FROM INDIO TO FILIPINO

The Filipinos began to fight the Spaniards the

moment they settled permanently in 1565 and
continued this resistance to the end of their rule in
1898.
All these pockets of resistance for various causes
burst into a national struggle as the Filipinos fought
to liberate themselves from Spanish domination in
the Philippine Revolution of 1896-97.
 Lapulapu of Mactan (1521) and Dagami of Cebu
(1567) were among the first Filipinos to refuse to
bow under Spanish yoke.
The revolt patterns must be treated holistically, and
not separately, as personal and religious functions
may be one and the same in one leader.
In other words, a personally-motivated revolt may
also have been motivated by religious, or even,
economic causes.
 PERSONAL MOTIVES

As proved by the official records, some revolts were

personally led by former barangay datus and
maharlikas, as well as babaylans or katalonans, who
had lost their prestige and power in their
communities with the coming of the Spaniards and
were supplanted by leaders chosen by the Spaniards
and by the Spanish friars.
 PERSONAL MOTIVES

Lakandula and Soliman, last of the Manila

chieftains, revolted in 1574, the same year Limahong
attacked the poorly-protected palisaded Intramuros.
They were formerly compensated and given
privileges by Legazpi, however during the
administration of Lavezares, sequested their landed
properties and even tolerated the encomenderos
abuse and oppression of their people.
 PERSONAL MOTIVES

The conspiracy of the maharlikas of 1587-88 were

led by the kin-related datus of Manila and some
towns of Bulacan and Pampanga, under Agustin de
Legazpi, son of Lakandula and his first cousin,
Martin Pangan.
The masterminds, were finally caught, were intially
dragged on hurdles, to the gallows, hanged,
decapitated, and exposed in iron cages, as a grim
warning against the crime.
 PERSONAL MOTIVES

Paganism and idolatry persisted even after the first

and second generation Spanish friars, had converted
zealously the Filipinos en masse, as exemplified by
30 babaylans in Bohol who in 1611 smashed their
ancestral idols and altars and even joined the
childrens class in catechism.
In 1621-22, an outlawed babaylan, Tamblot of Bohol
employed magic and religion in alluring the
unbelieving people to abandon Christianity and to
return to their former beliefs.
 PERSONAL MOTIVES

The sparks of this rebellion spread in Carigara

(Leyte), led by Bankaw, datu of Limasawa, who
warmly received Miguel Lopez de Legazpi in 1565.
Although baptized Christian in his youth, he
apostasized in his old age.
With the babaylan Pagali, he built an appropriate
temple to the diwata and pressed six towns to rise up
his arms.
They also used magic to attract devotees.
 PERSONAL MOTIVES

The 18th century saw some significant revolts in our

history: Dagohoy in Bohol, Silang in Ilocos, Palaris in
Pangasinan, and Magtangaga in Cagayan.
The longest revolt in the Philippine history was that
of Francisco Dagohoy, a cabeza de barangay of
Bohol, taking 85 years (1744-1829) to quell.
Although forced labor was one of the causes of
Dagohoys revolt, it was the Jesuit priest Fr. Gaspar
Morales refusal to give his brother, Sagarino a
Christian burial, on the ground that he died in a
duel.
 RELIGIOUS MOTIVES

The continuous Hispanization of the Filipinos

through religion was in line with Spains policy of
Gospel, Gold, and Glory.
Various attempts were made to proselyte the various
cultural communities by employing a newly
Christianized chieftain of his children and family as
shining models for the other barangay members to
follow, or by using a Christianized member of a
converted ethnic community to evangelize other
neighboring unconverted groups.
 RELIGIOUS MOTIVES

Two new Christianized Isnegs (Mandayas) of

northwest Cagayan, Miguel Lanab and Alababan of
Capinatan (Apayao), revolted in June 1625 by
mutilating and beheading the Dominicans Fr. Alonzo
Garcia and Brother Onofre Palao.
They compelled the Isnegs to escape to the
mountains, set fire to the churches, desecrate the
images, and loot properties.
 RELIGIOUS MOTIVES

