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Ekonomi Ekologis xxx (2017) xxx-xxx

Dapat Insentif Keuangan Mengubah Motivasi Petani? Sebuah Pendekatan Sistem Agraria
untuk Persiapan Pembangunan di Nikaragua Pertanian Frontier
Gert Van Hecken a, b, , Pierre Merlet a, b, c, Mara Lindtner d, Johan Bastiaensen a, b
Institut Kebijakan dan Manajemen Pembangunan (IOB), Universitas Antwerp, Prinsstraat 13, B-2000 Antwerpen, Belgia b
Lembaga Penelitian dan Pengembangan NITLAPAN-UCA, Amerika Tengah University (UCA), Apartado A-242, Managua,
Nikaragua c Asosiasi pour amliorer la Gouvernance de la Terre, de l'Eau et des Ressources Naturelles (agter), 45 bis avenue de
la Belle Gabrielle, 94.736 Nogent sur Marne Cedex, Perancis d Pusat Penelitian Pengembangan (CDR), Universitas Sumber
Daya Alam dan Ilmu Pengetahuan, Gregor Mendel-Strasse 33, A-1180 Vienna , Austria
sejarah articleinfoabstract Artikel:
Artikel ini menawarkan pendekatan konseptual-metodologis untuk menilai bagaimana baru kerangka kerja institusional, seperti
Diterima 21 Desember 2015
PES (Pembayaran Jasa Ekosistem), berinteraksi dengan motivasi untuk perubahan penggunaan lahan di individu dan kumpulkan
Diterima dalam bentuk direvisi 28 Juli 2016 Diterima 6 Desember 2016 Tersedia online xxxx
tingkat lective. Semakin banyak bukti empiris menunjukkan bahwa efek dari pembayaran merangsang jangka panjang prilaku
perubahan ioural dapat bervariasi secara substansial, tergantung pada bagaimana mereka terintegrasi dalam dinamika teritorial.
Kami menunjukkan bagaimana motivasi individu adalah hasil dari jalur kolektif masyarakat yang menghasilkan tertentu peluang
Kata kunci: Pembayaran Jasa Ekosistem (PES)
penulis Sesuai di: Institut Kebijakan dan Manajemen Pembangunan (IOB), University of Antwerp, Prinsstraat 13, B-2000
Antwerp, Belgia.
Alamat E-mail: gert.vanhecken@uantwerpen.be (G. Van Hecken).
dan kendala, serta membimbing ide-ide dan kebiasaan yang 'bekerja' dalam jalur ini. Melalui studi kasus ilustratif di perbatasan
pertanian di Nikaragua, kami menunjukkan bagaimana an'agrarian sistem' pendekatan menawarkanlebih nu-
Motivasiberkerumun
pemahaman anced dari interaksi dinamis di tanah, dan memungkinkan kita untuk lebih terhubung petani jalur Pembangunan
individ-
ual motivasi untuk jalur pengembangan kolektif di wilayah tersebut. Studi kasus kami juga menunjukkan bagaimana sistem
Agraria
lokal intervensi PES tidak mungkin untuk lastingly mengubah sistem produksi logika petani, atau merangsangKonservasi
panjang
jangkaperilaku 'pro-lingkungan', jika tidak disertai dengan jenis lain dari kebijakan.
