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by Maria PAPAVASILEIOU _Architect Engineer NTUA,Athens, GR _Master in Urban and Territorial Strategies, SciencesPO Paris, FR

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INTRODUCTION After having incarnated the industrial city par execellence and undergoing the failure of this model, Detroit sees its population shrinking, falling from nearly 2 millions in the 50s to 800,000 people today. Since the 80s efforts have been made to restructure and revitalize the city by enhancing its economy, improving the political participation, adding to the densification of the urban fabric. We cannot help but notice that after 2008 Detroit is in a major turning point, a change of paradigm : the fast rate of change is depicted in the change in literature, press articles, price evolvements and implies mainly that new political subjectivities, as well as new economic perspectives are born. The massive depression which dated until late 90s is being replaced by new ideas, public and private commitment and an attitude towards positive change. The debate and the actions that took place the last decade, and the last three years in particular, aim at enhancing the characteristics of Detroit, inverting the negative fact of population shrinking to an advantage and inventing new methods of development. ARGUMENT Detroit is thus in a crucial turning point of its urban history. A new city model1 emerges. If we examine the political, economical and social structures being formed, we would be tempted to see structural similarities between Detroit and the ideal type of European city, as Max Weber defined it in his opus magnum Economy and Society. This essay intends to examine the recent transformation of Detroit through the magnifying glass that offers Weber through his definition of European cities.


History is more or less bunk. It's tradition. We don't want tradition. We want to live in the present and the only history that is worth a tinker's damn is the history we make today.
Henry Ford, (Chicago Tribune, 25 May 1916)

1 By city model, we are referring to the ideal types of cities, as Max Weber defines his methodological conceptual tool of understanding the economic, political and social structure of a city and making comparison with others. The ideal type is formed by the synthesis of separate phenomena, which are organized according to the point of view that Weber want to emphasize.

A. A QUICK GLANCE OVER THE SHOULDER Cities are first and foremost evolving political, economical and social structures. We must not omit a quick overview on the most critical events that lead Detroit from its creation in 1701 to the rise of the new century. Even though Henry Ford, one of the leading personalities of Detroit had no faith in history, we believe that this overview will serve as an identification of the consistence and influences of the actual debates. In 1701, Antoine de la Mothe Cadillac founded Detroit as a French settlement. During the 19th century immigrants form France, England, Ireland, Italy and Greece, as well as German and Poland, added with their work force to the thriving hub of industrial and commercial activities. The turning point came in 1899 with the first automobile plant in Highland Park. The arrival of Henri Ford in 1903 and General Motors in 1908, followed by Chrysler in 1925, made Detroit a synonym for the automobile industry. In 1900 the population reached 285,000 people. Within only thirty years it grew three times more, with Detroit being classified as the 4th largest city after NY, Chicago, Philadelphia: in 1930 the population reached 1,568,000 people, whereas 20 years later climbed up to 1,850,000. The prosperity due to automobile industry was reflected in the cities architecture, the downtown real estate investments and the significant educational and art institutions, such as Detroit Institute of Arts. Detroit had surpassed the example of an industrial city and was to be considered as a thriving metropolis.




fig.4 fig.3 source : Shrinking Cities, 2005

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After 1950 and as a result of African Americans2 and White Ethnic groups (European immigrants) rising concentration in Detroits center, the white population begun to search for a residence in the suburbs (white flight). This lead to the phenomenon of urban sprawl. We should also mention the lack of public transport in the suburbs, that functioned in favor of the automobile industry since the need for private means of transport rose. During the 60s, phenomena of racial segregation and civil disturbance, lead to Twelfth Street riot on July 23, 1967 where 43 people died (33 black, 10 white), 467 people were injured and 2,509 buildings were destroyed. This lead a group of business and community leaders, among which the grandson of Henry Ford who was at that time president of the company, to establish the New Detroit Committee in order to give solutions to these problems. However, their belief in white and industrial leadership just reinforced radical black organizations. In the 70s, Detroit Renaissance private group facilitated the city development, while Business Leaders for Michigan, its successor, continues until today its intervention in development plans. The oil crises of the 70s, lead the consumption towards Japanese and European cars that need less fuel. 208,000 jobs were lost in Detroit within during 1970-1980 and the beginning of the 80s was marked by major workers strikes. Along with the unemployment came he population decline, the urban deterioration, the high rates of social and spatial segregation between the city center and the suburbs: mostly white and wealthy suburbs against a mostly black and poor downtown. The United States were entering at that time an economy of services, a global economy, and regions like Detroit found it hard to follow. During the slight pick up of the economy in the 90s, Detroit continued to live into a polarized structure. With the rise of the new millennium, scholars, activists, entrepreneurs and politicians begin to change their point of view towards new strategic plans for Detroit. B. SHRINKING CITY Detroit is shrinking the last 50 years. (fig.3) Shrinking cities represent the one side of the urban coin, with the mega-global cities, where the urbanisation is taking place at extreme growth, being the other. Shrinking cities are mostly postindustrial cities, that didnt have an alternative plan for their industrial decline, and are facing a massive population loss. Detroits population