A nativist revolt with religious overtones was led by

Tapar, a newly-Christianized babaylan on Oton,
Iloilo, who proclaimed himself god Almighty and
who went about in the garb of a woman.
As a founder of a new syncretic religion, tapar
appropriated Catholic terminologies and did not find
any need for Spanish curates as he believed that they
had their own popes and bishops and priests
with aides, Jesus Christ, Holy Ghost, and
Trinity who could minister them in their own way.
 RELIGIOUS MOTIVES

Almost coeval with the Magtangaga revolt in

Cagayan in October 1718, was another religious
uprising in Tugegarao led by Francisco Rivera, a
visionary who appropraited for himself the title
Papa Rey (pope and king).
Together with his believers, he deprived all the
citizens and dependents of the church the freedom
of worship by instructing his adherents in Tugegarao
to give back to the Dominican missionaries the
rosaries, scapulars, and other religious objects.
 RELIGIOUS MOTIVES

Ermano Apolinario de la Cruzs revolt may be divided

into two phases phase I from 1832-1841 was from the
founding of the Cofradia de San Jose in 1832 to the death
of De la Cruz in 1841; and phase II from 1870-71, with the
revival of the Cofradia in 1870, terminating with the
revolt and capture of Januario Labios in 1871.
De la Cruz was an ex-donee (lay associate) in the San
Juan de Dios Hospital, even as he was admitted to the
Cofradia de San Juan de Dios which was open only to
native-born but not to whites or mestizos.
He was not admitted to a religious order because he was
an indio.
 RELIGIOUS MOTIVES

In December 1832, Ermano Pule, then barely 18

years, with the Filipino secular priest, Br. Ciriaco de
los Santos, and the 19 others from Tayabas (now
Quezon) province, founded the cofradia centering
around the cults of San Francisco and the famous
brown image of Our Lady of Peace and Good Voyage
of Antipolo.
Five years later, the confraternity was named
Cofradia del Sr. San Jose i voto del Santisimo
Rosario and proselytized in Tayabas and Laguna
particularly in Lucban, Sariaya, and Majayjay.
 RELIGIOUS MOTIVES

After 20 years, the cofradias reappearance was divulged

on Corpus Chrsiti Day in 1870, by Fr. Florentino Tuazon.
He said that during the Lenten season some members
reunited and celebrated their rituals on Mt. Banahaw.
They proselytized by mentioning the joint apparition of
the Virgin of Rosary, De la Cruz, and Octavio Ygnacio de
San Jorge, who ordered the revival of the cofradia,
prescribing new religious rites and promising eternal
bliss as a reward in the life after, abolition of tribute, and
freedom.
 RESISTANCE TO SPANISH-IMPOSED INSTITUTIONS

The Spanish institutions of taxation, forced labor,

galleon trade, indulto de comercio and monopolies
were persisted irritants that cause Filipino to revolt.
Led by Magalat, chief of Tuguegarao (Cagayan), with
his brother, the opposition to the illicit tribute
collection motivated the Cagayanos to revolt.
In Eastern Mindanao, another rebellion broke out in
Caraga, from 1629-31, also inflamed by the unjust
collection of tributes in kind.
 RESISTANCE TO SPANISH-IMPOSED INSTITUTIONS

In 1649-50, in Palapag, Samar, a son of a babaylan

Juan Ponce Sumodoy, and a datu from Catubig,
Pedro Caamug, headed an uprising that spread to
other coastal towns.
This was a reaction to Governor Diego Fajardos
order of shifting recruitment of the irksome polo y
servicios personales from Luzon to the Visayas for
the first time, the relieve the Tagalogs in building
galleons and warships in Cavite.
 RESISTANCE TO SPANISH-IMPOSED INSTITUTIONS

