espaa en guerra: protagonistas para un conflicto; Madrid, Dykinson, 2003. Carta colectiva del episcopado espaol de 1 de julio de 1937. Snchez Jimnez, J. La jerarqua eclesistica y el Estado franquista: las prestaciones mutuas en Ayer, nm. 33, 1999. p. 167. Blzquez, F. La traicin de los clrigos en la Espaa de Franco. Crnica de una intolerancia (1939-1975); Madrid, Trotta, 1991. pp. 205-206. Simn Arce, R. El papel de la Iglesia en las transiciones: Espaa y Polonia en el Congreso El cambio de la imagen mutua de Polonia y Espaa despus de la Transicin, Varsovia, 20 y 21 de mayo de 2008, CSIC-PAN. Concordato con la Santa Sede de 27 de agosto de 1953. Prez Daz, V. La emergencia de la Espaa democrtica en Claves, 13, 1991. Domnguez, J. Organizaciones cristianas en la oposicin al franquismo; Bilbao, 1986. Domnguez, J. La lucha obrera durante el franquismo en sus documentos clandestinos (1939-1975); Bilbao, 1987. Lpez Garca, B. Aproximacin a la Historia de la HOAC, 1946-1981; Madrid, Ediciones HOAC, 1985. Barroso, A. Carta de 339 curas vascos en Daz-Salazar, R. Nuevo socialismo y cristianos de izquierda; Madrid, Ediciones HOAC, 2001. p.177. Torre Merino J. L, Muoz Gonzalo, R. y Villanueva Toledo, M. J. El Gabinete de Enlace: una oficina de informacin y control al servicio del Estado, en II Encuentro de Investigadores del franquismo, Alicante, mayo de 1995. Tomo I. Daz-Salazar, R. Nuevo socialismo y cristianos de izquierda; Madrid, Ediciones HOAC, 2001. p. 39. Archivo General de la Administracin, Cultura, Ministerio de Informacin y Turismo, Gabinete de Enlace, 557, leg. 10.950. La Iglesia en Espaa. Sector religioso. Panormica del ao 1972 en AGA. CUL. MIT. GE. C. 556. Fernndez Fernndez, G. Religin y poder. Transicin en la Iglesia espaola; Len, Edilesa, 1999. p. 99. http://www.vatican.va/archive/hist_councils/ ii_vatican_council/index_sp.htm. Ruggieri, G. Historia e interpretacin del Vaticano II: la lucha por el concilio en Iglesia viva: Revista de pensamiento cristiano, nm. 225, 2006. http://www.vatican.va/holy_father/pius_xi/encyclicals/documents/hf_pxi_enc_19310515_quadragesimoanno_sp.html Llanos, J. M. Tensin entre dos cleros en El Ciervo, octubre de 1966. Gonzlez Madrid, D. A. y Ortiz Heras, M. Camilo, no te comas a los curas, que la carne de cura indigesta. La influencia de la Iglesia en la crisis del franquismo en Actes del Congrs. La Transici de la dictadura a la democrcia, Barcelona, CEFID, 2005. p. 57. Daz-Salazar-Salvador-Giner, R. Religin y sociedad en Espaa; Madrid, CIS, 1993. p. 185.