shrunk to less than half within fifty years: from 1,850,000 people in 1950, it reached 800,000 people in 2008. It is estimated that when it stabilises, it will not exceed 500,000-600,000 habitants3 In the case of Detroit, the shrinking reasons are also to be found at two levels. At a macro scale we can recognise a tendency of American population to move towards the Sunbelt, i.e. the geographic southern part of the United States of America. If we observe it in a micro scale, we will see that population leaves the centre of Detroit in favour of the suburbs. This phenomenon begun in the 50s and was known as white flight but was also enforced by the creation of edge cities (fig.1), which characterise the concentration of business, commerce and leisure activities in a residential suburb (Garreau,1991). What we should point out is that, despite the populations shrinking process, the city tends to sprawl beyond its borders since the agglomeration continues to grow, specially through economic activity supported by white populations : in 2002 the 86,5% of work posts were in the suburbs. This selective mobility of people, capital and industries intensifies the segregation phenomenon. The segregation is usually perceived as racial (opposition of white and black groups), but in the case of Detroit it is observed also at a social and economic level. Leguy (2009) pointed out through sociological facts based on the riots of the 60s, that White Anglo Saxon Protestants condemned the riots while White Ethnic groups, such us Irish, German, Italians and Jews, understood the democratic claims but did not justify the violence. According to a testimony, the 67 riot was the most integrative riot of the 60s. The segregation was thus projected on the social tissue (fig.3), which takes form into the urban one. The plans and the diagrams reveal the separation on an urban scale, not only of ethnicities, but also of income statuses (fog.4). Social groups of low incomes are being expelled from the city through various mechanisms, real estate prices follow. During 2006-2009 the subprime mortgage crisis lead to 67,000 houses being left abandoned. This vacant houses are to be added to the massive vacancies of downtown Detroit (fig.5). According to commercial real estate investment firm CB Richard Ellis (2009), at least 48 buildings of minimum five floors or 10,000 square feet are vacant. The firm estimates also that

Between 1940 and 1960, the proportion of frican- Americans within the population grew to one-third

Report By The American Institute Of Architects (2008)



*Eric Fischer is a digital cartographer, whose maps on race and ethnicity have become a talkof-the-web Specially in Detroit where the Michigan highway M-102 border is more than clearly depicted : this highway a.k.a. 8 Mile is the road that divides the city center, mostly populated by African Americans, from the northen suburbs where white populations dominate. source: kingsf/4982034696/in/set72157624812674967/ kingsf/4683880197/


fig.7 : photos by Yves Marchand and Romain Meffre

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Detroit's office vacancy rate downtown reaches 27.8%, from 17.1 percent 10 years ago and 24 percent five years ago. So Detroit was getting through this multiple crisis of unemployment caused due to the decline of automobile industry and of emptiness due to the abandon of downtown and many houses in the suburbs. This situation had such a visual impact on the urban environment, that it provoked not only media attention, but also the artistic community. Ruin website writers, photographers urbanexploration bloggers arrived in Detroit, the Mecca of urban ruins, in order to testify on that. The logic that created the city also destroyed it. Nowadays, unlike anywhere else, the citys ruins are not isolated details in the urban environment. They have become a natural component of the landscape declared Yves Marchand and Romain Meffre4. However, many of these artistic projects are reproached for dramatizing spaces without questioning on the inhabitants and loss of focus on the political and economical factors responsible for the decay. Art still raises questions : Is it all just ruins? Does the story seem to reach to an end? Shrinking cities offer a vast field of questioning since they leave the urban environment with many voids to be filled. Detroit possesses extremely valuable assets that can be mobilised in order to let it enter a new era : innovative technology expertise, educational institutions of international appeal, cultural institutions, artistic and musical production as well as a civic leadership and a strong community cooperation. What Detroit needs is a strong political vision that would invite into action. A strong shift is testified since late 00s in the urban projects and the political discourses. Different groups of urban planners, political coalitions and social thinkers consider the regeneration of Detroit through the mobilisation of the abovementioned resources. The orientation towards a medium sized city, with strong political participation, economic and cultural production and orientated towards a strong city centre are features that cannot but lead our mind towards the paradigm of the European city, as developed by Max Weber in the chapter City in Economy and Society. Hence we are going to examine how to future of Detroit is planned as and expected to be European.