In the 18th century, major uprisings occurred mostly

in northern and central Luzon, spilling over towards
the Tagalog regions.
In Cagayan, the poverty-stricken life of the farmers
was made more despairing due to a series of lean rice
and corn yielods caused by migratory locusts which
wreaked havoc on the province during the first
decade of the 18th century.
 RESISTANCE TO SPANISH-IMPOSED INSTITUTIONS

Infuriated by worsening economic situation,

General Luis Magtangaga, chief of Malaueg (Rizal,
Cagayan), assisted by an affluent chief of Tuao,
Tomas Sinaguingan led the Itawis and Gaddangs
(Irayas) in the middle Cagayan area to rise up in
arms against the authorities in 1718
In 1719, Pangasinan also witnessed a revolt led by
Juan Caragay, of very low birth from Dagupan,
galvanized by the tyrannical acts of the alcalde
mayor who used force in the unlawful collection of
tribute and draft labor.
 RESISTANCE TO SPANISH-IMPOSED INSTITUTIONS

In the late 1750, Pangasinan experienced untold

socio-economic restiveness as a consequence of
destructive floods and poor harvest, which was
further aggravated by the personal excesses of the
then alcalde mayor, Joaquin de Gamboa.
At Binalatongan (now San Carlos City), a principalia
member, Juan de la Cruz Palaris, spearheaded a
rebellion in 1762 against Gamboas personal excess,
which easily spread to the other major towns of the
province, reaching as far as the present Tarlac.
 RESISTANCE TO SPANISH-IMPOSED INSTITUTIONS

Diego Silang, like Palaris, was a principalia who

vehemently opposed the exaction of the comun
(annual tribute of one real fuerte), drafting of
polistas and other unscrupulous practices of the new
alcalde mayor, Antonio Zabala, a career military man
who abused the indulto de comercio.
Silang headed the revolt in December 1762,
accompanied by the different cabos representing the
two Ilocos, Abra, and Cagayan.
 RESISTANCE TO SPANISH-IMPOSED INSTITUTIONS

With the death of Silang, alcalde mayor Manuel Arza

y Urrutia of Cagayan initiated the hot pursuit of the
remaining rebels led by his widow, Maria Josefa
Gabriela de Silang, and his uncle; Nicolas Cario.
Eventually, Mrs. Silang, the first woman to lead a
revolt in the Philippines, Sebastian Andaya and
Miguel Flores, with about 90 loyal silanistas were
hanged along the Ilocos Sur coastline, from Candon
to Bantay, with Gabriela Silang compelled to watch
the slow death of each of her faithful soldiers.
 RESISTANCE TO SPANISH-IMPOSED INSTITUTIONS

Two essential monopolized items, tobacco and basi,

especially important among the poorer classes of
Filipinos, sparked the Lagutao (Labutao) revolt
(1785), the Samal Mutiny (1787), and the Ambaristo
(basi) revolt (1807).
 PEASANT UNREST

In April 1745, the Tagalog regions were marked by

peasant unrest which started in the hacienda town of
Silang in Cavite, spreading blood to the rice-growing
provinces nearby.
The maginoos of Silang disputed fradulent land
surveys which usurped a large portion of the
communal lands in Latag (now Carmona) and Lantic
which were unjustly awarded to the Chinese and
mestizo tenants of the Dominican-owned friar estate
of Bian (Laguna).
 PEASANT UNREST

By 1822, another peasant revolt broke out once again

in the vast hacienda towns of Cavite headed by Luis
de los Santos (Parang) and Juan Silvestre (Juan
Upay).
Forty-eight aggrieved farmers tagged as a reunion of
bandits by biased colonial writers, joined up and the
unrest spread to the rice-and-sugar producing, friar-
estate provinces of Cavite, Batangas, Laguna, Tondo,
Bulacan, Bataan, and Pampanga.
 PEASANT UNREST

Cavite experienced another resurgence of agrarian

trouble in the mid-1860s against the land abusr of
the friars, with Casimiro Camerino, an Imus farmer
unjustly labeled El Tulisan by the Spaniards,
heading a peasant uprising with his other
disenchanted followers.
He was warmly supported by the Caviteos who
knew the reasons for his defiance.
In 1869, he was personally granted amnesty at the
Imus hacienda by no less than Carlos Maria de la
Torre himself.
 THE MORO RESISTANCE