2017 Elsevier All rights reserved.
1. Pengantar
pembayaran bersyarat untuk mendorong pengguna lahan untuk mengadopsi praktek-praktek ramah-ment environ- ditemukan
menjadi ide yang sangat menarik seperti yang disaksikan oleh jumlah meroket dari kedua proyek percontohan dan artikel Arly
sarjana yang pada Imbal Jasa Ekosistem (PES) (Schomers dan Matzdorf, 2013; Wunder, 2015). Terutama dalam konteks
pertanian, pembayaran rect di- dianggap lebih efisien dan efektif daripada asli top-down atau tidak langsung pendekatan alter-
(Ferraro dan Kiss, 2002; Wunder, 2005). Karena peserta sering petani miskin di Selatan, skema PES juga cenderung dianggap
sebagai skenario win-win menarik, melestarikan alam sambil mengentaskan kemiskinan (Muradian et al, 2013;. Pagiola et al.,
2005). Bukti empiris menunjukkan, bagaimanapun, bahwa keuntungan diduga dari PES tidak tegas. Semakin banyak penelitian
menggarisbawahi hasil tak terduga dari PES dan titik untuk hasil yang ambigu baik dari segi hasil lingkungan dan sosial
(misalnya Adhikari dan Agrawal, 2013;. Pattanayak et al, 2010). Temuan ini juga tercermin dalam tubuh peringatan literatur
kritis efek sosial dan ekologi berpotensi merugikan intervensi
berakar pada terlalu sederhana, apolitis dan tekno-ekonomi (konseptual) kerangka kerja (Buscher 2014; Kosoy dan Corbera,
2010; McAfee, 1999; Van Hecken et al., 2015a).
Episteme mendasari banyak advokasi PES didasarkan pada techno pengertian cratic hubungan manusia-lingkungan sebagai tems
sistematis dikelola yang dapat diubah dengan cara diprediksi dengan memanfaatkan rasionalitas ekonomi yang universal yang
mendasari motivasi aktor (Van Hecken dan Bastiaensen, 2010a) . Studi terbaru menunjukkan bahwa insentif non-keuangan -
dukungan penyuluhan pertanian, berbagi informasi atau tekanan sosial - dapat menjadi motivasi lebih kuat dalam skema
pengelolaan lahan dari pembayaran, dan bahwa skema pembayaran tidak selalu meningkatkan efisiensi ekonomi dan
keberlanjutan kegiatan servation con (Hayes 2012;. Narloch et al, 2012; Rode et al, 2014;. Van Hecken dan Bastiaensen, 2010b).
Efek dari pembayaran pada perilaku lingkungan tergantung pada berbagai faktor termasuk karakteristik perjanjian pembayaran,
gagasan lokal keadilan, dan embeddedness psikologis, budaya, dan sosial dari perilaku yang diinginkan (Gneezy dan Rustichini,
2000; Martin et al. 2014; Muradian et al, 2013;. Van Hecken et al, 2012).. Pembayaran pasti akan berinteraksi dengan motivasi
intrinsik dan logika historis dilembagakan dan praktek, merusak (crowding-out) atau memperkuat (crowding-in) sikap lebih
menguntungkan lingkungan dan perilaku (Rode et al., 2014).
http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ecolecon.2016.12.030 0921-8009 / 2017 Elsevier-undang.
Daftar isi yang tersedia diScienceDirect

Ekonomi Ekologis
homepagejurnal: www.elsevier.com/locate/ecolecon
Silakan mengutip artikel ini sebagai: Van Hecken, G., et al, Can Insentif Keuangan Motivasi Perubahan Farmers'.? Sistem
Agraria Pendekatan Persiapan Pembangunan di Nikaragua agricu ..., Ecol. Econ. (2017),
http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ecolecon.2016.12.030
2 G. Van Hecken et al. / Ekonomi Ekologis xxx (2017) xxx-xxx
Bukti empiris tentang interaksi moneter dan non
disusun sebagai berikut. Dalam Bagian 2 kita membahas dasar epistemologis insentif moneter, dan sesuai pengaturan
kelembagaan,
dan implikasi metodologis dari pendekatan AS, dan menunjukkan dan efek berkelanjutan mereka pada pemerintahan ekosistem
secara bertahap
bagaimana memungkinkan untuk refleks berhubungan berbagai jenis petani individu muncul (Ezzine-de-Blas et al, dalam
masalah ini;.. Rode et al, 2014). The ini-
'lintasan mata pencaharian' ke 'jalur pembangunan' yang lebih luas kolektif. Penelitian esensial telah berakar terutama di bidang
ekonomi eksperimental dan
Dalam Bagian 3 kami menggambarkan potensi ini penggunaan konseptual-methodologi- dari percobaan lapangan dibingkai
(Bowles, 2008; Cardenas et al, 2000,teritorial.