photographers whose project on Detroit lasted from 2005 to 2009 : Yves Marchand and Romain Meffre (2010), The Ruins of Detroit, ed. Steidl

C. TOWARDS A NEW (but still old) CITY TYPE We shall here introduce the example which will help us decode the current transformation of Detroit. Max Weber analyzed the characteristics that lead to the definition of the city, in particular to the European city. So, after a small deviation in the key points of the great thinker, our analysis will came back to of Detroit, in an effort to make a parallel lecture of the actual state of the city with the ideal type of a European city. Weber insists not only on the characteristics of the European city, but also on the procedures that lead to those, and this point of view will enhance our analysis. Weber describes the European city as a place that is not in the countryside and that is most of the times circumscribed by a fortification, which defines the identity of the citizenship. Another main characteristic is the activity of the city centre. We shall there find the market, which is the main area of trade and usually defines the central square. This market is the place where the economic activities take place: the paysans sell the food that is produced outside the city and traders bring spices or tissues from other cities. Consumption, trade and production are the activities that sustain a city. The accumulated wealth pushes the traders towards new investments that reassure its development. They are also the subjects of the emerging class of burghers (bourgeois). The city thus gives the means for political participation. The emergence of citizenship was often linked with an affiliation to a guild, within which was expressed the political participation. The burghers participated to the local government. The city according to Weber is also defined by the presence of a court of law. Last but not least, the city is not only a place where early capitalism flourishes, but also a place for cultural production and the rise of educational institutions: the first European university was founded in 1878 in Bologna. The city functions as a unit within a European context. The emergence of the states, with regroup the cities, wasnt a reality until centuries later. To sum up, the European medieval city according to Weber is a crucible of the European society : the birthplace of political and cultural models, the laboratory of social and organizational innovations enhanced by the proximity of populations that were experiencing a new way of collective life and the terrain for economic accumulation, trade and consumption.



Struggles around political, economic, legal or cultural issues centered in the realities of cities can become the catalysts for new transurban developments in all these institutional domains markets, participatory governance, rights for members of the urban community regardless of lineage, judicial recourse, cultures of engagement and deliberation. Sassen (2005) After examining the shift in the reflexions around Detroit, we realize that the city is entering a new era. As Saskia Sassen implies, the changes in institutions and representations are mainly forced by struggles around political, economic, legal or cultural issues and we would add that they are even more promoted through periods of crisis. The elements on which we will focus our analysis on the current situation on Detroit are the new political coalitions and the evolution in economic structure.

he did not trust the corrupted local governance. Years later, after the self-regulation of the market put forward in the 80s as a substitute for public action, President Clinton announced in 1994 the project of Empowerment Zones, one of the first that integrates the communities in the game of governance. This program was a blueprint for rebuilding neighbourhoods, strengthening the families and creation jobs. To cut a long story short, since the first era of crisis in Detroit during the 50s, the socioeconomic problems were mostly tackled through the intervention of the countries authorities and it has taken several decades for local governments and citizens not only to be considered as political actors, but also to surpass the distrust caused towards the State by the Urban Renwal. In 2008, 97% of people of Detroit voted for Barack Obama as President of the United States. We should not be taken by surprise however, since not only has Detroit voted consistently for democrat mayors since 1968 (a majority of whom happened also to be African-American), but also the percentage of African American population rises to 83%. The mayorship of Kwame Kilpatrict, who served this post from 2002-2008, was marked by corruption and several scandals that lead to his resignation after the charge of ten felony counts. The need for a strong political representation that would offer hope (We Can) against the two major crisis (of subprimes and the industry) was satisfied in the person of Dave Bing, who was voted as the new mayor in the elections of 2008-9. Dave Bing, having a rather non-political professional career, since he was a basketball player before switching into a successful businessman5 who turned into a politician, was charged with the expectation of both citizens and economic factors for a reinvention of the city. In September 2010 he launched the Detroit Works Project, which is the beginning of the strategy towards a redefinition of the economical, social and urban landscape. The project begun with an audit conduction and many meetings with citizens, where the participation was beyond expectation. Bing invests in both short term and long term

