Theme: Traineeship abroad (Brazil) Period: Fall 2011

Title: Sprawling Brazilian urbanisation: Identifying the challenges and potentials for planning in Curitiba

Author: Christina Rasmussen Supervisor: Maria Quvang Lund Vestergaard Number of pages: 34 pages Number of appendixes: 2 appendixes

Cover: View of Curitiba, from the Torre Panormica 18 th September 2011 (picture taken by the author) The content of the article is freely available, but can only be published (with proper indication of source) with the permission of the author.

SPRAWLING BRAZILIAN URBANISATION IDENTIFYING THE CHALLENGES AND POTENTIALS FOR PLANNING IN CURITIBA

Abstract

Many cities in Brazil are still experiencing the consequences of the strong urbanisation, started in the 1950s. They are expanding and developing completely new districts for a yet growing urban population. In many cases, those new districts are though developed outside of town, either in peripheral areas or through disconnected land developments. This article investigates how this trend of sprawl urbanisation affects cities, in terms of liveability and sustainability, and how internal renewal of the urban core would serve urban space and life more efficiently. This would mean for example, investing in existing land and space within cities, renewing old districts, focusing rather on the inside of cities than on their extensions. The article uses the example of Curitiba, a city with a planning history but which is hit by the same challenges as other Brazilian metropolises.
Keywords: Urban sprawl Curitiba Brazilian urban planning Urban acupuncture

INTRODUCTION
More than half of the world population now lives in cities (Kaasaa, 2011): this recurrent fact, with which Adam Kaasaa opened his conference of the 29 th November 2011, at the Museum Oscar Niemeyer in Curitiba, illustrates the pressure on the world cities, fostering challenges that urban stakeholders have to manage and integrate in their work (Kaasaa, 2011) (Martine, 2008) (Landry, 2006). This urban revolution sets prognostics for 2040, at about two third of the world population living in cities (Brugmann, 2009, pp. 10-15). References are especially made to the rapid urban growth of some Third World cities, such as Bogota, So Paulo, Mexico City: they become object of study in many university courses (e.g. studying the patterns of growth, investigating the geopolitics and governance dimension, comprehending the reality of favelas and slums as a new urban model) (Burdett & Nowak, 2008, pp. 3-6) (Ananian, 2009 (A)). Such growth, combined with the globalisation of markets, induces the development of new urban forms (Sassen, 2008). Urban sprawl is here often pointed as one physical outcome, with socio-spatial and economic consequences for the existing city, and identifiable under different forms (Ojima, 2007) (Martine, 2008). Literature on South American and Third World cities commonly highlights challenges such as social inequality, mobility, safety and pollution, fostered with the rapid demographic and economic boom of metropolises (e.g. So Paulo) (Rode & Burdett, 2009) (Ananian, 2009 (A)) (Ananian, 2009 (B)). It is triggering to note that such challenges are often related to dispersing urbanisation forms.

In the same drift thus, Brazil has witnessed, in the last decades, a sudden growth and urbanisation of its cities (IBGE, 2001). Using the experiences of Curitiba and an example of project worked on during my traineeship at Jaime Lerner Associated Architects (JLAA), I would like to examine this tendency of urban sprawl in Brazilian cities, and identify the potentials for concentrating the planning efforts around its central spaces. The article aims to identify the sprawling tendencies in Curitiba and establish how a re-directed focus on the city centres, hereby the rehabilitation and renovation of the existing urban spaces within the city and its infrastructures, will contribute to a sustainable and liveable urban development, in response to the current challenges of urban sprawl. The article will use the theories and practices of Urban acupuncture 1 met and applied at the traineeship site, somehow being in the same drift as theories and practices present in the current European and North American urban planning (e.g. Jan Gehl, Kevin Lynch, Jane Jacobs) (Busck, Rasmussen, & Skovsholt, 2011). From the modernistic masterplans, made by imported European planners, to current references made to the cities and urban practices overseas, Brazilian planning history has in general been strongly influenced by the European and North American urban planning theories and tendencies (del Rio & Siembieda, 2009) (Pereira, 2008). The cities there are considered more liveable and sustainable, and urban projects such as revitalisation of urban spaces, recuperation and transformation of degraded areas are of interest. (Magnabosco, 2011) (Capello, 2011). Before starting this investigation, it seems useful to point at some facts of urbanisation and planning in Brazil, in order to situate the analysis in its historical and demographical context.
Urbanisation and planning in Brazil

The world talks about the rise of Brazil on the globalised markets: with its emerging economy, the country also undergoes a demographic and urban boom. Between 1950 and 1980, national population doubled and Brazil shows, since 1950, a degree of urbanisation over 75%, reaching 81,23% in 2000. Three factors justify this boom: the natural growth of urban areas due to birth increase, the addition of previous rural areas in the counting of urbanised land, and the migrations to cities (IBGE, 2001). Brugmann (2009) points at the demographic shift due to the urban migrations of the second half of the 20 th century: it raises the demand and pressure on the urban infrastructure and housing (Brugmann, 2009) (Magnabosco, 2011). Existing structures and governance have to evolve in order to fit the new challenges of the city (Brugmann, 2009), which is likely to develop new urban forms and morphologies. Lately, cities grew largely beyond our control, inefficiently and problematically (Brugmann, 2009), as stakeholders failed to understand, plan and design in respect with this urban growth, to develop what he calls the basic practices of urbanism to viably create a City with less poverty, less inequality, and less environmental degradation (Brugmann, 2009).
Urban acupuncture is a combination of urban planning theory and ancient Asian curing methods (Casagrande, 2011). In his book Acupuntura Urbana, Jaime Lerner describes many examples of such practices, followed by the positive outcome, which then spreads and contaminates the neighbour environment and space. Urban acupuncture takes on various forms: e.g. physical, applied in space with architectural interventions for instance, or social, with socio-cultural initiatives for instance (Lerner, 2003). The article considers urban acupuncture to be in line with some European and Anglo-Saxon theories, as it addresses to the same issues of liveability, social and environmental sustainability, identity and image of spaces, placemaking, and so on (Busck, Rasmussen, & Skovsholt, 2011) .
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Del Rio & Siembieda (2009) introduces the historical background of Brazilian urban planning with the modernistic planning, followed by four tendencies. The first tendency, the military and technocratic planning, was the one promoted under the military regime of the first half of the 20 th century. Imported French modernistic urbanism served for example the totalitarian discourse of the Estado Novo 2 with the idea of promoting development, social discipline, and order through urban design (del Rio & Siembieda, 2009, pp. 2-3). The efficiency, functionalism and technocracy of modernism fitted the power structure of the military regime, offering an urbanism of segregated land use, remarkable public works and city infrastructure designed for private vehicles, as illustrated by the masterplan of Alfred Agache for Rio de Janeiro proposed in 1933 (del Rio & Siembieda, 2009). But the social dimension of urban planning lacked: Due to a lack of understanding of the social dimension of development, technorational national planning did not account for the pace of migration to large cities and the expansion of pirate subdivisions and favelas in major cities (del Rio & Siembieda, 2009, p. 13) The second tendency of democratic planning reacts on the urban land speculation, spatial fragmentation and social segregation: focus is directed towards methods and processes, with social attention on communities and the emergence of architectural and cultural preservation. Nonetheless the initiatives reach out only to a minority of the population (del Rio & Siembieda, 2009). The third tendency is characterised by urban interventions: the case of Curitiba is a good example of continuous implementation of various interventions (McKibben, 1995) (Lerner, 2009). And finally the fourth and current planning tendency summarises multiple approaches, into one general outcome of segregated spaces. Indeed, although not explained clearly, it is easy to perceive through many projects lead by architects and planners working for private investors, public planners or developers: controlled environments, controlled accessibility, separation of public and private realms are the consequences perceivable in current Brazilian cities (del Rio & Siembieda, 2009) (Ojima & Marandola Jr., 2009). Herewith Brazilian urbanism is presented as pluralistic and multifaceted, influenced by processes of globalisation and democratisation, and shifting between planning paradigms: [] from a quest to create a progressive, developed nation and the corresponding paradigm of commitment to modernism, Brazil has moved toward a quest for democracy and social equity through city building (del Rio & Siembieda, 2009, p. 1) Now investments are made into degraded areas, such as favelas and poor subdivisions at the metropolitan fringes, reiterating the tendency for masterplanning and restructuring the metropolises. According to del Rio & Siembieda (2009), the cities face the risk of losing its key role as physical space for a collectivity, when acknowledging the loss of public places due to the zoning and segregation of cities (del Rio & Siembieda, 2009). Nonetheless

