Partisipasi dalam pembelajaran non-formal di negara-negara UE-15 dan UE-8 : faktor sisi
permintaan dan penawaran Ellu Saar
Mengutip artikel ini: Ellu Saar & Mari Liis Räis (2017) Partisipasi dalam pelatihan terkait pekerjaan
di negara-negara Eropa: dampaknya karakteristik penawaran dan permintaan keterampilan, Jurnal
Pendidikan dan Pekerjaan, 30:5, 531-551, DOI: 10.1080/13639080.2016.1243229
Untuk menautkan ke artikel ini: https://doi.org/10.1080/13639080.2016.1243229
: 153
Krisis ekonomi baru-baru ini telah mempercepat perubahan di tingkat makro dan sektor
industri, serta di tingkat perusahaan dan pekerja individu (OECD 2013a). Pengangguran
jangka panjang dan kekurangan pekerjaan dari populasi orang dewasa, terutama yang
berketerampilan rendah, akan membutuhkan perhatian yang meningkat di tahun-tahun
mendatang. Populasi yang menua dan percepatan perubahan ekonomi menjadikan
pembaruan tingkat keterampilan populasi sepanjang perjalanan hidup menjadi aktivitas
penting (Cunha et al. 2006). Strategi Eropa 2020 untuk pertumbuhan yang cerdas,
berkelanjutan, dan inklusif mengakui pembelajaran seumur hidup dan pengembangan
keterampilan sebagai elemen kunci dalam menanggapi krisis ekonomi, populasi yang menua,
dan terhadap strategi ekonomi dan sosial Uni Eropa yang lebih luas. Sementara inisiatif Komisi
Eropa 2012 'Memikirkan Kembali Pendidikan: Berinvestasi dalam Keterampilan untuk Hasil
Sosial Ekonomi yang Lebih Baik' (CEC 2012) memang mencakup banyak tujuan yang lebih
luas, prioritas utamanya adalah kemampuan kerja (lihat juga Rasmussen 2014). Dengan demikian,
pembelajaran orang dewasa dipandang memungkinkan keterampilan orang dewasa untuk
diadaptasi terus menerus untuk memenuhi kebutuhan ekonomi yang berubah.
Oleh karena itu, faktor-faktor yang menentukan siapa yang menerima, dan tidak, menerima
kesempatan untuk berpartisipasi dalam pendidikan orang dewasa adalah isu-isu kunci.
Beberapa penelitian telah membahas masalah ini (Blossfeld et al. 2014; Dæhlen dan Ure 2009;
Dieckhoff, Jungblut, dan O'Connell 2007; McGivney 2001; O'Connell 2002; O'Connell dan Jungblut
2008; Stenfors-Hayes, Griffiths, dan Ogunley 2008). Kecenderungannya adalah bahwa mereka
yang
yang mungkin paling membutuhkan pendidikan orang dewasa adalah yang paling sedikit
kemungkinan besar akan berpartisipasi (lihat misalnya Desjardins, Rubenson, dan Milana
2006). Pendidikan orang dewasa cenderung memperlebar kesenjangan keterampilan antar
kelompok karena mereka yang berpendidikan baik di tempat kerja mereka yang menuntut
ditempatkan dengan baik untuk berinvestasi dalam perolehan keterampilan lebih lanjut (Mayer dan
Solga 2008; OECD 2013b). Meluasnya hasil ini memerlukan analisis determinan partisipasi dalam
pendidikan orang dewasa. Analisis sebelumnya menunjukkan bahwanon-formal terkait pekerjaan
pendidikan dan pelatihanmerupakan bagian terbesar dari pendidikan orang dewasa (Cedefop
2015).