The active resistance against the Spaniards

heightened from 1718-1762, and from 1850s to 1878,
during the so-called Moro Wars.
Starting with the reestablishment of Fort Pilar in
Zamboanga in 1718, the Spaniards failed miserably
to subjugate the Moros in the 1750s.
These Moro Wars were in retaliation for Spanish
acts of reducing Moro captives to slavery and razing
their homes, landed and personal properties to the
ground.
 FAILURE OF THE REVOLTS

All the earlier resistance which occurred almost in

cyclical pattern were failures.
Because of the insular make up of the Philippines,
the early Filipinos were conditioned to live and feel
apart from each other for almost 333 years.
There was no sense of unity.
As consequence, there was a wide communication
gap between the Filipinos of Luzon, Visayas, and
Mindanao, particularly with those living in accessible
areas.
 FAILURE OF THE REVOLTS

There were a multitude of major and minor

ethnolinguistic groups but no lingua franca much
less a national language to communicate and bind
one another.
Behind this smokescreen, of course, was the fear of
the Spanish friars that a Filipino who knew then
Castilian language became better educated and,
therefore, a future subversive or a filibustero.
 FILIPINO NATIONALISM:DECELERATORS

According to Louis L. Snyder, Nationalism is:

a condition of mind, feeling, or sentiment of a
group living in a well-defined geographical area,
speaking a common language, possessing a
literature in which the aspirations of the nation
have been expressed, being attached to common
traditions, and, in some cases, having common
religion. . .
 FILIPINO NATIONALISM:DECELERATORS

The ideas of nationalism, a product of the French

revolution in the 18th century, filtered through the
Philippines only in the 19th century.
Although united as one in a geographical unit called
Las Islas Filipinas during the Spanish rule, the
people called Filipinos applied only to the Spaniards
born in the Philippines (insulares), and the indigenes
were derogatorily called indios.
The indios became a Filipino only during the last
years of the Spanish regime in the late 1890s.
 Oooooppppsssss!!!

Sorry wrong picture.BACK TO THE TOPIC!!!

 FILIPINO NATIONALISM: ACCELERATORS

The filtering through of progressive political

ideologies and the transfer of technology to the
Philippines through liberal-minded men from
Europe and America, along with disenchantment
with Madre Espaa, catalyzed Filipino nationalism
in the 19th century.
Tired of being only an individual. . .and not a
member of a nation, the Filipino, particularly the
social elites, finally woke up to the realization that he
must change.
 THE PHILIPPINES IN WORLD COMMERCE

Manila proper and the suburban areas developed by

leaps and bounds with the official and permanent
opening of the her port to international trade in
1834, resulting in tremendous socio-economic
changes for the Filipinos.
Indeed, the 19th century brought a great
transformation from the preceding centuries of
economic stagnation created by the monopolistic
policy of Spain.
 THE PHILIPPINES IN WORLD COMMERCE

Mail service between Manila and Cavite started as

early as 1839, although postage stamps were used for
the first time only some 15 years later.
Travellers in the 1880s in Manila made reservations
at the Hotel de Oriente in Binondo, the first of its
kind in the Spanish colony.
Banking facilities were transacted at the Banco
Espaol-Filipino de Isabel II, the first Philippine
bank which issued the first paper money in 1852, and
two other British-owned banks.
 THE PHILIPPINES IN WORLD COMMERCE

The first daily newspaper appeared in 1846.