The Estado Novo refers to the dictatorial period between 1937 and 1945, under the president Getlio Vargas (Britannica, 2012).

several authors identify cities as being the source of opportunities to counteract negative effects of urbanisation and planning (Martine, 2008): The street, the square, the sidewalk, the park, and the beach will always be fundamental places for socialization and plurality, and thus for Brazilian urbanism (del Rio & Siembieda, 2009, p. 34) This outlines thus the evolution of Brazilian urbanism and already reveals aspects of urban sprawl, which this article explores with a departing point in the planning tendencies: segregated planning, development of great infrastructures, land use speculation, emergence of informal subdivisions and settlements. Having now a better knowledge of the planning context of Brazil in general, it is necessary to pin down some aspects of the planning context and projects in Curitiba. The city is an international reference in terms of planning, though it is facing the same challenges as other contemporary Brazilian cities.
Urbanisation and planning in Curitiba

The state of Paran (Map 1) experienced its demographic boom and urbanisation at the same time as the rest of the country, although the Southern regions, especially Rio de Janeiro and Paran kept their degree of urbanisation while other states urbanisation was slowing down. In 2000, it still had the third biggest urbanisation rate of 80,94%. The metropolitan region of Curitiba is as well one of those keeping its urban growth at a rate of 3% in the last years (IBGE, 2001). Herewith the urban growth of the 1970s is still opposing its effects on the city, especially in terms of housing deficit (Magnabosco, 2011).

Map 1: Localisation of the state Paran, the metropolitan region and city of Curitiba 2006 (IPPUC, 2009, p. 13)

In terms of planning history, the first plan trying to structure the city and its growth is usually considered to be the masterplan designed by the French engineer Alfred Agache, in 1943. It aimed for concentric expansion of the city and the creation of a radial infrastructure for transportation, as shown on the historical map in Figure 1.

Figure 1: Plan Agache, 1943 (IPPUC, 2011 (A))

Such concentric planning was developed for a population of 150 000 (IPPUC, 2011 (B)). The plan responded to the times congestion problems and the citys need for spatial organisation: the result was the organisation of built areas around centralised commercial functions, such as in other Brazilian cities (Cardoso, 2011). But urban immigration and economic growth called soon for another solution: difficult access and congestion of the centre became then consequences to the concentric structure (Cardoso, 2011) (Rovani & Kerin, 2011). The masterplan of 1966, the Plano director 3, proposed thus a linear development of the city, along North-South and West-East axes becoming structural corridors (red axes on Map 2), where a BRT 4 system was developed along with regulations for land use, and a special road network based on a trinary road system (Figure 2). The concentric structure was kept as a system of linking rings, where the Interbairros 5 run (green circles on Map 2) (IPPUC, 2011 (B)).

The first masterplan were established in 1966, revised in 2004 (IPPUC, 2011 (B)). BRT stands for Bus Rapid Transportation, and have been implemented in Curitiba first in 1974, then in other developing cities such as Bogota. It refers to a bus transportation system with higher capacity of passenger transportation, often compared to a metro-bus; its greater speed is provided by the special implementation of priority lanes, payment before boarding, bi-articulated vehicles, etc. (IPPUC, 2011 (B)). 5 The Interbairros are the buses running between the neighbourhoods, circling the city centre.
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Map 2: Road network from the Plano Diretor 1996 (IPPUC, 2011 (A))

Figure 2: Trinary road system in Curitiba (IPPUC, 2011 (B), p. 10)

Herewith Curitiba valorised access to the city centre for those living next to the transportation axes and for middle and working classes living next to the peripheral terminals. Therewith it accomplished an integrated focus on the socio-spatial dimension of the urban planning, in a period which still was generally influenced by totalitarian and modern planning. This transportation project is the most famous of those implemented in Curitiba, because it integrated many urbanisation issues in one model (del Rio & Siembieda, 2009): Curitiba tied city growth, zoning, and higher densities to an integrated public transportation system and structural axes (del Rio & Siembieda, 2009, p. 21) Furthermore, the axes were designed in a global perspective, integrating as well urban features such as the parks, the industrial city and community centres (Cardoso, 2011). Finally urban interventions occurred between 1970 and 1990, in relation to the term of Jaime Lerner at the City Prefecture 6, and to the creation of IPPUC 7 in 1964. Projects such as the creation of pedestrian areas in the city centre (i.e. Rua XV de Novembro and Largo
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The City Prefecture is the Brazilian equivalent of the Municipality in Europe and refers to the political and administrative power in the city. 7 IPPUC (Instituto de Pesquisa e Planejamento Urbano de Curitiba) is the public organ of urban research and planning in Curitiba, instigated by a team of professionals (e.g. architects, urban planners, sociologists, anthropologists, economists) in 1964. It comprehends three sections: geodata, urbanism and architecture. Its role is to manage, develop and execute the planning in Curitiba, autonomously from political matters (Cardoso, 2011) (Magnabosco, 2011).

da Ordem), the drainage and flooding control through the creation of parks around the city rivers, the increase of green space per capita through the valorisations of planted public squares and streets, the waste management and various socio-cultural urban projects focusing on urban and cultural heritage and identity, complete the integrated approach to the planning and management of Curitiba (Cardoso, 2011) (Lerner, 2011 (A)). Literature on the city identifies the general strategy for Curitiba as working, within a global perspective, on the existing potentials and keeping cheap and low-tech solutions (McKibben, 1995). The global perspective is notable as well in the integration of many urban stakeholders: the development team of Jaime Lerner acted in collaboration with institutional organs such as IPPUC, URBS 8 and other Municipal Secretariats (Lerner, 2011 (A)). The success and reputation of the projects in Curitiba activate the curiosity about what theories and methods are behind the practices, promoted back then. Knowing the contribution of Jaime Lerner and his team to those projects, and influenced by my work at JLAA, the article will look closer at the planning approach applied here. The urban practice observed in Curitiba in the past is here argued to have potentials and focuses, which the future planning of the city needs to recognise again. After all, those projects took place at a time where the urbanisation of Curitiba was three times higher than the worldwide urbanisation rate and the city growth bigger than anywhere in Brazil (Brugmann, 2009). Before proceeding, the following section will describe the methodological steps of the analysis.