pendekatan cal melalui interpretasi dinamika . dan Kits et al, 2014; Narloch et al, 2012).. Sementara pendekatan ini
menghasilkan
motivasi petani di perbatasan pertanian Nikaragua. Akhirnya, di wawasan berharga dinamika pengambilan keputusan, salah satu
Bagian 4 kita menunjukkan bagaimana temuan ini memungkinkan kita untuk lebih berarti kekurangannya adalah bahwa studi ini
menganggap bahwa perilaku masyarakat dalam arti-
merenungkan implikasi dari PES dan konservasi lainnya dan ficial opment dan percobaan sederhana benar-benar mencerminkan
perilaku mereka dalam
intervensi ngunan dalam hal dampak potensial mereka terhadap petani mo- jauh lebih kompleks, interaksi bervariasi dan diulang
dalam dunia nyata.
tivations dan praktik penggunaan lahan. Karena argumen dari crowding-in atau crowding-out dibangun tepatnya pada
kemungkinan perubahan persepsi dan motivasi, dansehingga un-
Kompleksitas 2. Penguraian Sosial-Ekologisdi Pedesaan Teritorial preferensi stabil dan pilihan dari waktu ke waktu dan di
seluruh ar kelembagaan
Melalui yang 'Agraria Sistem' rangements Konsep, validitas eksternal dari pendekatan ini mungkin dalam bahaya.
2.1. Persiapan pengembangan dan Mata Pencaharian lintasan Saat ini penelitian tentang motivasi-crowding dibangun di atas
kerangka kerja konseptual seperti Teori Penentuan Nasib Sendiri (Ezzine-de-Blas et
wilayah pedesaan adalah sistem dinamis yang kompleks yang dihasilkan dari al in., Dalam masalah ini), yang link proses
psikologis individu untuk mantan
teraction dari proses alam dan manusia sehingga menimbulkan tertentu insentif ternal phys-, dengan asumsi bahwa motif individu
tertentu menghasilkan
lanskap ical dibentuk dan dibatasi oleh tindakan orang-orang, persepsi, tindakan tertentu. Sementara teori-teori ini mengakui
bahwa motivasi adalah
ide-ide dan aspirasi (Rizzo et al, 2013;. Setten, 2004). Manusia dan NAT-constructed1 sosial dan dengan demikian menawarkan
wawasan menarik ke dalamin
aspek Uralsaling terkait dan terus coevolve (misalnya Folke et al., Fluence dari konteks kelembagaan pada motivasi pribadi,
mereka menawarkan
2005). Hal ini gunanya untuk menganalisis sosial dan alat-alat metodologis-konseptual alami secara terpisah pra- hanya terbatas
untuk memahami alam
cisely karena dinamika sistem hanya ada dalam interaksi mereka interaksi ini. Dengan demikian, efek yang tidak merata
struktural atau institusionalisasi
(Hukkinen, 2014;. Van Hecken et al, 2015a). Sebagai wilayah pedesaan memiliki kendala tional pada lembaga individual sering
diabaikan. Bawah-
telah co-diproduksi oleh aktivitas manusia, keadaan mereka saat ini tergantung pada berdiri diferensial hasil perilaku dariinsentif
tertentu
lintasan sejarahdan pada pilihan pada saat-saat kritis dalam struktur masa lalu karena itu memerlukan perhatian kesenjangan
sosial, diferensial
(Liu et al., 2007 ). Ruang rekonstruksi sejarah dan multi-dimensi untuk manuver dan keragaman mata pencaharian (Milne dan
Adams,
dari evolusi sistem sosial-ekologi karena itu harus menerima suf- 2012; Cleaver, 2005) justru karena berbagai posisi dari
perhatian ficient untuk memahami status yang terakhir yang aktor terlibat dalam proses pengambilan keputusan tidak hanya
dan dengan demikian menghindari 'snapshot' appraisal realitas pedesaan (Leach et al., 2010). mempengaruhi motif mereka tetapi
juga ruang lingkup mereka untuk tindakan (Cote dan
Dari perspektif ini interaksi ekonomi di antara manusia Nightingale, 2012). Oleh karena itu sangat penting untuk memahami
bahwa lembaga
berlangsung dalam kondisi sejarah dan agro-ekologi tertentu, membawa arti yang berbeda serta beragam memungkinkan atau
membatasi tor
dan mengakibatkan munculnya jalur pembangunan di seluruh tor sosial mo- untuk aktor yang berbeda (Leach et al., 1999).