By then, the Chinese at Calle Rosario (now Quintin
Paredes Street) were peddling illegal foreign-made
pornographic pictures, even smuggling of smut
literature was banned as early as 1857.
Men of leisure usually relaxed in any of these
establishments: Manila Jockey Club and bullfighting
in Paco.
Those with discriminating tastes had at least four
choices of theaters: Teatro Filipino, Circo de Bilibid,
Teatron Zorilla, and the Teatro de Colon.
 THE RISE OF CLASE MEDIA

As a result of the great economic transformation in

the life of the Filipino, a middle class (clase media) of
Asian and Eurasian mestizos emerges in the
Philippine social pyramid.
The clase media emerged from the economic boom
derived from expanded agriculture and commerce
embarked on the rising native entrepreneurs.
These formed the town principalia, an elite social
group composed of former gobernadorcillos and
minor native bureaucrats owning at least P50.00
land taxes, decorated personnel and school masters.
 THE RISE OF CLASE MEDIA

Personal possessions, as it were in the 19th century,

as well as education, became indicators of social
status in the community.
The size, construction materials and location of ones
house in the towns calle real improved ones status.
Of course, evidences of wealth and prestige, as
ownership of livestock, sugarmills, imported
furniture and tableware, and use of honorary titles
Don and Doa, enhanced the social standing of
local elites.
 THE RISE OF CLASE MEDIA

The rise of the clase media was highly visible in the

residential organization of Manila society.
Intramuros, up to the turn of the 19th century, served
as the politico-religious center of the Spanish enclave
in the Philippines.
Outside of the walls (extramuros) were the Filipino,
Chinese and mestizos communities concentrated in
different areas.
The mestizo and Filipino social elites choice were
either Binondo, Ermita, and San Jose de Trozo
(Quiapo).
 THE RISE OF CLASE MEDIA

San Miguel, part of the Quiapo in the late 18th century,

was considered the most fashionable district in the
Philippines that time.
Sampaloc, with its elegant stonehouses and a town of
noted printers, equally contained a large elite population.
Quiapo, known for its Black Nazarene, was the residence
of Filipino government clerks, artists and merchants.
Tondo, then described as all slums was the major
residential area of the Filipino clase pobre: the lower
working class engaged in tobacco and cigar-making,
fishing and gardening for Manilas local consumption.
San Miguel Sampaloc
Quiapo Tondo
Binondo
 EUROPEAN LIBERALISM AND CARLOS MARIA DE LA
TORRE

We cannot discount that only men, but also ideas

filtered to the Philippines with the opening of the
Suez Canal in 1869, thus the travel between Spain
and the islands was made shorter, safer, and
speedier.
Interestingly enough, the political term liberal was
first used in Spain and first referred to the Spanish
rebels of 1820.
In the Philippines, the ideas of liberalism may be
traced to the secondary and tertiary education made
available to the Filipinos in 1863.
 EUROPEAN LIBERALISM AND CARLOS MARIA DE LA
TORRE

The Glorious September Revolution of 1869 in Spain

meant a new order with the arrival of the liberal
Governor De La Torre, succeeding Manuel Maldonado.
In fact, the motto Los hijos de los leones son tambien
leones (Lion cubs are also lions) was spread far and
wide by the partisans and sympathizers of the Spanish
Republicans in the Philippines.
However, De la Torre proved to be unpopular with the
Manila Spaniards and, of course, with the Spanish
regular clergy, who overtly demonstrated their aversion
for him.
 EUROPEAN LIBERALISM AND CARLOS MARIA DE LA
TORRE

De la Torre dispensed with his alabadores

(halbeldiers), the governors security guards since
1590, and went escorted.
He even used ordinary straw hat, abrogated flogging
for Filipino deserters in the Spanish forces, and
supplanted the penalty, instead, with a month in jail.
To top it all, even went to the extent of meeting the
peasant rebel leader, Casimiro Camerino, in the
Imus hacienda.
He shocked the Manila Spaniards when he led a
group of Filipino elites in the toast to liberty.
 EUROPEAN LIBERALISM AND CARLOS MARIA DE LA
TORRE