Para ahli teori yang peduli dengan pendidikan non-formal terkait pekerjaan membuat perbedaan
eksplisit antara penawaran dan permintaan keterampilan (lihat misalnya, Oosterbeek 1998) dan
mengeksplorasi mengapa, dari perspektif kebijakan , pasar tenaga kerja menempatkan
pentingnya mengamati konvensi tertentu. Membedakan antara persyaratan pekerjaan dan
keterampilan pekerja akan memberikan wawasan tentang faktor-faktor penentu kesenjangan
pelatihan. Kebijakan yang dimaksudkan untuk mengubah salah satu atau kedua dari kejadian
dan distribusi pelatihan harus membedakan antara situasi di mana tidak adanya pelatihan
disebabkan oleh kurangnya permintaan, atau pasokan, keterampilan (OECD 2003). Namun
demikian, sisi penawaran, khususnya pendekatan sumber daya manusia, yang cenderung
mengabaikan sisi permintaan pasar tenaga kerja telah mendominasi penelitian. Sifat yang
umum untuk sebagian besar studi pendidikan non-formal yang berhubungan dengan pekerjaan
adalah bahwa keputusan pelatihan (oleh pemberi kerja dan karyawan) tidak tergantung pada
pekerjaan pekerja. Hanya sedikit studi empiris yang mencoba memisahkan dampak faktor
penawaran dan permintaan terhadap partisipasi dalam pendidikan orang dewasa (lihat Altonji
dan Spletzer 1991; Desjardins 2014b; Desjardins dan Rubenson 2011; Korpi dan Tåhlin 2008).
Hasilnya menunjukkan hubungan positif yang kuat antara partisipasi dalamnonterkait
pekerjaan
pendidikanformaldan kecakapan keterampilan (OECD 2013b). Pelatihan juga berkorelasi
positif dengan pencapaian pendidikan sebelumnya. Namun, sisi permintaan (isi keterampilan
pekerjaan) tampaknya memiliki hubungan yang lebih kuat dengan partisipasi dalam pendidikan
non-formal daripada pencapaian pendidikan danketerampilan kecakapan(Desjardins 2014b, 13).
Meskipun perubahan dalam pendidikan orang dewasa muncul dalam skala global, penelitian
menunjukkan mungkin ada perbedaan kuat yang diatur oleh lembaga khusus negara. Proses
globalisasi bervariasi dari satu negara ke negara lain dan memiliki efek yang berbeda pada
perubahan permintaan tenaga kerja serta pada penyediaan kesempatan pendidikan orang
dewasa (Green 2006). Konteks kelembagaan membentuk tindakan organisasi dan individu
(Blossfeld 2003). Analisis sebelumnya di tingkat makro menunjukkan bahwa ketimpangan
dalam partisipasi pendidikan orang dewasa lebih mencerminkan distribusi pekerjaan (atau
tempat kerja dengan persyaratan yang berbeda) daripada kualifikasi tenaga kerja yang
tersedia (Roosmaa dan Saar 2012). Namun, sebagian besar studi sebelumnya pada tingkat
individu berkonsentrasi pada dampak pencapaian pendidikan dan tidak memperhitungkan
perbedaan antar negara dengan strategi pembentukan keterampilan yang berbeda.
Kami berencana untuk memperluas analisis sebelumnya melaluiProgram untuk Penilaian
InternasionalOrang Dewasa kumpulan dataKompetensi(PIAAC), yang berisi pengukuran
langsung keterampilan, serta penggunaan keterampilan di tempat kerja, yang memungkinkan
kami menganalisis dampak pasokan keterampilan dan permintaan akan keterampilan. Kami
berkonsentrasi pada non-formal1 pembelajaran terkait pekerjaan dan kami bertujuan untuk
menguji bagaimana karakteristik penawaran dan permintaan tenaga kerja memengaruhi
partisipasi dalam pendidikan terkait pekerjaan non-formal di negara-negara dengan sistem
pembentukan keterampilan yang berbeda. Kami menekankan penggunaan keterampilan di
tempat kerja. Tujuannya adalah untuk lebih memahami hubungan antara partisipasi dalam
pendidikan orang dewasa dan profil keterampilan pekerja, serta sejauh mana keterampilan
tersebut digunakan dalam pekerjaan, dan bagaimana hubungan ini berbeda di berbagai
negara. Kami memilih Denmark, Jerman, Inggris dan dua negara pasca-sosialis (Estonia dan
Republik Ceko) untuk perbandingan, yang semuanya memiliki rezim pembentukan
keterampilan yang berbeda.