A. NEW POLITICAL SUBJECTS The relations between political actors in Detroit have been troubled by crisis and we should examine some major points in the domain of public policy, in order to understand the evolution of governance and the game of power nowadays. The urban policies that took place in Detroit from the Urban Renewal of the 50s until the Empowerment Zones of the 00s are presented by Popelard (2009) : through his overview of main policy examples, we will try to read the game of exchange of power. In the 50s, president Truman founded the Urban Renewal program, whose intention was to modernise the cities, in a technocratic way though. The projects were created over the destruction of ethnic neighbourhoods. The unequal and authoritarian treatment lead to the characterisation of the mission as Negro Removal or Federal Buldozer. In 1964 president Johnson presented his Big Society vision. In order to battle poverty and racism he would use both state intervention and direct citizen participation, since

In 1984, Bing was awarded the National Minority Small Business Person Of The Year by President Ronald Reagan, while Bing Steel was growing to Bing Group.

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operations. International experience has proven that the regeneration of a city might take up to 30 years. However, the peoples needs are immediate and Bing used the results of Neighbouhood Analysis to improve services on a short term strategy. The numbers show this urgency: nearly 10,000 Detroiters attended the 28 community meetings from September 2010 to May 2011. Karla Henderson, Group Executive of Planning & Facilities , was surprised by this response. Henderson is also charged with investigations over permits, demolitions, zoning questions. The paradigm shift is taking place: 'That's not my problem. My responsibility is to the citizens of the community, not to your company.' Those days of operating like that are over", she replied6 when asked by companies on the change of demolition contracts who are no longer more favorable to contractors than to taxpayers. The politics of Detroit are neither imposed, nor come ex nihilo. The mayor is willing to learn through other examples of cities that suffered like Detroit : he perceives thus Detroit within a network of cities, the accumulated experience and expertise of whom can contribute in the city. The benchmarking is not happening however in un unofficial level. Bing visited himself the city of Turin7 in November 2010 where he had meetings with officials of the city on land use and the strategies to come out of the crisis. Hence local governance begins to participate actively in the city development policies and community issues, following in some ways independent paths from the US policies. Apart from the elected municipality, we can also distinguish emerging leadership in Detroit coming from the neighborhood level in local community development organizations. As Gallaher (2010) declares leadership is emerging from many quarters for this task of reinventing the city. We should mention the historicity of citizens district councils, since they were formed in the state of Michigan in 1969, the era of the big riots, circumscribed in the Big Society of Johnson with the aspiration to promote citizen

participation. In fact, these council did not function only as advisory boards, but their importance lied in the voice that they gave the poorer communities and the representation of the interests of the working-class. Nowadays, Mayor Bing has appointed an Advisory Task Force, this team has members as residents, religious leaders and leaders of the local nonprofit business, civic, and foundation communities. What is more, organizations such as U-Snap-Bac, University Cultural Center Association, the Heidelberg Project8 and Cityscape Detroit9, to mention a few10, flourish in the epochs of crisis. All these organizations defend not only ideas but also promote concepts on the city, and sometimes come in conflict with each other. In addition to communities and neighborhoods, the academic and professional milieu is to be mentioned : innovative ideas in urban matters and leadership emerge from academic or professional architects and planners, policy thinkers, economists. In 2008 a coalition of organisations solicited the American Institute of Architects in order to demand their contribution through a Sustainable Design Assessment Team. The workshops that followed had as participants not only the team members but also citizens, community leaders, local officials and technical experts. For Weber, cities are social structures that encourage individuality and innovation leading in this way to a historical change (Sassen, 2005). If in European cities, burghers battled for their property rights, in the case of Detroit (and many other contemporary cities) the debate for those that lost their properties is to reclaim of the right to the city, avoiding the expulsion. At the same time, citizens participation through communities would make us think of the guild affiliations of the European cities that helped at time also, develop a new sense of

Heidelberg Project is one of the most influential public art experiments in the US and the world. It supplements the lack of artistic and communitarian education in schools and it hosts a festival every other year with massive participation. 9 Cityscape Detroit is a nonprofit group that aims to good urban planning and design, architecture, historic preservation, investment, green spaces, mass transit, pedestrianism, human scale development, urbanism in Detroit 10 According to there are 292 community organizations in Detroit Area, a rather impressive number to be used with caution though, due to its source contestable credibility.
8 0372/New-leader-whips-Detroit-Buildings-Departmentinto-shape 7 Mayor Bing heads to Turin, the 'Detroit of Europe', November 12, 2010, 2010/11/12/mayor_bing_heads_to_turin_the_detroit_ of_europe/