proyek bilization yang menghasilkan dan kondisi keinginan dan via- Dalam rangka untuk memahami bagaimana orang bereaksi
terhadap pengenalanbaru
bilitylintasan individu (Bastiaensen et al, 2015;. Scoones dan kerangka kerja institusional analisis kami pada tingkat individu
harus di-
Wolmer, 2002). Sebuah jalur pembangunan muncul melalui penciptaan dan clude pemahaman tentang hubungan yang dinamis
dan rekursif be-
pemeliharaan seperangkat ide-ide bersama, mengamati keteraturan atau mata pencaharian tween tingkat mikro (individual
pengambilan keputusan mengenaitanah
polaantara kelompok-kelompok sosial tertentu (de Haan dan Zoomers, perubahan penggunaan) dan meso-level (interaktif sosial-
kelembagaan dynam-
2005:.. 42; Bastiaensen et al, 2015) Sebuah jalur tertentu mencerminkan ics budaya di wilayah tertentu). Memahami efek dari
motivation-
dan praktek berbentuk historis tentang 'cara yang benar dalam melakukan sesuatu' crowding, keberlanjutan perilaku pro-
lingkungan, dan
(Cleaver, 2012) yang beredar dalam jaringan sosial dan menimbulkan dinamika sosial-terletak dari agensi manusia sehingga
berarti bahwa kita harus
spesifik 'aturan', yang mengarah ke pola relasional tertentu. Jalur ini mengadopsi pendekatan historis dan sosial-diinformasikan
kepada muncul
pengaruh lembaga dan peluang seseorang, dan dengan demikian mengaktifkan atau dinamika sosial-ekologi con dalam konteks
teritorial tertentu. Dalam artikel ini
saring pelaksanaan lintasan mata pencaharian individu yang berbeda kami menawarkan pendekatan konseptual-metodologis
untuk menilai antar para
(Bastiaensen et al., 2015). Secara khusus, tindakan pengembangan wilayah path- antara dimensi individual motivasi-crowding
dan
cara akan menentukan bagaimana berbagai sumber akses aktor, yaitu konteks personal dan interpersonal mereka di mana ini
tertanam
'kemampuan untuk mendapatkan keuntungan dari hal-hal' (Ribot dan Peluso, 2003: 153). Dalam pro dan dari mana mereka
muncul.
cess memperoleh dan mempertahankan akses akan ada pemenang dan pecundang, Sejalan dengan literatur terbaru (misalnya
Fazey et al, 2015;.. Leach et al,
tergantung pada kemampuan aktor bergoyang orang lain untuk pandangan mereka sendiri melalui 2010), artikel ini mengadopsi
pendekatan jalur, tetapi melampaui nya yang ditonton
penggunaan kekuasaan, sumber daya, pengetahuan dan suara. menyewa penggunaan metafora dengan mengembangkan
pendekatan yang lebih operasional ke
Tidak ada jalur tersebut dipotong di batu; mereka membuka dan menutup jalur teritorial pedesaan (Bastiaensen et al., 2015).