DISCUSSING METHODS AND SOURCES

To investigate the reality of planning in Brazil is a huge task, both given the size of the country, and given the complexity of its urban governance (Burdett & Nowak, 2008). The article takes thus a departing point in the Brazilian context of urbanisation and planning, reviewing literature on the general Brazilian urban planning tendencies and issues, before turning its focus to Curitiba. The analysis will investigate two outlooks: 1. Such as other Brazilian metropolises, Curitiba, as a model of sustainable planning and integrated socio-spatial development, is subject to uncontrolled growth and segregation, hereby experiencing the challenge of sprawling urbanisation and is suffering from the lack of continuous focus on its existing infrastructures (such as practised in the 1960-1990s). 2. Curitiba needs to focus again on the central spaces and functions of the city, hereby activating its central public places and its urban life, and giving the key for managing continuously its urbanisation and growth. Firstly the investigation will thus identify and define the sprawling tendency observed in Curitiba, helped by reviewed theories on urban sprawl. Then it will discuss the second point based on theories of Urban acupuncture and liveability of public places, highlighting practices that have shown remarkable results in the past. The article aims to reveal the potentials within the city centre, in opposition to dispersed and uncontrolled urbanisation.
URBS (Urbanizao de Curitiba) is the private-public organ of transportation planning in Curitiba. Concretely it takes care of strategic urban interventions and management of transport services of the city (URBS, 2011).
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Focus is held on the physical planning of Curitiba, but it is obvious that political, economic and social realities are intertwined in the city planning, influencing it strongly (Pereira, 2008) (Burdett & Nowak, 2008): perspectives about where to sustain this focus on city centre revalorisation will thus conclude the investigation. Throughout the analysis, literature which has depicted the evolution of the citys planning is confronted with information on the contemporary planning: data and reports from IBGE9, IPPUC and PUCPR 10 are crossed with the opinions of public planners (IPPUC), private planners (JLAA), and transportation consultants (IJL 11), and general literature about Curitiba. An example of project from the traineeship site will be used to link the reality of Curitiba with planning in other places of Brazil, to point at the differences and similarities. Furthermore, as this article closes a three month traineeship at JLAA, site visits and meetings (e.g. Favela visit with an urban planner and social assistant from COHAB 12), experiences and conversations with colleagues have been valuable for the understanding of planning issues in Curitiba especially, and Brazil generally. They have thus been taken into consideration in the arguments. Finally it is important to keep an eye on the subjectivity of information coming from the interviewees. Mauro Magnabosco, urban planner at IPPUC, was interviewed in order to understand better the current situation of Curitiba and the current focus of public planners working at IPPUC (see Appendix A). He is though bound to the existent political agenda and stance: although he referred explicitly to his own opinions under the interview, his view on planning in Curitiba is generally positive. The private planning team of Jaime Lerner, interviewed by the research group from PUCPR in 2011, and the two transportation consultants from IJL (see Appendix B 13), shows similarly their loyalty to the urban politics lead back in the years 1960-1990 14, and to the urban practice of the office. Nonetheless the interviews still bring an insight in the planning of Curitiba and reveal the dreams of the interviewed planners about future urban interventions and investments.

THEORETICAL REVIEW
As mentioned previously, many current urban challenges (e.g. social inequality, mobility, safety and pollution) are associated with dispersing urbanisation: in his article about the
IBGE (Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatstica) is the institution for statistical and geographical data about Brazil. 10 PUCPR (Pontifcia Universidade Catlica do Paran) is the state catholic university, located in Curitiba, comprehending a faculty of architecture and urban planning and a program of post-graduation in urban management. 11 IJL (Instituto Jaime Lerner) is the consultancy office working in parallel with JLAA, especially acting in matters of transportation and mobility. 12 COHAB (Companhia de Habitao Popular de Curitiba) is the public-private organ, created in 1964, responsible for the execution of the social housing politic in Curitiba. Its role spreads from the management of the municipal housing fund (as financial agent) to the realisations of plans and projects (as execution agent) linked to housing programs, such as the urbanisation of favelas, the relocation of exposed families and the regularisation of irregular land occupations (COHAB, 2011 (A)). 13 This interview was firstly carried out to feed my own experience and understanding of transportation planning and history in Curitiba. The interest for the article occurred along the interview and justifies its use as source in this investigation. 14 This period refer to the period where Jaime Lerner and his team had a distinct public and political power on the urban interventions undertaken in Curitiba. It refers to the creation of IPPUC and the mandate of Jaime Lerner as Prefect of Curitiba and State Governor of Paran.
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dimensions of urban sprawl, Ojima (2007) underlines that heavy demographic growth will lead to urban expansion, taking different forms with varying social and environmental impacts (Ojima, 2007). The definition is difficult as any dispersed urbanisation does not necessarily have to be considered as sprawl (Martine, 2008): what is sprawl then?
Defining and identifying urban sprawl

Definitions of urban sprawl differ depending on the focus the author had in mind. So far, analyses in Brazil and Latin America have mostly kept the focus on social, economic and political aspects of the phenomenon (Ojima, 2007). Other researches have focussed on the policies of urban growth and geographical economics, investigating the relations between the economies of the central city core and the metropolitan city fringe (Sassen, 2008). Sprawl is then also difficult to quantify as it presents multiple characteristics, and as each city might present them to various degrees (Johnson, 2001). This theory review on urban sprawl outlines some elements that will allow us to identify the existence of urban sprawl in Curitiba in the following sections. In reports from Urban Age South America Conference in So Paulo, issues of safety, security, mobility and social equity are pointed as main challenges of South American cities. Those issues are mentioned as consequences of uncontrolled and non-directed urban growth, due to lack of planning, policy and sustainable urban management (Rode & Burdett, 2009) (Burdett & Nowak, 2008). Jeroen Klink describes: [] in practice, the bulk of Brazilian metropolitan land markets is guided by a patchwork of masterplans that have been elaborated on the basis of different criteria and methodologies, without incorporating a more strategic view on the sustainable development of the metropolitan areas (Burdett & Nowak, 2008, p. 8). Referring to Ojima (2007), the term urban sprawl appeared in the U.S.A. and applies to the uncontrolled expansion of urban agglomerations in the mid of the 1960s, especially the dispersion of the suburban pattern of urbanisation* (Ojima, 2007, p. 278). Peiser (1989) defines sprawl as inefficient and discontinuous urban expansion, characterised by a low-density land occupation (Peiser, 1989). Martine (2008) speaks as well of the typical low-density of sprawling settlements, linking it to one among many space consuming patterns (Martine, 2008). Ottensmann (1977) characterises urban sprawl as a new scattered and isolated residential development, separated from the metropolitan core by vacant land. It is considered as a negative consequence of urbanisation, with negative impacts for the urban and rural environment, such as increased travelling, energy use and pollution. Ottensmann (1977) does not recognize any defined physical form for urban sprawl, other than a difference in density at the city fringe. He highlights the fragmentation of activities and increased distances to services at the metropolitan periphery, which contributes to the bad environmental impact of sprawl, as well as the economic and social implications (Ottensmann, 1977). It shows rapidly that urban sprawl is rather defined by some observable characteristic elements, and that the authors move on swiftly to depict all the negative effects of the phenomenon. The characteristics of sprawling urbanisation would thus be low-density, segregated, scattered and discontinuous urban settlements, car dependent and residential agglomerations, located at the metropolitan fringe. The