(fig.8, left) during 20002009 white population slightly diminished in Michigan, however in Detroit it grew. (fig.9, up) the housing real estate market, source : Shrinking Cities, 2005

(fig. 10, left)The cover of Forbes, July 2011, featuring

Mayor Dave Bing. (fig.11, up) employment rates are growing

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appropriation of the city and thus a new citizenship. The change of scale in politics and policies, from the federal intervention to the municipal and local level promotes the autonomy of the city. This is a kind of reverse process, or maybe a circular one, that changes the paradigm of cities being under the power of the state to the one of the autonomous city within a network of cities.

B. NEW ECONOMIC STRUCTURE Detroit as we have seen previously, is shrinking in demographic terms, due to population moving not only out of the centre, but also out of the metropolitan area. The characteristics though of a shrinking city should be used in favour of Detroit and not against it, creating a new urban typology. Gallaher (2010) confirms11 the absence of the typical pattern of dense urban city fabric being followed by suburban tissue that gives utterly its place to the rural one. He identifies the new pattern that emerges in Detroit, which he describes as the pattern of middle landscape : a creation of rural pockets interspersed within the urban fabric. What is more, the depopulated areas to be readjusted and the vacant buildings to be reused are mostly in the city centre. Hence the opportunity to reconstruct the centre of the city appears full of perspectives : buildings of extreme architectural and historic value, whose monetary value however is declining (fig.9), are integrated into the design for the regeneration of Detroit. The bipolarity between the city centre and the suburbs is about to set the new backgrounds for the socioeconomic gestures. The urban core of mixed uses is the downtown of Detroit, accommodating commercial and educational uses, as well as some residential areas. This urban core is surrounded by urban villages12: they are characterised by residential uses in the scale of a neighbourhood, increased level of social interaction and a great percentage of land used for urban agriculture. Hence we have a distinction between the dense business-trade-culture centre and the agricultural production of the suburban area. This urban condition, having in mind the scale of a shrinking

city recalls the European city and its surrounding agricultural land in terms of distribution of uses and population. Even though the fortification, which Weber considers as important for the constitution of a city, is absent, we shall attribute this to the new era of 21st century. In new urban condition no fortification is needed.13 The city centre is planned to be worthy of a city centre in the European sense of accommodating the market, the commercial activities, the intellectuals, the political forces and residents. In 2008, Forbes14 placed Detroit on the top of the list of the most miserable cities to live, while only 3 years after in July 2011 the cover of Forbes dedicated to Best Places for Doing Business features Detroit!(fig.10) The table of employment (fig.11) testifies on the turning point observed in 2008 for the regeneration of Detroit. In this period a large amount of public, private and foundation investments is aimed to lure populations to move from the suburbs back to the city. The vitality of a strong city centre is guaranteed when people work, live, have fun and circulate 24hours a day : this is feasible within a mixity of uses and, of course, the introduction of permanent city habitants. The private initiative Live Midtown approached 30,000 employees of midtowns dominant institutions (Detroit medical Centre, Wayne State University and Heny Ford health System) to move to Midtown by discount on rents or house purchases. Project 14 is a municipal effort to encourage police officers to purchase homes in the city of Detroit in order to strengthen the relations between the community and the police officials. Another municipal initiative (2008) is the 15x15 Project that aims to attract 15,000 young and talented households to the city by 2015, targeting mostly to the 94% of college graduates that leave the city. As far as entrepreneurial motivations are concerned, extreme opportunities are offered there too. Detroit Venture partners in association with the Wayne State University and Bizdom U, to mention a few, are providing support and expertise to young entrepreneurs and graduates. Most of the young people accept the challenge, not only for the economic profits, but also for being part of the remaking of a city. Recent census figures testify that the overall population has shrunk by 25% the last decade : a more detailed examination of the figures will reveal

Gallagher John , Reimagining Detroit: Opportunities for Redefining an American City 12 Report By The American Institute Of Architects (2008)