pengusaha vs 'tertentu' keterampilan, yang diperoleh di tempat kerja. Pelatihan umum dapat
meningkatkan produktivitas di perusahaan yang memberikan pelatihan, serta di (beberapa)
perusahaan lain, sedangkan pelatihan khusus berguna (meningkatkan produktivitas peserta
pelatihan) hanya untuk pemberi kerja saat ini (Asplund 2004). Mengikuti perbedaan antara
keterampilan umum dan khusus, harapan logisnya adalah bahwa pemberi kerja hanya akan
bersedia mendukung pelatihan yang mengembangkan keterampilan terkait pekerjaan tertentu dan
tidak akan tertarik untuk berinvestasi dalam keterampilan umum karena karyawan mereka dapat
meninggalkan perusahaan setelah memperoleh keterampilan ini. keterampilan. Namun,
penelitian terbaru menunjukkan bahwa pengusaha membiayai pencapaian keterampilan
umum (Bills dan Hodson 2007). Teori ekonomi klasik memperlakukan tenaga kerja sebagai
homogen dan mengasumsikan keseimbangan penawaran dan permintaan tenaga kerja
melalui persaingan pasar (Livingstone 2010). Teori-teori ini berasumsi bahwa pasar tenaga
kerja adalah persaingan sempurna dan menempatkan penekanan utama pada sisi penawaran,
mengabaikan proses, institusi dan hubungan di tempat kerja.
Tahun 1990-an melihat pendekatan alternatif dengan fokus pada pasar yang tidak
sempurna. Pendekatan ini didasarkan pada ekonomi politik keterampilan (Brown, Green, dan
Lauder 2001) dan menekankan sisi permintaan pasar tenaga kerja. Kritikus teori modal
manusia berpendapat bahwa keputusan untuk berinvestasi dalam modal manusia juga
dibentuk oleh peran lembaga sosial dan ekonomi di tingkat makro dan struktur pengaturan
kerja di tingkat meso (Bassanini et al. 2007; Brown, Green, dan Lauder 2001). Penelitian
pendidikan orang dewasa baru-baru ini telah berusaha untuk mengintegrasikan dan menguraikan
peranstruktural dimensidan kelembagaan dalam membentuk pola partisipasi (Blossfeld et al.
2014; Rubenson dan Desjardins 2009; Saar, Ure, dan Desjardins 2013). Desjardins dan
Rubenson (2011) menunjukkan bahwa upaya ini harus dilihat sebagai respon terhadap
kecenderungan untuk fokus hampir secara eksklusif pada keputusan individu untuk
berpartisipasi, sementara mengabaikan peran potensial pengusaha dan konteks kelembagaan yang
lebih luas . Karya teoretis dan empiris yang ada menunjukkan bahwa karakteristik individu dan
struktural pekerjaan, ekonomi dan masyarakat bergabung untuk mempengaruhi partisipasi
dalam pendidikan orang dewasa (Nilsson dan Rubenson 2014; Rubenson dan Desjardins
2009). Keputusan untuk berpartisipasi tidak hanya terletak pada sumber daya pribadi tetapi
juga pada akses pekerja ke, dan posisi mereka di dalam, struktur pengaturan kerja serta
dalam struktur sosial yang lebih luas. Gambar 1 mengilustrasikan interaksi antara karakteristik
karakter individu, karakteristik pekerjaan, dan karakteristik makro yang lebih luas yang
memengaruhi peluang individu berpartisipasi dalam pendidikan orang dewasa.
Makalah ini didasarkan pada model konseptual ini, yang mencirikan determinan partisipasi
dalam pendidikan orang dewasa. Demografi mikro pribadi karyawan (usia, status imigran,
pendidikan,, tingkat keterampilandll.) memperhitungkan pasokan keterampilan dalam model,
dan demografi makro institusional dari pekerjaan dan tempat kerja (ukuran perusahaan,
pekerjaan, industri, penggunaan keterampilan di tempat kerja ) memperhitungkan permintaan
tenaga kerja.
individu
Karakteristik:
*Umum: Usia, jenis kelamin,
status imigran
*Kualifikasi:
Pencapaian pendidikan
* Kompetensi: melek huruf
orang dewasa terkait
Pendidikan
dan pelatihan
Karakteristik pekerjaan: *Pekerjaan
tempat kerja
atau sistem kejuruan komprehensif tipe CME pelatihan. Lebih lanjut, seperti dicatat oleh
Hampalova dan Simonova (2014), sistem pendidikan Republik Ceko berorientasi pada
pemuda dan sistem pembelajaran orang dewasa terfragmentasi dan terbelakang.