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consequences are socio-spatial, economic and environmental, and those are generally the ones criticised as well by planners 15: Urban expansion spurred by population growth may take different forms, with distinct consequences for quality of life, for the environment and for urban governance (Angel (2006) in Martine, 2008, p. 203) But what are those forms and what generates urban sprawl? Discussing with my colleagues at the traineeship site, I perceived that urban sprawl, in the Brazilian language, is often referred to as uncontrolled urban development, in opposition to the controlled and planned city; this appears as well in the work of Ojima (2007) about the forms of new Brazilian urban agglomerations (Ojima, 2007). Few articles have this spatial aspect in their perspective such as Ojima (2007), who investigates the socio-spatial aspects of the Brazilian sprawling city, and compares forms of urban dispersion. He suggests an index of new Brazilian urban agglomeration types, categorising them in four types of dispersion: the dense, the fragmented, the linear and the central agglomeration, shown in Figure 3 (Ojima, 2007). Density (Diagrams 1 and 2, Figure 3), as a recurrent parameter to identify sprawling agglomerations, reveals the transition between the dense urban core and the low-density periphery. Fragmentation (Diagrams 3, 5 and 6, Figure 3) indicates a so-called leapfrog development, or discontinuous urbanisation, in decentralised urban nuclei compromising for instance the agricultural regions. Linear development (Diagram 4, Figure 3) appears generally with the presence of a natural or infrastructural element in the landscape (e.g. river or road). Centrality refers to commuting patterns within the metropolitan area: a pole of development exists seemingly where most destinations are located. It is thus a combination of centralities generating a polycentric urban development, often at the edge of the city (Nechyba & Walsh, 2004). The concept of urban polycentrism is interesting to consider for example in case of discontinuous masterplanned agglomerations, which are recreating a small piece of urbanity, at a distance from the existing urban core 16. Those four types correspond to characteristics for identifying urban sprawl, and most of cases would comprehend a combination of those dispersion types.

Urban sprawl has its defenders (Ottensmann, 1977) as well, stating that quality of life is granted by more nature, less stress. Ideas of leaving it all to the markets economy, and that even this way, sprawl can somehow cause a more dense urbanisation in the centre, by leading the land market seek its natural level of density (Peiser, 1989, p. 194). 16 An example of such projects will be given in the analysis.

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Figure 3: Illustrative diagram of distinct forms of urban occupation (Ojima, 2007, p. 280)

With this knowledge about forms of urban dispersion, it is interesting to evaluate some effects of sprawl and its alternatives. Reflecting on the so-called battlegrounds of the city, Landry (2006) points at various dichotomies, among which are social equity versus disparity and compaction versus dispersal. He recognises that density sustains better the

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urban fabric and viability, from an economic point of view (e.g. efficiency and vitality related to the presence of commerce and services) (Landry, 2006). He forgets though the sociospatial qualities of dense urban agglomerations, which are mentioned by Ojima (2007). As counterpart to sprawl, centrality and compacity are treated in the literature as elements that provide urban qualities such as accessibility, walkability, cosmopolitan lifestyle combined with intimacy. Landry (2006) reflects herewith on the existence of an ideal scale: in those matters, cities of 2 million inhabitants are usually the reference (Landry, 2006). Brugmann (2009) refers as well to the opportunities of concentration, allowing activities to support themselves mutually and activate some kind of synergy between them: the economics of collaboration (Brugmann, 2009). In term of fragmentation, Ojima & Marandola Jr. (2009) speak about a net of problems (e.g. gated communities). They identify challenges of mobility, feeling of security and environmental issues due to the impact of discontinuous urbanisation, also named polynuclearity. The reduction of public space in favour of protected and closed urban cores usually residential and the disconnection of social action and services are here seen as result of such urbanisation (Ojima & Marandola Jr., 2009). This article will subscribe the socio-spatial optic on urban sprawl, and herewith explore its forms and effect on urban spaces, while considering its social effects on the use and perception of urban spaces: this encompasses considerations on liveability, attractivity and quality of urban spaces and life. The investigation will examine the urban expansion and planning of Curitiba, and oppose to it the question of the forsaken centre. Here the article will take inspiration in the theories about urban acupuncture, which Jaime Lerner promotes through his work and which I have been introduced to under my traineeship.
Urban acupuncture

Urban acupuncture is a theory and a practice of urban design and planning. The theory developed by Jaime Lerner, expressed in his book Acupuntura urbana, is an empirical theory, based on his observation and experiences through his life and work as architect and urban planner (Lerner, 2003). It affirms that the city contains the solution to its own problems and recognises the urban project as a collective one, with a shared outcome. Urban acupuncture sustains thus a practice departing in the potentials of the city and the collaboration of the urban stakeholders (Lerner, 2011 (B)) (McKibben, 1995). As the name already suggests, the practice of urban acupuncture is to carry out strategic intervention in the urban space, which should bring or concentrate energy and then spread it to the neighbour areas, thereby revitalising the urban spaces and life. Concretely, the practice focuses on three key aspects considered to enhance the liveability of the urban spaces: sustainability, mobility and sociodiversity. Sustainability addresses aspects of commuting and transport, waste management, constructing materials, environmental valorisation and social viability. Mobility focusses on the implementation of public transportation and the use of soft transportation modes. Finally sociodiversity encompasses considerations on identity, social and cultural heritage and community integration (Lerner, 2011 (B)). To integrate those key aspects into a global perspective, Lerner aims for creativity to implement projects at low costs for the city (McKibben, 1995).

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Jaime Lerner is not the first planner speaking of urban acupuncture; other theorists and practitioners such as Finnish professor and architect Marco Casagrande have developed the concept as an urban environmental methodology. The idea is similar: manipulating the urban energies in order to create sustainable cities (Casagrande, 2011). Shidan & Qian (2011) defines it as following: an approach of urban renewal which uses the smallest effort in the critical point to get the maximum result just like the ancient Chinese acupuncture (Shidan & Qian, 2011, p. 1859) It is interesting to observe that the concept shows many similarities in focus with AngloSaxon theorists (e.g. Jane Jacobs, Gordon Cullen, Kevin Lynch), and matches considerations on urban renewal or rehabilitation (Busck, Rasmussen, & Skovsholt, 2011). The theory opposes some troubles though in its open interpretation, which makes it sometimes different to apply in real time and space. Indeed as Lerner explains in his book, urban acupuncture can be architectural (i.e. edifices comprehending special functions and design), environmental interventions (e.g. park system in Curitiba aiming for flood reduction and protection in urbanised areas) or socio-cultural events (e.g. Comboio Cultural 17) (Lerner, 2003) (Lerner, 2011 (A)). The cited examples are considered as successes (McKibben, 1995) but it seems still difficult to determine the method to locate the strategic action. Meanwhile two key elements appear in urban acupuncture, which Shidan & Qian (2011) investigate in their work: the choice of location and of catalyst (Shidan & Qian, 2011). One clue to look at is the history and heritage of the acupuncture site. Indeed the theory focusses on the socio-spatial aspects of the strategic interventions, hereby on the creation or reactivation of the identity of users towards the site, the image and story-telling of the site to the outside world, the social and sustainable qualities brought in terms of place-making. An example from the traineeship illustrates the argument: in Cidade X 18, urban acupunctures consist of educational and cultural interventions, in relation with the logistical pole for which the city district is developed, hereby educational institutions linked to topics such as logistics and environment (e.g. University of knowledge), and cultural centres linked to the regions creative handcraft (e.g. terracotta) (JLAA, 2011). Urban acupuncture is proposed in this article as an approach to redirect the spreading efforts of sprawling planning. As urban sprawl has been described, it segregates the city spatially, functionally, economically and socially, with collateral effects on transportation, security, urban health, pollution, liveability and attractivity of spaces, just to name a few. Therefore the focus on strategic interventions with positive spill-over for several of those urban issues, herewith offering a global response on urban challenges, is considered as an interesting perspective to counterbalance sprawl. The attention given to space as a social production recognises the social dynamics that allow the positive outcome of the interventions to spread to spaces, and to affect their users. Minimalistic and low-budget
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The Comboio Cultural (Cultural convoy) was an initiative, under Jaime Lerners mandate as State Governor, to spread culture to all municipalities of Paran by means of bus convoys, which turned into performance stages for theatre, circus, opera, dance, concerts and so on (Lerner, 2011 (A)). 18 Description and maps about the project Cidade X will be found in the next section.