However, it was quite ironic that in spite of all these

alleged overt liberal reforms, Carlos Maria de la
Torre, like all previous Spanish governors, covertly
gave confidential instructions a few months after his
arrival, to intercept suspect mail coming from
Europe and Hongkong of prominent Filipino leaders
and priests.
He even went to the extent of ordering secret
investigation to procure evidence against them.
 RACIAL DISCRIMINATION

There is an abundance of documentary proof on racism

in the Philippines during the Spanish period.
According to Pardo de Tavera, although the laws
recognized no difference between the various races,
nevertheless from the beginning of the 19th century the
Spaniards claimed superiority over the Filipinos, and so
taught their children.
The intensity of animosities between the Filipinos and
Spaniards, especially the friars, reached the highest point
with the Reform movement, when some anti-Filipino
writers wrote vitriolic literature denigrating the Filipinos.
 RACIAL DISCRIMINATION

Some of their insights were as follows;

Filipinos were maligned and degraded as neither a merchant
nor an industrial, neither a farmer, nor a philosopher
The Indians, in their immense majority, should receive, from
friars and seculars, the epithet of chongos.
Filipinos could never learn the Spanish language or be
civilized.
The Spaniards will always be a Spaniard, and the indio will
always be an indio. . . The monkey will always be a monkey
however you dress him with shirt and trousers, and will always
be a monkey and not human.
 RACIAL DISCRIMINATION

The Tagalog, that is, the Filipino, who separates from his
carabao, frequently, becomes bad and ingrate before his God
and king.
God created the indios together with the rattan.
Filipino need beatings and the rattan.
 REGULAR SECULAR CONFLICT

Secularization of the parishes was nothing more than

the transfer of ministries established or run by the
regular clergy to the seculars.
By the midst of the 19th century, secularization was
transmuted into a political and separatist movement
which exploded in the Filipinization of the church,
and culminated in the separation of the church from
Rome during the Philippine revolution.
 REGULAR SECULAR CONFLICT

As early as 1583, Philip II proclaimed that parish

administration pertained to the seculars.
If there was enough supply of competent secular clergy,
preference should be given to them in the establishment
of missions.
Ferdinand VI however, did not actually intend to
secularize the parishes, but to put the regular clergy
instead under diocesan parishes and royal patronage.
Actual secularization of parishes took place during the
tenure of Archbishop Basilio Sancho de Santa Justa y
Rufina in the years 1767-1787.
 REGULAR SECULAR CONFLICT

According to Fr. Jose Burgos in his Manifesto que a

la noble nacion Espaa in 1864, it was the friairs
who had been utilizing the infamous use of
undervaluing the capacity and fitness of the Filipino
clergy so as to make themselves perpetual curates in
the island.
with the Jesuit expulsion in 1768, a number of their
parishes were taken over by the seculars in Manila,
Cavite, and the Visayas.
 REGULAR SECULAR CONFLICT

In 1774, the Augustinians, who were forcibly

deprived by Governor Simon de Anda of 17 parishes
of Pampanga which were given to the Filipino
seculars, filed a complaint before the Spanish crown.
What the secular clergy believed to have been
outright usurpation of the newly-established curacies
of Santa Rosa (Laguna) by the Dominicans and Imus
(Cavite) and Las Pias (Manila) by the Recollects
ignited further the age-old secular-regular conflicts.
 REGULAR SECULAR CONFLICT

With the Latin American revolutions for

independence, Spain witnessed a complete alteration
of her secularization policy by 1826 when all the
parishes sequestered from the friars in the 18th
century was restored to them.
Two Filipino priests Fr. Pedro Pelaez in Manila, and
Fr. Marian Gomez in Cavite, stood as the trailblazers
in the nationalist movement among the native clergy.
 REGULAR SECULAR CONFLICT

To the Filipino clergy the height of injustice was the

1861 decree which relinquished most of the secular-
run parishes to the Recollects, as reparation for the
Mindanao curacies granted to the Jesuits who
returned in 1859.
This meant additional reduction to the already
dwindling number of parishes under Filipino
seculars.
In the eyes of the Filipinos, this was a deliberate
Spanish government ploy to dishearten and twhart
the development of the native clergy.
 REGULAR SECULAR CONFLICT