Estonia tampaknya menjadi contoh ekstrim dan liberal dari DME (Saar et al. 2013) karena
ekspornya didasarkan pada industri dan jasa tradisional padat karya yang dikendalikan oleh
perusahaan transnasional yang sangat mobile. Beberapa dari perusahaan ini biasanya
mensubkontrakkan produksi, yang menghilangkan kebutuhan untuk melatih karyawan,
daripada berinvestasi secara signifikan di fasilitas lokal (lihat juga Eamets 2008). Estonia dan
negara-negara Baltik lainnya dibedakan 'dengan pasar yang diliberalisasi secara radikal,secara
menyeluruh kerangka kelembagaan pendukung pasar yang direformasi, dan merupakan negara
kesejahteraan yang paling tidak murah hati di antara anggota baru Uni Eropa' (Bohle dan
Greskovits 2007, 106). Strategi aktivasi untuk pengangguran cukup dibatasi (Helemäe dan
Saar 2011). Analisis sebelumnya menunjukkan bahwa kesempatan belajar orang dewasa
jarang terjadi bagi orang luar ke pasar tenaga kerja (Saar, Unt, dan Roosmaa 2014). Artinya
sistem pembelajaran orang dewasa tidak terbuka secara struktural. Peran negara lebih besar
di Estonia daripada di kebanyakan negara liberal karena negara membiayai pelatihan pegawai
negeri dan guru – kelompok pekerjaan yang memiliki tingkat partisipasi tinggi.
Tabel 1 merangkum karakteristik utama negara-negara yang dipilih.
Ada perbedaan besar antar negara yang dianalisis menurut tingkat inovasi (Tabel2).
Berdasarkan kinerja inovasi rata-rata, Denmark dan Jerman adalah pemimpin inovasi dengan
kinerja inovasi jauh di atas rata-rata UE. Estonia dan Inggris diklasifikasikan sebagai pengikut
inovasi dengan kinerja inovasi di atas atau mendekati rata-rata UE. Republik Ceko adalah
inovator moderat dengan kinerja inovasi di bawah rata-rata UE (CEC 2014). Namun,
pekerjaan dalam kegiatan padat pengetahuan adalah yang tertinggi di Inggris, dan terendah di
Republik Ceko dan Estonia.
Berdasarkan hasil sebelumnya dan perbedaan kelembagaan yang dicirikan di antara negara-
negara, kami berhipotesis bahwa:
konten keterampilan pekerjaan merupakan penentu partisipasi yang lebih kuat dalam
pendidikan atau pelatihan orang dewasa terkait pekerjaan daripada pencapaian pendidikan
atau kecakapan keterampilan. Hipotesis ini menyimpulkan bahwa dampak karakteristik
permintaan cenderung lebih besar daripada dampak karakteristik penawaran; pengaruh
karakteristik penawaran dan permintaan terhadap partisipasi dalam pendidikan atau pelatihan
orang dewasa terkait pekerjaan bervariasi di seluruh negara dengan strategi keterampilan
yang berbeda. Faktor pasokan memiliki dampak yang lebih kuat pada partisipasi di Inggris
(karena pentingnya variabel modal manusia untuk peluang pasar tenaga kerja) dan Jerman
(karena dualisasi kesempatan belajar) daripada di negara lain yang dibandingkan . Faktor sisi
permintaan harus memiliki dampak yang lebih kuat pada partisipasi di Republik Ceko dan Estonia
(karena pekerja memiliki keterampilan yang cukup tinggi, lihat juga Markowitsch dan Hefler 2007)
dan di CME (Denmark dan Jerman) (karena konten pekerjaan yang lebih kompleks) daripada
di Inggris.