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Llamazares Fernndez, D. Los Acuerdos del Estado espaol con la Santa Sede en Osservatorio delle libert ed istituzioni religiose, www.olir.it. Llamazares Fernndez, D. Los Acuerdos del Estado espaol con la Santa Sede en Osservatorio delle libert ed istituzioni religiose, www.olir.it. p. 8. Redero San Romn (Ed.), M. La Transicin a la democracia en Espaa, Ayer, nm. 15; Madrid, Marcial Pons, 1994. pp. 237-238. Delgado, Gloria M. El mundo moderno y contemporneo. Mxico D.F.: Pearson Education, 1999 Diamond Larry, Linz, Juan J. y Lipset, Seymour Martin. Politics in Developing Countries Comparing Experiences with Democracy. Rienner, Colorado, 1995 Gomulka, Stanislaw and Anthony Polonsky. Polish Paradoxes. London and New York: Routledge, 1990 Hental, Adam A. The Polish Catholic Church in pre and post 1989 Poland: an evaluation. East European Quarterly. Vol.32, Winter98, p.503 Huntington, Samuel P. The Third Wave: Democratization in the Late Twentieth Century. University of Oklahoma Press: Norman and London, 1991. Sarmiento, Sergio. La transformacin de Europa Oriental. Programa Barsa Society Informateca, 1990 Weigel, George. . Catholicism and Democracy in the Age of John Paul II. A Journal of Catholic Thought and Culture. Vol.4, Num.3, Summer 2001 Alessandri, Fernando.Juan Pablo II: Campen de la libertad. Octubre de 1999. http://www.aipenet.com/Indice/article.asp?Articulo_Id=3986 Sergio Sarmiento. La transformacin de Europa Oriental. (Programa Barsa Society Informateca, 1990) Gloria Delgado M. El mundo moderno y contemporneo. (Mxico D.F.: Pearson Education,1999) p. 849 Larry Diamond, Linz, Juan J. y Lipset, Seymour Martin. Politics in Developing Countries Comparing Experiences with Democracy. (Rienner, Colorado,1995) p.6 Delgado op. Cit. p. 850 http://www.rumbo.es/guide/es/europa/polonia/histo.htm Delgado, ibidem. Adam A. Hetnal. The Polish Catholic Church in pre and post 1989 Poland: an evaluation. East European Quarterly. Vol.32, Winter98, p.503 Stanislaw Gomulka and Anthony Polonsky. Polish Paradoxes. (London and New York: Routledge,1990) p.95 Gomulka, op.cit., p.94 http://www.solucionesescolares.cl/social/biografias/papa_jp.htm Fernando Alessandri. Juan Pablo II: Campen de la libertad. Octubre de 1999. http://www.aipenet.com/Indice/article.asp?Articulo_Id=3986 George Weigel. Catholicism and Democracy in the Age of John Paul II. A Journal of Catholic Thought and Culture. Vol.4, Num.3, Summer 2001. Pp. 3664
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Muoz Alonso, Alejandro. Revista Espaola de Investigaciones Sociolgicas ISSN 0210-5233 N 36 1986 http://dialnet.unirioja.es/servlet/fichero_articulo?codigo=249114 Carmen Gonzlez Enrquez. Revista de Estudios Polticos (Nueva poca) Nm. 78. Octubre-Diciembre 1992 http://dialnet.unirioja.es/servlet/articulo?codigo=27191 Alpert, Michael. U. Westminster El papel del ejrcito (1931-1991) Madrid Noviembre 2009 - IV congreso de Historia de la Defensa. Instituto Universitario Gutirrez Mellado http://iugm.es/uploads/tx_iugm/LOS_EJERCITOS_DEL_FRANQUISMO.pdf Frieyro de Lara, Beatriz. Universidad de Granada. "La transicin en el ejrcito espaol de 1975: del modelo institucional al plural". Almera, Noviembre 2005 http://www.historiadeltiempopresente.com/web/DocumentosDescargables/Aportaciones/AT51.pdf Wikipedia Golpe de estado en Espaa 1981. http://es.wikipedia.org/wiki/Golpe_de_Estado_en_Espa%C3%B1a_de_1981 Wikipedia Ejercito en Polonia. http://es.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ej%C3%A9rcito_de_Polonia
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Perote, Juan Alberto. Confesiones de Vente. Revelaciones de un espa. RBA, Barcelona, 1999. Morales, Jos Luis y Celada, Juan. La alternativa militar. Revolucin, Madrid, 1981. Carcedo, Diego. Los cabos sueltos. Temas de Hoy, Madrid, 2001. Calvo Sotelo, Leopoldo. Memoria viva de la Transicin. Plaza&Jans/Cambio 16, Barcelona, 1990. Cernuda, Pilar, Juregui, Fernando y Menndez, Manuel ngel. 23-F, La conjura de los necios. Foca, Madrid, 2011. Walters, Vernon. Misiones discretas. Planeta, Barcelona, 1981. Vinuesa, Arturo. Ambicin de poder: Operacin Godsa, Foca, Madrid, 2006.
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http://www.forosegundaguerra.com/viewtopic.php?t=22 Watson, Peter.Historia intelectual del siglo XX.Editorial Crtica, S.L. Barcelona 2000 http://es.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wikipedia:Portada
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