So embittered were the Filipino seculars as the

consequence of the prejudicial and unilateral
provisions of the 1849 and 1861 decrees that
Archbishop Gregorio Meliton Martinez of Manila
was compelled to write an expos to Marshall
Francisco Serrano, regent of Spain in 1870, to
maintain the tranquility of his diocese, which was
been frequently disturbed as a result of the practice. .
.of turning over curacies administered by the secular
clergy to the religious corporations.
 REGULAR SECULAR CONFLICT

This policy is the cause of an ever growing enmity

which is becoming more and more manifest between
seculars and regulars, and which sooner or later, may
bring lamentable results to our beloved Spain. . ..
Less than two years later, the Cavite Mutiny of 1872
exploded as if the Archbishop had prophesied it.
Indeed, the native priests were truly political
dynamites.
 LA ALGARADA CAVITEA
(THE CAVITE MUTINY OF 1872)

The Cavite Mutiny broke out during the tenure of

Rafael de Izquierdo who ha dramatically, said upon
his arrival, I shall govern with a cross on one hand a
sword in the other.
Galvanized by discontent against the Spaniards,
some 200 Filipino soldiers, joined in by some
workers in the arsenal of the artillery cops led by Sgt.
Fernando La Madrid, guard at Fort San Felipe,
mutinied in the night of January 1872.
 LA ALGARADA CAVITEA
(THE CAVITE MUTINY OF 1872)

The mutineers thought that soldiers in Manila would

join them in a concerted uprising, the signal being
the firing of rockets from the city walls on that night.
Unfortunately, what they thought to be the signal
was actually a burst of fireworks in celebration of the
feast of Our Lady of Loreto, the patron of Sampaloc.
News of the mutiny reached Manila, the Spanish
authorities feared for a massive Filipino uprising.
The next day, a regiment led by General Felipe
Ginovs besieged the fort until the mutineers
surrendered.
 LA ALGARADA CAVITEA
(THE CAVITE MUTINY OF 1872)

Ginovs then ordered his troops to fire at those who

surrendered, including La Madrid.
The rebels were formed in a line, when Colonel Sabas
asked who would not cry out, "Viva Espaa", and shot
the one man who stepped forward.
The remainder were sent to prison.
In the ensuing melee, La Madrid himself Was blinded
and badly burned when a sack of gunpowder exploded,
killing him instantaneously while trapped inside the fort.
The fort commander was also killed, and his wife was
wounded.
 LA ALGARADA CAVITEA
(THE CAVITE MUTINY OF 1872)

Causes of the mutiny:

Unreasonable deduction of their measly wages caused by the
new imposition of tribute ordered by Izquierdo
Lost of exemption privileges of workers in the artillery from
tributes and polo y servicios personales
Unpaid wages and the unjust payment of tobacco planters in
Cavite in 1870-1871
Racial discrimination between the Filipino non-commissioned
soldiers and those of the new peninsular Spanish armed forces
 LA ALGARADA CAVITEA
(THE CAVITE MUTINY OF 1872)

Although the revolt was localized, the Spanish

authorities viewed the event as an overturning of the
colonial rule in the Islands, even considering it as
part of a greater national movement to liberate the
Philippines from Spain.
Fr. Mariano Gomez, Fr. Jose Burgos, and Fr. Jacinto
Zamora of the Manila Cathedral, were unjustly
accused as agitators of the anti-Spanish movement.
 LA ALGARADA CAVITEA
(THE CAVITE MUTINY OF 1872 )

However, until the time they were executed by the

garrote vil, Archbishop Meliton Martinez refused to
defrock Gomburza as per Izquierdos original
instruction, although the triumvirate were
threatened with excommunication by the same
archbishop in his pastoral letter.
Archbishop Martinez even ordered the tolling of the
bells of Manila churches as a funeral dirge for the
souls of the departed priests.
 Study for the next quiz.

Have a good life to everyone!!!!