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E:.negaramemiliki rezim pembentukan keterampilan yang berbeda serta kinerja inovasi Kami
menggunakan partisipasi dalam pembelajaran terkait pekerjaan non-formal selama 12 bulan
terakhir sebagai variabel dependen Survei ini mengukur secara terpisah partisipasi dalam
berbagai jenis pendidikan non-formal termasuk pendidikan terbuka atau jarak jauh, pelatihan
kerja, seminar dan lokakarya serta les privat. Dalam pertanyaan lanjutan, responden diminta
untuk menentukan apakah ini terkait dengan pekerjaan. Dalam analisis, 'partisipasi' dipandang
sebagai biner, terlepas dari intensitas dan frekuensinya. Analisis sebelumnya menunjukkan
bahwa yang dominan alasan partisipasi dalam pelatihan orang dewasa adalah terkait
pekerjaan (lihat misalnya Desjardins dan Rubenson.Variabel bebas 2013)meliputi usia,
pendidikan dan tingkat keterampilan melek huruf, yang semuanya mencerminkan modal
manusia.Sedangkan tingkat keterampilan diukur dengan menggunakan tes praktik,
penggunaan keterampilan dan demi dan di tempat kerja diukur melalui pertanyaan survei
tradisional yang menanyakan tentang terjadinya tugas membaca dan menulis yang berbeda dalam
kehidupan sehari-hari dan di tempat kerja.3 Variabel sosio-demografis lainnya, yang berinteraksi
dengan modal manusia, termasuk karakteristik individu jenis kelamin dan status imigrasi seperti
yang disajikan pada Gambar 1. Variabel-variabel ini dipandang sebagai karakteristik
penawaran tenaga kerja. Ukuran perusahaan, pekerjaan
dan penggunaan keterampilan di tempat kerja, seperti keterlibatan literasi, dipandang sebagai
karakteristik permintaan tenaga kerja. Karakteristik individu dan tempat kerja (gender, status
imigrasi, ukuran perusahaan) dimasukkan dalam model sebagai variabel kontrol untuk
mengontrol efek pengganggu (lihat juga Gambar 1). The distribution of all variables is
presented in Appendix 1.
We specified empirical models, numbered 1–7, which include independent variables, to
observe changes in the parameters of the characteristics associated with skill supply and
demand. Model 1 includes four labour supply characteristics: age group, gender, immigration
status and educational level. Model 2 augments the four initial labour supply characteristics with
the direct measure of literacy skills available in PIAAC. Model 3 estimates the coefficients
associated with labour demand character istics (occupation, industry, firm size and reading
skills engagement at work). Model 4 estimates the complete model using the characteristics of
both the supply and demand of labour. Models 1–4 all include the variable of 'country'. To test
the hypothesis that the influence of supply and demand varies across countries, interaction
terms are introduced in following models. Models 5 and 6 augment Model 4 with interactions
between the country and supply characteristics (Model 5) and with interactions between the
country and demand characteristics (Model 6). Model 7 estimates the full model with all
interactions between the country and all demand and supply characteristics. Logistic
regression was used to estimate the odds of participation in job-related non-formal training.
We were aware of the endogeneity issues connected with the proposed strategy. One is
that adult learning possibly enhances the types of competences measured in PIAAC, which is
a debatable issue. Literacy is a core competency that impacts on participation in adult learning,
but there seems to be relatively little reverse effect, with job-related training having a raising
effect on literacy proficiency (Green, Green, and Pensiero 2014).
5. Analysis
5.1. Participation in job-related non-formal
learning, supply and demand of skills in
different countries
Participation in job-related non-formal learning is quite similar in the Czech Republic, Estonia
and the UK. About 40% of 25–65-year-olds participated in this type of learning in the 12
months preceding the survey. In Germany, participation rates were slightly higher at 44%. The
highest participation rate of the countries considered here occurs in Denmark, with half of the
respondents claiming to have participated in non-formal job-related training.
Differences in functional literacy levels are also rather subtle (see Appendix 1). Around 50%
have attained literacy level 2 and around 90% level 3. The percentage of respondents with the
lowest literacy level is highest (19%) in Denmark followed by Germany (17%) and the UK
(16%). The Czech Republic has the lowest proportion (11%) and Estonia is second lowest (14%).
The largest proportion of respond
ents with high literacy scores is in the UK (13%), followed by Germany (11%) and Estonia (11%). Overall
Journal of Education and Work 539
Denmark has the highest proportion of low functional literacy, although the differences are not
large. The UK and Germany both have a larger proportion of highly skilled people, but also
more low-skilled people compared to the other countries.