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aspects of urban acupuncture make it interesting as response to economically inefficient urbanisation. Moreover, the two terms combine conceptually through the idea of focussing dispersed energies. For those reasons, urban acupuncture appears as an interesting approach in matters of sprawling urbanisation and will be used through the analysis as a way to refocus on the essential aspects of urban space and life in the planning of Curitiba.

FACING THE SPRAWLING REALITY OF CURITIBA

As written previously, Curitiba is considered as a model for sustainable and integrated city planning and management. From my work at JLAA and visits at different public institutions, I can affirm that delegations of architects and planners, being students, professors or public employees, from other Brazilian cities and from other countries in the world visit the citys planning institutions IPPUC and URBS, and the office of Jaime Lerner, to get information, advice or inspiration about how to deal with challenges such as flooding, waste management, land use or transportation. The presented historical context of planning in Curitiba has shown a systematic and continuous ability to implement various urban interventions (Magnabosco, 2011) (Lerner, 2009).
Sprawling Curitiba?

Urban planner and architect from IPPUC Mauro Magnabosco (2011) speaks of the challenge of accompanying the growth of the city, while referring to a history of 45 years of planning, where the planning institute had the role of developing the city and preserving the guiding lines independently of the political changes (Magnabosco, 2011). While the political independence of this task is questioned, the aspect of continuity is here interesting: the projects dealing with Curitibas demographic, and herewith urban expansion, seem to lack a continuous management and development. Although Magnabosco (2011) expresses the presence of a dislocated focus from the centre to the development axes (but not discontinuous), he denies a tendency of sprawling urbanisation. But then he mentions the price of land at the city fringes making projects such as Minha Casa, Minha Vida 19 viable, the growth happening at peripheral districts 20, the commuting of dwellers and workers, many factors that are expressions of a sprawling urbanisation (Magnabosco, 2011). Curitiba experienced a strong demographic boom in the 1970s, readable in the continuous urbanisation rate of the state of Paran mentioned previously, and this growth is still posing challenges to the city today (IBGE, 2001) (Magnabosco, 2011). The main demand within cities nowadays is housing, in correlation with the urban growth and the desire of Brazilian citizens to own a house (Magnabosco, 2011); this reality is true for Curitiba as well. Furthermore the urbanisation of the city has been strongly linked with land prices and speculation (Magnabosco, 2011) (Burdett & Nowak, 2008). Within the city, some illegal settlements represent entire communities of citizens, which do not have access to tenure and therefore occupy informally the land (i.e. favelas and pirate fringe
MCMV is a governmental social housing program, created to reduce the housing deficit for Brazilians: it intends to give access to tenure by allowing credits to low income families (COHAB, 2011(B)). It is remarkable to note the general cultural tendency in Brazil of getting your own house (Magnabosco, 2011). 20 The actual growth per year in the centre district is of 2,3%, while the Southern peripheral district is reaching 13% (Magnabosco, 2011).
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settlements). Existing governmental programs address the housing deficit of those poor communities, while undertaking a restructuration and sanitation intervention in the area (COHAB, 2011(C)). If dislocation is needed in those projects, the new housings are located as well at the fringe of the city, where space is available and where land is at a fair price for the City Prefecture to buy (COHAB, 2011(C)) (Magnabosco, 2011). Map 3 shows the evolution of constructed land in Curitiba for the last decades: the South-East fringe is the one growing the most over the past years. Given the type of dispersion proposed by Ojima (2007), first a decreasing density is observable towards the periphery, followed by a fragmented growth and a higher density appearing especially in the South-East periphery. Thus the maps show clearly the spreading of the neighbourhoods from the centre (district within the red circle) to the periphery.

Map 3: Evolution of constructed land in Curitiba, per neighbourhood and decade (IPPUC, 2009, p. 203) Colour code: the darker, the more constructions are listed. Presented decades from left to right, first row: 1951-1960, 1961-1970, 1971-1980. second row 1981-1990, 1991-2000, 2001-2008.

Other planning tools applied by the City have a tendency to support constructions on peripheral land: the created constructive potential incentives for example. Such building incentives were created to preserve cultural heritage building, offer affordable housing for

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lower income classes or avoid occupation of green areas. The principle consists in relocating the building capacity (allowed in the zoning regulation) of a lot, where construction should be avoided for one of the three mentioned reasons, to another land released by the City, as shown in Figure 4. Concretely, land which is granted potential or value can either be developed to its building potential, restricted by the zoning regulation (i.e. lower surface allowed, thus uninteresting for the developer), or be left untouched, while another piece of land is granted to the developer with allowance of building the extra floors corresponding to the square meters transferred from the first lot. What determines the potential or value of land is the presence of a historical or social heritage building, the possibility to create public recreation districts with special social outcome, the presence of a special area of biological or environmental interest (or risk in case of floodable areas) or the preservation of park units (i.e. green space capital) (see Figure 4). These incentives should improve the quality of life, by preserving qualitative spaces within the city, while still keeping developers interested in investing in otherwise less economically attractive lots. The City creates thus supposedly a win-win situation. However, this dislocation is often directed towards the urban fringe (IPPUC, 2011 (B)) (Magnabosco, 2011).
Figure 4: Land occupation and urban management tools (IPPUC, 2009, p. 198) Translation of the illustration texts: Figura 08.01: Legal occupation incentives created constructive potential: underused buildings, either following the parameters of the zoning regulation or transferring de constructive potential, for better life quality. Figura 08.02: New instruments of urban management: Historical heritage, creation of public spaces, environmental preservation areas or new units of park preservation can justify the proposition of transferring the constructive potential to elevate buildings in other urban areas.