Still, if Berlin wall fell in 1989, the Gaza one is always there. 14


that downtown Detroit during the last ten years marked a growth of 59% in the college educated residents, under 35 years old15. In fig.11 we see that the percentage of white populations is beginning to rise in Detroit, while in Michigan is rather declining. And while downtown Detroit lives an entrepreneurial, economic, social and cultural madness, the suburbs have slowly found their way of alternative economic activities. Urban agriculture is not a new story for Detroit, since in 1893 the depression-stuck citizens of Detroit were asked to cultivate vegetables in their vacant lots. The movement reappeared more strong after the abandonment of properties. It is today widespread, almost a thousand gardens, and is supported by personal initiative, it is not a formal activity, recognised and supported by municipal funds. However, urban agriculture contributes into employment, increased income, better health and reduced energy consumption. Andrew Hersher16, architect, defines this us unreal estate : he points out that all these informal initiatives could end up creating a real economy. The factors and the actors that create the economic coalitions in Detroit are more and more issue of the private sector governance. Most of the cultural institutions and universities rely on foundations and corporations for support. Public infrastructure programs, such as the Woodward Light rail project are funded by private philanthropy. The situation is not different at the neighbourhood level, where most community centres, playgrounds and parks depend on either volunteer work or foundations aids. This model of private-public partnership had enabled the realisation of big investment projects, such as the revitalisation of the Riverfront. The federal state is absent in terms of funding, but still holds some typical control of the projects. In sum, the economic activities in Detroit are not only clearly divided between the city centre, that holds the commercial, trade, cultural and political sector, and the suburbs that are characterised by a local scale of activities and intervention, but also between the public and the private sector. The weberian concept of the city center as a market entity founds its correspondance. The development of Detroit based mainly on private

funds and sole local political initiatives, seems to leave behond the influence of the state. Are we coming back to the model of autonomous cities in the times when the states hadnt yet emerged? CONCLUSION If we have insisted in our analysis not only on the present facts but also in a thorough presentation of the historical evolution, this was made with the intention to illustrate the urban shift in Detroit since 200817. A simple representation of current actors and coalitions would not demonstrate the massive change in mentality and thus the irrational choice of the weberian model in order to put into a frame of analysis the current situation of an exindustrial metropolis. Political participation and leadership coming from communities, foundations and the municipality is rising as well as an new notion for a diverse market being installed in the centre, that once used to be dominated by offices. The European model perspective for Detroit seems to offer a positive response to the problems of the post-industrial city. In fact, this model is not only responding to Detroit, but to every city in crisis, by rescaling the urbanity to a more sustainable size. For Weber, the modern city is a crucible of the society, the place for expression of interests, conflicts and innovation. Detroit is being planned to function like this, and it is following this path the last years. What is more, the city begins to function independently from the state, either through the municipal initiatives or through the intervention of the private sector. The global networks offer Detroit the chance to participate in a much wider context than the national one. If during the industrial period, the strategic interventions in a Fordist context were national, in the post-Fordist era the city gains in importance and autonomy in economic and political dynamics of cities.

What is more, apart from theoretical oeuvres and articles, in order to grasp the current changes, our research has been based on facts from the press, political and economical magazines, as well as internet resources.
17 16,63724.php

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BIBLIOGRAPHY American Institute Of Architects, Sustainable Design Assessment Team Report (2008), Leaner, Greener Detroit, , Detroit GARREAU Joel (1991), Edge City : Life on the New Frontier, AnchorBooks, New York GALLAGHER John (2010) , Reimagining Detroit: Opportunities for Redefining an American City, Wayne State University Press LEGUY Boris (2009), L'meute de 1967 Detroit, Bulletin de l'Institut Pierre Renouvin 1/2009 (N 29), p. 17-27 MAY Tim , PERRY Beth , LE GALS Patrick , SASSEN Saskia and SAVAGE Mike (2005) The Future of Urban Sociology, Sociology, Volume 39 (2), pp.343370, SAGE Publications OSWALT Philipp (edited by, 2005), Shrinking Cities: Complete Works 1, Analyse/Analysis, Kulturstifung des Bundes, editions Arch+ Verlag GmbH POPELARD Allan (2009), Dtroit, catastrophe du rve, Hrodote, n 132, La Dcouverte, 1er trimestre 2009, p. 202-214 STASZAK Jean-Franois (1999), Destroying Detroit. Urban crisis as cultural product , Annales de Gographie, t. 108, n607. pp. 277-299 THOMPSON Heather Ann (2001), Whose Detroit?: politics, labor, and race in a modern American city, Cornell University Press WEBER Max (1922), Economy and Society, An Outline of interpretive Sociology, University of California Press, 1978

[web addresses visited through 1-13 November 2011] : photography : photography : Detroit Empowerment Zones