On the other hand, the occupational structures of the countries show that Denmark has the
largest proportion of high-skilled white collar workers. Germany and the UK make up the
difference with a large proportion of semi-skilled white-collar workers; all three have less than 30%
of blue-collar workers. The Czech Republic and Estonia have about the same proportion of
high-skilled white-collar workers (around 40%) as Germany and the UK, but a much larger
proportion of skilled blue-collar workers. Comparing the two Eastern European countries it is
clear that the Estonian labour market has a lower demand for skills than The Czech Republic.
Germany, Denmark and the UK, which leads by just two percentage points, all have higher
demands for skills. The occupational structure is also reflected in the skill use at work. Estonia
and the Czech Republic have a much larger proportion of low skill use (27 and 25%
respectively). Denmark and Germany stand out for their large proportion of high skill users
(25% in both) as well as medium-high skill users (25 and 23% respectively).
Sectoral differences between the countries are less pronounced, but clearly Denmark and
the UK have the largest service sectors and the smallest manufacturing sector compared to
Germany, Estonia and the Czech Republic. Moreover, and worthy of note, is that Estonia and
The Czech Republic have a much smaller proportion of people working in large companies,
just 3–4%; indeed 67% of adults in The Czech Republic and 65% of adults in Estonia work in
firms with 50 employees or less. In the UK, Denmark and Germany around 50% work in small
firms and 9–13% in firms with at least 1000 employees.
Although some countries seem to have systematic similarities, eg Estonia and the Czech
Republic, they all differ in one respect or another. Variations in participation rates between the
countries seem to be more in line with the differences in skill use rather than literacy skill levels
(which are more similar). This means that the labour market's skill needs, rather than initial
education, provides incentives for further education and training. This is in line with the VoC
approach, which presumes complementary relations between the education system and labour
market in skill formation.
The results for Model 1 (see Table 3) include only individual or supply characteristics (gender,
immigra tion status, age group and educational attainment). Educational attainment has the
strongest impact on participation in job-related non-formal training. Adults with secondary and
tertiary education have respectively 2.7 and 6.2 higher odds to have participated in training
compared to those who have basic education. This result may be attributed to employers' belief that
the more highly educated workers are more easily trainable and that training investments in this
group will be more effective.
Immigration status, gender and age group also have a significant impact supporting
discrimination theory. Immigrants, women and adults aged over 55 have the lowest odds of
participating in non-formal adult training. Adults aged 35–44 years have the highest odds of
participation. This analysis supports previous results and indicates that current allocation
principles do not respond to the need of training and are therefore more likely to increase
rather than mitigate existing inequalities.
Including literacy skills as an additional indicator of human capital into the model reduces
the strength of the impact of education (see Model 2 in Table 3). Similar to the pattern
observed in the context of education, adults with higher levels of literacy skills have higher
odds of participating in job-related non-formal training. For example, adults at levels 4 and 5
literacy proficiency two times higher odds to have participated in training compared to adults
with the lowest level of literacy skills. Part of the reason for the strong relationship between
participation in non-formal training and profi ciency in literacy is the mutually reinforcing link
between the skills assessed and continued learning (OECD 2013b). Participation in training is
likely to be higher among individuals who already have higher levels of literacy skills for a number
of reasons. They have the skills that facilitate learning and they are more likely to be in jobs
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540 E. Saar and ML Räis
with work) that either or both encourage individuals to learn and their employers to support
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informa tion-processing skills. In turn, after completing training, workers may be given more
demanding tasks
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However, education seems to have an even stronger impact on participation compared to
literacy skills. This result indicates that education credentials are very important to employers
not only in the hiring process but also in apportioning job-related training (see also Desjardins
2014b).
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6. Conclusion
The aim of this study was to understand better the relationship between participation in adult
job related training and workers' skills profiles, as well as the extent to which those skills are
used in jobs and how this relationship differs in countries with different skill formation regimes.
We compared five countries: Denmark, Germany, the UK and two post-socialist countries (the
Czech Republic and Estonia). Previous research has typically characterised the supply of skills
by an individual's level of education, while the demand for skills has rarely been taken into
account. Besides education and other individual characteristics the analysis based on the
PIAAC 2012 data-set allowed us to take into account direct measures of skills, as well as skills
used at work, which reflect the demand of skills.