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In terms of transportation network, two facts appear chronologically that can be linked to a sprawling urbanisation. The development of the transportation axes, which started in 1974 and supported the linear development of the city, happened in correlation with the urbanisation of the peripheral districts (Rovani & Kerin, 2011) (IPPUC, 2009): indeed as Magnabosco (2011) pointed, strong peripheral growth has enhanced commuting and transit in the city (Magnabosco, 2011). Rovani (2011) illustrates proudly the improvement made by the implementation of the RIT system 21 in Curitiba: a dweller from the periphery could now reach the centre in two bus rides (Rovani & Kerin, 2011). Then since 2005, investments in public transportation and infrastructures have decreased (Rovani & Kerin, 2011): the degradation of the existing infrastructure and a tendency to let the bus alternative aside in favour for the car (Nakamura, 2011) could be seen here as consequences. Those facts and developments are closely related with challenges of urbanisation and negative consequences, identified by theorists of urban sprawl (Ottensmann, 1977) (Ojima & Marandola Jr., 2009). Magnabosco (2011) sees the RIT as a way to integrate and link the urban spaces and activities, and herewith annulling any considerations on a sprawling city (Magnabosco, 2011). But the effects of dispersed urbanisation and increased commuting in Curitiba result, or at least bring their share, in some negative outcomes: greater transit which sets pressure on the citys road network, increased car ownership and traffic, social segregation and inequitable access to the city centre (e.g. parks, commercial and cultural activities) (Rovani & Kerin, 2011) (IPPUC, 2009) (Rode & Burdett, 2009). Those challenges of peripheral growth were somehow addressed by the masterplan of 1966, the Plano Diretor, where land use, road network and public transportation are combined into the so-called sustainable model of planning Curitiba (IPPUC, 2011 (B)). More specifically, the city centre received land use regulation that reduced its concentric growth, in order to avoid congesting the centre, accessibility and link between the various neighbourhoods was developed (Rovani & Kerin, 2011). The consequence is the supported development of Curitiba along the transportation axes, which are acting as structural corridors (IPPUC, 2011 (B)), such as the comparative observation of Maps 4 and 5 show. The dark salmon colour on Map 4 shows the urban occupation between 1939 and 1966, and the lighter salmon colour shows the urban occupation between 1967 and 1985, after the implementation of the five axes of the BRT 22. Map 5 shows the occupation degree expected in the city, with a higher rate along the transportation axes (i.e. the BRT axes and the Eastern oblique axis of Linha Verde). The linearity factor identified by Ojima (2007) justifies the thoughts of sprawling development of Curitiba, although it is still a controlled and intended development.

The RIT system (Rede Integrada de Transporte, or Integrated Transport Network) comprehends the BRT (i.e. rapid buses) and other bus lines such as the Interbairros, linking neighbourhoods in circles around the city centre, the Linha Direta, linking only the terminals, the feeders, linking neighbourhoods to the terminals, or metropolitan feeders, linking the metropolitan area to the terminals, and more. RIT refers to the totality of the transportation system (IPPUC, 2009). 22 In 1974 is implemented the North-South axis, in 1977 the Boqueiro axis (South-East), in 1980 the Eastern axis and in 1982 the Western axis (Rovani & Kerin, 2011).

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Map 4: Evolution of the urban occupations in Curitiba, between 1654 and 2007 (IPPUC, 2011 (A))

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Map 5: Maximum occupation foreseen in Curitiba 2009 (IPPUC, 2011 (A))

This linear planning and development contributed to the dislocation of urban functions and services along those axes, in a tendency of decentralised planning, reducing the need to go to the city centre (Magnabosco, 2011) (Rovani & Kerin, 2011). The shift in destination trips to the city centre shows this explicitly: from 35% in 2008 to 92% in 1973 (Rovani & Kerin, 2011). Furthermore implementation of Ruas da Cidadania 23 creates decentred administrative poles, such as shown on Figure 5 (the integrated bus stations are shown in red) (IPPUC, 2009). The linear development sustains though a polycentric city form, where
The Ruas da Cidadania, translated to Streets of citizenship, are administrative centres where citizens can access different public services of the City Prefecture. The access is by bus and the area is within a sort of greater bus station, resulting in the payment of only one bus ticket to access those administrative services (IPPUC, 2011 (B))
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the need of going to the centre is abolished by the decentralised services and functions. This polynuclearity or polycentrism is as well one of the factors (Ojima, 2007) allowing to speak of urban sprawl.

Figure 5: Rua da Cidadania in Bairo Novo, Curitiba (IPPUC, 2011 (A))

The polycentric character of urban sprawl has to be considered carefully though. Taking the argument of Magnabosco (2011) upon the linking role of the transportation system and the consideration that those multiple urban poles are located within the RIT network (IPPUC, 2009), I would like to open up for a consideration on controlled dispersion, which is not fitting the definition of sprawl because subscribing a density, a mixture of functions, an accessibility to urban spaces and services, which is higher than in the low-density fringe agglomerations (such as the ones typically observable in U.S.A.). To support the argument, the connectivity between those centres should be investigated in order to affirm their qualities of accessibility and continuity with the other urbanised areas. Indeed when looking at the centrality factor (Ojima, 2007), the practice of urban planning, in Brazil at least, shows two types of polycentrism: the dispersed masterplanned agglomerations disconnected from the urban core, and the urban poles existing within the metropolitan area 24. The second would be the type polycentrism to be found in Curitiba, while the first can be illustrated by the following project, developed at the traineeship site. Indeed the team developed studies and propositions for several projects, consisting in masterplans developed as city extensions, located at a distance of the original urban core, as Figure B shows it explicitly for the example of Cidade X. The higher dashed circle represents the location of the existing urban core and where the bus transportation lines will converge (i.e. bus terminal), while the lower one shows the same for the industrial complex under development, and the middle one represents the integration of Cidade X to the network.
Crossing the municipal borders, other cities have expanded to such an extent that they blend with the sprawling urbanisation of Curitiba municipality, into a conurbation where the RIT has already been extended over the municipal borders (IPPUC, 2009). Although the article acknowledges their presence and the possibility to consider them as urban poles of polycentrism exterior to the metropolitan area, they are not considered here.
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Cidade X, in the municipality of So Joo da Barra

Location: North East from Rio de Janeiro, State of Rio de Janeiro Project description: Developing a new city district of 90 000 units of habitation, in relation with the development of the industrial and harbour district of So Joo da Barra. The proposition will thus allow 270 000 inhabitants to move to the location, becoming hereby a new economic pole. Proposition: Designing and planning a city around water canals (see Figure A). Design with water is the response to the lands physical and environmental characteristics (i.e. low land with high risk of flooding). The use of water as central design element supports the creation of differentiated spaces within the city, working hereby on density and permeability of the settlement, street perspectives, differentiated street sections, nautical transport mode integrated within the transportation network, etc. The land use encompasses housing (for all income ranges), commerce, services, community equipment, cultural and recreational units, parks and squares, and special equipment for educational, medical and cultural purpose. Source: (JLAA, 2011)

Illustrations:

Figure A: Perspective of Cidade X (JLAA, 2011)

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Figure B: Basic network buses (JLAA, 2011)

Nonetheless, as presented previously, Jaime Lerner is also the planner known, as initiator and supporter, of various projects in the city of Curitiba, mostly recognised for their integrated character with the socio-spatial, environmental and financial reality of the city. As described, strategies were grounded in existing infrastructures, alternative uses and identified potentials, and priorities given to recycling, reusing and giving new functions to existing urban features and spaces (Lerner, 2011 (A)) (McKibben, 1995). This shows a different focus in terms of urban planning: although the team tries to apply as much those principles, the context of the project such as the one presented previously complicates the approach as no existing identity or culture exists yet. Other strategies are thus needed to activate the spaces and implement the theory of urban acupuncture. Some examples were given earlier on how the team focusses on characteristics from the region (e.g. terracotta handcraft) and related poles (e.g. logistical pole) to justify their special interventions in the plans. This shows thus the complexity of applying urban acupuncture, which already was mentioned earlier, and reveals its limits according to the type of sprawl encountered. It is now clear that Curitiba is undergoing the effects of urban sprawl, although the fact does not seem to hit the consciousness of planners, unless it just is neglected. In some

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degree, the four types of dispersion presented by Ojima (2007) are present in the urban expansion of Curitiba: declining density towards the peripheral areas, fragmentation of the urban core and activities, linear development along transportation axes and dispatched centralities. It is thus relevant to have a look at the effects of sprawl on the city centre and the liveability of public spaces, in order to detect the potentials for counteracting the negative consequences.
Contemporary issues and future potentials