This study has both confirmed findings from previous studies and contributed to new
knowledge about the determinants of job-related non-formal training in different countries. Our
findings relating to the relationship between job-related adult training and various labour supply
and demand char acteristics indicate that education attainment plays an important role in
determining who receives non-formal training. This pattern creates a virtuous cycle for adults
with higher levels of education and a vicious cycle for those with low education. High-educated
adults will be more likely to participate in learning activities that enhance their skills – which
makes these individuals more likely to continue to benefit from learning opportunities.
Conversely, low-educated adults risk being trapped in a situation in which they rarely benefit
from adult learning, and their skills remain weak or deteriorate over time – which makes it even
harder for these individuals to participate in learning activities. However, education attainment has
an even stronger impact on participation in adult training than skill level, confirming the
conclusion that employers use education credentials as signals in their decisions about to whom to
offer training. Besides human capital characteristics, the variables of age, gender and
migration group also influence participation in job-related adult training. This result is in line
with discrimination theory and indicates that these supply side characteristics are also used by
employers as signals of trainability.
The second key finding is that demand side factors (the skill content of jobs) have an even
stronger association with participation in job-related non-formal training than human capital
characteristics. Skills and educational attainment therefore have no independent value without
putting them to use. Although skills are important, their value regarding participation in learning
is dependent on the demand for the skills in the labour market. If there are insufficient skill-
intensive jobs in the labour market, then employers do not need to provide learning
opportunities and employees do not need
Journal of Education and Work 545
to attain more skills. This means that neither the lack of skills nor adequate education is the
primary problem. Further emphasis on greater investments in education and adult literacy and
numeracy pro grammes ignores an important cause of the training gap between the high- and
low-skilled: the job structure and content (see also Alasoini 2009; Livingstone 2010; Payne
2007). The design of special programmes should not be solely based on increasing people's skill
levels. The demand for skills should also be taken into consideration. Increasing people's skills
may not bring about better labour market opportunities if the skills are not needed and the
economy is more oriented towards low skill levels and a cheap labour force. Thus,
programmes for increasing the skills and knowledge of low-skilled people should be linked to
programmes directed towards workplace innovation (working culture, organisation of work
etc.). Previous analyses have indicated that countries with low participation rates in adult
training tend not to have detailed policy agendas, including both demand and supply side
policies (Desjardins 2014a; Desjardins and Rubenson 2013). Our main conclusion is that routes to
high skill formation and the adult learning policies should emphasise both the supply and
demand sides in their approach to skills. Employment and jobs reforms should be at least as
relevant as adult education reforms (see also Livingstone 2010).
The third key finding is connected with country-specific differences in the impact of labour
supply and demand characteristics on participation in job-related non-formal training. Our
analysis indicates that both labour supply and demand characteristics have a strong impact on
participation in Germany. We expected to find the strong impact of skill profiles in Germany but a
somewhat lower impact of skill usage at work compared to Estonia and the Czech Republic.
Our results confirm previous conclusions about the dualisation of learning opportunities in
Germany (see also Thelen 2014). It seems to be a matter of the bottom dropping out for low-
skilled workers. However, skill demand is also very impor tant in Germany indicating that
innovation in the labour market would have a substantial impact on participation in adult
training. In Denmark, participation in job-related training is the highest among the analysed
countries and this result indicates that Denmark has emerged as a leader in adult training.
Compared to the other countries, the biggest differences in participation are with the medium-
skilled groups. However, the participation of low skilled adults is also high and the impact of the
demand side factors is only slightly weaker than in Germany.
Our hypothesis regarding the strength of demand side factors in the UK compared to other
coun tries is partially supported. Although The Czech Republic had a smaller effect of literacy
use at work on participation in job-related training rates, other countries showed stronger demand
effects than the UK.
The British and Estonian patterns are quite similar (a medium level impact of supply and
demand factors) despite the much larger role of the state in Estonia. However, this similar
pattern might have different consequences for inequality in participation in adult training.
Previous results indicate that the inequality of skills and qualifications is larger in Britain than in
most other western nations (Janmaat and Green 2013). This implies that using adult training as
a mean to increase skill levels is unlikely to be an effective strategy in the UK. In Estonia, the
inequality of skills is quite low even compared to Nordic countries (see Valk 2015) and this
means that there is low proportion of people with low and high literacy proficiency levels, which
could reflect the lower inequalities in participation in adult training. However, by financing the
training of some highly skilled groups, role of the state is much larger in Estonia than in most
liberal countries. So it is a matter of the top taking off, while the lower skilled groups have fewer
opportunities to get training. The role of both skill supply and demand characteristics on
participation in adult training in The Czech Republic is surprisingly low compared to the other
analysed countries. This result might indicate the specificity of the DME in the Czech Republic.
The labour force has comparatively high skills and there is no need to train employees.
Our results provide weak support for the varieties of capitalism (VoC) theory, which classifies
Germany and Denmark, despite there being a clear differentiation between them, as having co-
ordinated market economies (CMEs). Our analysis raised some significant issues about the
view that CMEs should foster higher job-related training. The participation pattern in Denmark
seems to be similar in many respects to the pattern in the UK. According to Edlund and
Grönlund (2008), Nordic employees are not depend ent on their employer to the same extent
as employees in other coordinated countries. It is reflected
546 E. Saar and ML Räis
in the amount of job-related training and the importance of demand and supply-side factors for
par ticipation in training. Also the hypothesis that the supply side should be strongest in the UK
was not wholly supported. This means that the VoC approach may need further specification to
link better the countries skill formation regimes, labour market and the participation in non-
formal adult education.
There are some limitations of the study as the PIAAC data are cross-sectional and do not
provide analyses of lifelong relationships. Another limitation is the measured skills as the PIAAC
data-set focuses solely on general skills and does not measure occupation and job-specific skills.
This study uses a direct measure of literacy skills. However, literacy skills are also important for
the development of other cog
nitive skills.
In a further study, we are planning to search for exogenous sources of variation (using an
Instrumental Variable strategy) and will attempt to identify causality empirically. In addition to
the factors explored in this paper, macro-level factors that have consequences for participation
in adult training must also be considered in further study (see Saar, Ure and Desjardins 2013).
Notes
1. According to a widely used definition, originating from the European Commission Memorandum on
Lifelong Learning (2000), non-formal learning is a wide range of learning activities which, for a wide
range of reasons, take place alongside the formal system of adult education and may be provided by
employers, civil society or by other organisations or institutions.
2. However, analysis indicates that even very liberal states and welfare systems (for eg, the US) could
produce high quality jobs (in the sense of tenure, paid vacation, parental leave etc.) for a substantial part
of the working population by weak enforcement, market pressure and institutional processes at the level
of the economic field (see Dobbin and Sutton 1998).
3. PIAAC survey defines literacy as the ability to understand and use information from written texts in a
variety of contexts. The survey assessed adults' abilities to read digital texts as well as traditional print-based
texts. The literacy assessment was complemented by a test of 'reading component' skills. The use of
skills at work was measured in the background questionnaire as reported by the participant. The
questions inquired about instances of different reading tasks in everyday work (including for example
reading instructions, memos or mail).
Acknowledgements
The article has been prepared as part of the research project 'Cumulative processes in the interplay of
educational path and work career: explaining inequalities in the context of neoliberalisation.'
Pernyataan pengungkapan
Tidak ada potensi konflik kepentingan yang dilaporkan oleh penulis.
Funding
This work was supported by the Estonian Research Council [project number IUT31-10], the EU through the
European Social Fund.
Notes on contributors
Ellu Saar, Dr, is a professor at the Institute of International and Social Studies, Tallinn University, Estonia. She
coordinated the EU Sixth Framework Project 'Towards a Lifelong Learning Society in Europe: The Contribution
of the Education System' (LLL2010). She is now leading the project 'Cumulative processes in the interplay of
educational path and work career: explaining inequalities in the context of neoliberalization'. Her research areas
are social stratification and mobility, educa
tional inequalities and life course studies in comparative perspective.
Mari Liis Räis, MA, is a researcher at the Estonian Centre for Applied Research CentAR and a doctoral student at the
Institute of International and Social Studies in Tallinn University. She has studied subjects of participation in
adult education and labour market in various applied research projects and her thesis concentrates on the issue
of skills and participation in adult education in Europe.
Journal of Education and Work 547
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