According to Magnabosco (2011) the city centre is not a degraded area and thus do not see a connection with any sprawl (Magnabosco, 2011). However he recognises that, with the focus on dealing with the growth of the city and the strict regulation on the occupation of the centre, its spaces and activities have been neglected by IPPUC, and he admits that the focus has to be redirected on the city centre. He recognises the difference in dynamics between the centre and the peripheral areas (e.g. So Jos das Pinhais and Araucaria) where work opportunities attract dwellers and workers. Hence Curitiba still presents a sectored occupation of the city (Magnabosco, 2011). The Industrial City for instance is developed as a city with various urban functions and services; polycentric poles, such as Pinhais, Champagnat, Porto or Batel, developed with as well their own urban activities and life, reducing the centre into a place to visit (Lerner, 2009). It can be stated thus that those polycentric neighbourhoods offer opportunities for urban activities and life in a decentralised development pole, but also segregate socially their inhabitants. Such segregation compromises the good public environment and quality of urban life, by disregarding the need for proximity and mixture of functions and activities (Magnabosco, 2011). Since proximity and mixture exist in the city centre, Magnabosco (2011) identifies the challenge of liveability here more as a question of timing and opening hours (Magnabosco, 2011). Nonetheless facts about the advantageous growth of peripheral districts (13%) compared to the centre (2,3%) show as well the difference in demographic dynamics (Magnabosco, 2011), and crossed with facts on destination trips to the centre, decreasing from 92% to 35% between 1973 and 2008 (Rovani & Kerin, 2011), suspicion appears about the attractivity of the central spaces. Now looking at the cultural spaces and centres positioned throughout the city (see Map 6), an interesting aspect is the rather clustered tendency around the city centre, assuming that although the city might have developed other centralities, the historical centre remains the most vivid in terms of cultural identity of Curitiba. Additionally it is notable that the Southern part of Curitiba, which was identified to have a greater growth and construction rate, is the one with least cultural spaces (comparing Maps 3 and 6). These clues combined give a picture thus of various urban sub-poles that might evaluate in a hierarchy of centralities. Knowing little about projects in the decentralised poles, and having found little information on eventual projects in those districts, the article will focus on the current projects in the city centre, hereby revealing the current focus and identified potentials.

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Map 6: Cultural spaces in Curitiba 2008 (IPPUC, 2009, p. 296)

Projects at IPPUC such as Cores da cidade, or Novo centro, are focussing on the requalifying of urban spaces, functions and activities. Not just the liveability of space is considered here but also issues such as urban health (Magnabosco, 2011). In reports on current projects from IPPUC, the city centre of Curitiba is qualified as an area available for special interventions (IPPUC, 1998): does it mean that the city centre should comprehend extraordinary functions, or does it suggest that additional efforts should occur in the urban management of this district? Although it is not clear, the use of the term special suggests a potential, an opportunity, and it is that opportunity which could be identified as special for creating liveability. In general, IPPUC valorises punctual projects that match the theories about urban acupuncture promoted by Lerner, promoting life quality and good urban image

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(Magnabosco, 2011). In reports of IPPUC about the current situation in the centre, the identified problems concern the bad maintenance of the historical buildings, the loss of symbolic references, the lack of attractivity of the main pedestrian street Rua XV de Novembro, the lack of uniformity in the urban furniture and equipment, the lack of marketing for the city centre, the bad conditions for living in the centre, the lack of social actions for dwellers, the loss of economic vitality, the increase of parking lots, the lack of security and environmental sanitation (IPPUC, 1998). Hereby it can be stated that IPPUC focusses on the central urban spaces and the socio-spatial dimension of the projects. The interventions concern in general mostly the public environment and landscape (Magnabosco, 2011), showing here as well the limit of action of IPPUC in its projects. Although in this report, the answers to the stated challenges suggest interventions on the urban and architectural heritage, and states that more than focussing on economic and social aspects, it will promote a marketing based on public-private collaboration (IPPUC, 1998). A general desire and focus of IPPUC is the maintaining and management of existing structures, and the creation of spaces favourable for peoples dignity, comfort, security and health. It is interesting to observe that the previously presented focus areas combine with the reflection of Landry (2006) on the drivers of change within a city: health and urban design; safety surveillance and public realm; time and spectacular (Landry, 2006). This leaves an optimistic perspective about the current focus of planning in Curitiba, grabbing the right opportunities among the various urban issues, in order to revitalise and manage the urban spaces, if they succeed applying the evoked considerations concretely into their projects. In terms of transportation projects, projects exist such as the Linha Verde and the implementation of the metro line, supposed to link residential areas to the centre and other neighbourhood, hereby enhancing commuting in the city, with a greater speed and capacity of the vehicles. Such plans oppose the idea of reducing the populations commuting habits, even though they are developed in the same integrated approach, with land use and road network (IPPUC, 2011 (B)) (Magnabosco, 2011). Even though bike lanes are on the agenda of the City in those projects, the metro project still represents a financial and social cost: with that money slight improvements could be made on the BRT, making it rapidly more efficient (Rovani & Kerin, 2011) while increased social segregation and commuting attitudes could be avoided. While IPPUC expresses the desire to extend planning influence to the metropolitan region, and further (Magnabosco, 2011), the metro might actually help it on the way. It is clear now that urban sprawl in Curitiba generally affects the liveability and attractivity of its centre, and seemingly dislocates the attractivity to other centralities, although cultural heritage still is centralised in the historical core of the city. The question is thus about the liveability of those decentralised public spaces, and about the sufficient focus of planners on those spaces. Furthermore dislocation of people, commuting and development of transportation network can be related closely to urban sprawl, even though the projects here have had an impact on the image of the city, and thus on its competitivity and attractivity regarding other municipalities (Busck, Rasmussen, & Skovsholt, 2011). Herewith the challenges and potentials of Curitiba appears more clearly in terms of its historical centre, its decentralised urban poles and its transportation network, although

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each element presents both opportunities and risks according to the stance developed by the current projects. As effects of urban sprawl on Curitiba have been named and various considerations made on the current urban projects and future potentials, it is essential to look at how to focus the planning efforts in the continuity of the existing projects and past interventions, especially in order to reactivate the central urban spaces in counterbalance to the sprawling phenomenon.
Reactivating the central public spaces

According to the hypothesis of the article, rehabilitation and renovation of existing urban spaces within the city is an investment with greater outcome in terms of liveability for the city. The inspiration in the principles of urban acupuncture here are justified as the theory stands as one way to achieve the revitalisation of urban spaces in a sustainable perspective (Lerner, 2011 (B)). Meanwhile, it seems important to acknowledge one aspect due to the strong demographical growth of cities, and already mentioned in relation to the identification of urban dispersion. With sprawl being one natural consequence of rapid urbanisation, planners must face the difficulty or even impossibility to prevent the phenomenon in rapid growing cities. Entirely controlled urban planning, in cases such as Curitiba, So Paulo or other Brazilian metropolises, is thus not conceivable. When answering the demand of the growing population for accessibility to urban functions, services and public spaces, the considerations about polycentrism emerge again: less as a sprawling and negative consequence of dispersed urbanisation, it can rather be an opportunity for sharing the planning effort and managing more adequately the urban spaces, in proximity to theirs users. The spreading residential areas will of course not grow smaller because of strategic interventions, but the attractivity of the centralities would be granted the ability to concentrate development around spaces, buildings and events. This argument is based on the theory and experiences of urban acupuncture, and on European and Anglo-Saxon theories. Then focus would be needed on the improvement of the current transportation network, which is moving masses through the city, but which is also, according to this idea of favourable polycentrism, playing an important role in linking the various centralities. According to Rovani (2011) and to Nakamura (2011), the RIT system is still able to answer the high demand of commuters today, as long as some amelioration is done, which would be more simple and economical to implement than a metro line for instance (Rovani & Kerin, 2011) (Nakamura, 2011). In this sense, the proposition is to work on integrated attractive centres, well interconnected and related to the city centre. Herewith the idea of a polycentric city, linked by good functioning transportation network, could emerge as the new development model of Curitiba. While considerations are made here on the city centre and the various centralities of Curitiba, it seems thus convenient to highlight that the decentralised poles need to focus on projects of revitalisation and activation of their public spaces and buildings to develop their attractivity, as much as the city centre. Indeed the city centre is currently having projects developed for renewal and rehabilitation of historical buildings and streets with special interest (e.g. Riachuelo, the cultural street with all the theatres), aiming thereby for requalifying urban spaces (IPPUC, 1998). Those projects still lack some concreteness

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though, compared to projects such as the metro line. While walking in the city, many potential sites appear as opportunities for constructing new public assets, for renovating old functions and activities. Punctual interventions on those sites, well connected to the public spaces can generate more quality of the urban space and life. As IPPUC already is suggesting the use of the upper floor of the existing buildings, for hosting various housing types (e.g. students, hostels, pousadas 25, and habitations) integrated with cultural, creative, educational or commercial functions would result in a mixed occupation area. A diversity in the occupations, and a regulation that makes it more and more expensive to park a car in the city centre (Rovani & Kerin, 2011), might reasonably conclude in more walking, cycling or bus trips, and thus more people in the streets. Such attention could be given to the surrounding poles as well, for example, making the Ruas da cidadania not only integrated with the bus lines, but also with the neighbourhoods particularities, and hereby enhancing the experience to more than an administrative visit. Furthermore when speaking of the city centres advantages, Magnabosco (2011) refers to the proximity of services and activities, the mixture of functions and people, but when speaking of projects in the centre, he refers to new buildings integrating the functions of hotel, apartment-hotel and housing, probably a condominio which would only be accessible for a part of the population. The argument assumes that such development will provide job opportunities for the working class, and therewith sustain social diversity and flow, especially at bus stations (Magnabosco, 2011). Even though the view on spontaneous urban diversity seems positive, the reality probably will not correspond to such generation of socio-spatial synergy, but rather another socio-economic segregation between the people living in the central districts and those commuting in order to work there. Mentioning the aspect of commuting, this would just enhance the transit of people through the city and does not correspond with the previously mentioned objective of reducing commuter trips in Curitiba (Magnabosco, 2011). To enhance sociodiversity and economic viability, inspiration can be taken from socio-cultural events such as the Corrente Cultural (Corrente Cultural, 2011): for three days, the city was filled with people going to the shows and art installations, herewith increasing social interaction and feeling of security. Such cultural event is in the same line as several cultural and educational interventions made in the 1990s (e.g. Comboio Cultural) and is one form of urban acupuncture (Lerner, 2011 (A)). Additionally it responds to Magnaboscos call for more day-round activities, another aspect of liveable urban spaces (Magnabosco, 2011). Finally as Shidan & Qian (2011) mention in their work and according to the experiences from the traineeship site, there are scales of urban acupuncture (Shidan & Qian, 2011). As the article has promoted interventions in the central spaces of the city, it is still important to conceive them in a global and integrated perspective with the metropolitan region of Curitiba. If urban acupuncture and revitalised urban spaces should bring life quality to the users and counterbalance sprawl, the vision will have to reach out for the city fringes as well, and the connected metropolitan municipalities, just as the RIT system already connects the various municipalities (IPPUC, 2009).
25

A pousada is some kind of accommodation between a hostel and a bed and breakfast.

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CONCLUSION AND PERSPECTIVE

At an early stage of my traineeship, a colleague asked me about my vision of next step for Curitiba to succeed in the revitalising its planning: this article highlights the potentials for this revitalisation, in the current context of urbanisation and planning in Curitiba. Digging behind the reputation of Curitiba and its urban planning history, the article evaluates the situation today, as an example of the challenges and issues, which any Brazilian city has to deal with currently. While Curitiba is somehow only recently dealing with sprawl, because of a continuous planning effort to answer the housing deficit and various urban challenges, the topic is still relevant for most of fast growing Third World cities. From describing the context of urbanism in Brazil and in Curitiba, it is already perceivable how Brazilian urban planning is obviously influenced by overseas theories and practices: from modernistic planning, through the exploration of democratic approaches and to urban interventions and a multiple approach urbanism, reflecting somehow a search for defining its stance in todays globalised cities and towards phenomenon such as urban sprawl. As described the latter results from the high growth and urbanisation the land experienced through the past decades. The definition of sprawl reveals the various perspectives that theorists and practitioners undertake: in this article, the socio-spatial is chosen to explore the relations between the spatial characteristics of sprawl and qualities of urban spaces and life. Four physical characteristics, developed by Ojima (2007), helped to define why Curitiba can be considered as a sprawling city: density, fragmentation, linearity and centrality (Ojima, 2007). Indeed few interviewees or few conversations I had, admitted this reality of sprawling urbanisation in Curitiba. Meanwhile, observing the evolution of urbanised areas crossed with the history of its planning and the arguments of the interviewees, the evidence showed signs of urban sprawl here as well. The planning of the city opens up though for a perspective of urban polycentrism, not just being an effect of sprawl but also an opportunity for focussing efforts on revitalisation of urban spaces and life. In this task, the theories of urban acupuncture can be used as an inspiration to look at ways to qualify and activate life and uses in the citys central urban spaces. The revitalisation would occur through single interventions on existing lots and urban spaces, offering opportunities for the rehabilitation of new functions to generate a functional and social diversity in the centre, but as well by means of socio-cultural events, affecting the timing of in the use of urban spaces. Finally connectivity and accessibility would be granted by attention on the existing RIT system, assuring the link between centralities, neighbourhoods and the metropolitan region. There lays the potentials for social and economic revitalisation of urban spaces, and the opportunity of concentrating the spread city around some attractive urban poles. Clearly the significant dimensions of the topic, such as political will, economic incentives, urban sociology, study of migration attitudes and logic of choices, have not been touched in this exploration of the phenomenon of sprawling urbanisation. Acknowledgement is though made here about the capital importance of those aspects, in order to understand better the socio-economic aspects of sprawl, herewith also explaining thoroughly the negative aspects of it, which were just enumerated in this article. Furthermore urban governance is a

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key-element to assure an effective implementation of the ideas presented on revitalisation of central spaces in response to sprawl, especially given the political and financial context of the projects in Brazil, or in any developing country. Those dimensions need to be integrated before the urban perspective can be considered as global and fully integrated: this concerns for instance the role of the City Prefecture, the various public organs, the issues undertaken by the State. The complexity of such integration is illustrated by Al Gores comment: We are in an unusual predicament as a global civilization. The maximum that is politically feasible, even the maximum that is politically imaginable right now, still falls short of the minimum that is scientifically and ecologically necessary (McKibben, 1995, p. 1) Giving the history and reputation of Curitiba, described as a long-time planned and sustainable city model, the politically desirable right now seems to aim for keeping the city on the world map of references. This combines as well with the attention on urban marketing and competitivity emerging with the Football World Cup 2014 coming to Brazil. But does the desire fit the politically imaginable, could be the next question.

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