Kami juga mengeksplorasi
secara dinamis. Meskipun kehadiran terletak, dibedakan dan bagaimana penggunaan sebuah 'sistem agraria' pendekatan (AS)
(Cochet, 2012;
dibatasi lembaga, rumah tangga dan individu terus-menerus Dufumier, 1996; Mazoyer dan Roudart, 2005) dapat membantu kita
dalam analisis
menafsirkan, menguji dan mengembangkan ide-ide; reproduksi, pengerjaan ulang, jalur tersebut, memungkinkan untuklebih
bermakna dan komprehensif
penyangkalandan negosiasi ulang aturan permainan serta mempertahankan pemahaman tentang interaksi yang dinamis dan
refleksif antara insti-
atau mengubah jaringan sosial mereka selama mereka penghidupan trajecto- tutional struktur dan individu agen. Kami
menggambarkan kegunaan
luka. Melalui keberhasilan dan kegagalan mereka, mereka terus bersama-con- pendekatan kita dengan temuan empiris dari
penelaahan terhadap sejarah
struct wilayah manusia mereka milik dan berdampak pada proses evolusi dinamika agraria pada batas pertanian di Nikaragua
yang menentukan jalur wilayah-wilayah. Dalam melakukan hal mereka menyadari po- mereka di mana proyek PES baru-baru ini
dilaksanakan. Artikel ini
tential untuk mengubah jalur pengembangan dan membuka peluang untuk menerapkan lintasan masa depan. Dari perspektif
konservasi dan intervensi ment mengembangkan-, ini mencerminkan kebutuhan penting untuk memahami efek diferensial pada
aktor tertentu yang terjadi dari munculnya
1 Itulah mereka berinteraksi dengan apa yang Ezzine-de-Blas et al. (masalah ini) telah disebut 'antar
jalur pembangunan yang spesifik dan, berdasarkan pemahaman bahwa, konteks pribadi', termasuk konteks kelembagaan dan
nilai-nilai budaya.
menginformasikan perdebatan untuk yang aktor harus terlibat dalam cara-cara yang.
Silakan mengutip artikel ini sebagai: Van Hecken, G., et al, Dapat Insentif Keuangan Mengubah Motivasi Petani.? Sistem
Agraria Pendekatan Persiapan Pembangunan di Nikaragua agricu ..., Ecol. Econ. (2017),
http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ecolecon.2016.12.030
3 G. Van Hecken et al. / Ekonomi Ekologis xxx (2017) xxx-xxx
2.2. Sistem Agraria Konsep
Unsur-unsuryang bersama-sama membentuk dan sekaligus memberi makan kembali ke praktek-praktek ini. Ini adalah kombinasi
dari sistem produksi yang berbeda yang Pendekatan teoritis-metodologis berguna untuk mengungkap
mengkristal menjadi AS. Dengan cara ini 'komparatif pertanian ap- kompleksitas multi-skala realitas pedesaan, dinamika
perubahan mereka
proach memungkinkan untuk memperbesar dan zoom out pada tingkat yang berbeda dan jalur pengembangan yang dihasilkan,
dan yang secara eksplisit berfokus pada
analisis, dan bergerak sering dari satu skala analisis untuk praktek lain 'petani dan motivasi pada tingkat yang berbeda, adalah'
agraria
(Cochet, 2012: 133). Proses zooming di adalah alat mental yang al system'(AS) konsep yang dikembangkan dalam ''pertanian
komparatif
terendahkita untuk lebih memahami realitas yang kompleks, dan harus selalu pendekatan (Cochet, 2011, 2012; Dufumier 1996 ;
Mazoyer dan Roudart,
disertai dengan proses zooming, bahwa menempatkan beton agricul- 2005). Bertentangan dengan penelitian agronomi yang lebih
tradisional yangsering
praktektanian dalam realitas yang lebih luas di luar plot atau pertanian tingkat, yaitu di membatasi fokus mereka ke tingkat
petani, pendekatan AS dimulai analisis
yang lebih luas konteks sosio-institusional, geografis dan budaya di pedesaan dinamika di tingkat lanskap di mana quence agregat
yang mereka tertanam. Analisis interaksi ini tidak quences praktek pertanian dilaksanakan secara individu pada akhirnya
terungkap
hanya membantu kita untuk menjelaskan apa yang dilakukan petani, tetapi juga memunculkan alasan atau (Rizzo et al., 2013).
motivasi di balik tindakan tertentu, serta quence agregat Meskipun konsep AS telah dijelaskan dalam cara yang berbeda, 2 kami
quences yang mengikuti dalam hal dinamika teritorial (Cochet, 2012) mengikuti Cochet (2012) dalam menyatakan bahwa:
dan umpan balik ke dalam apa petani mampu dan termotivasi untuk melakukan. The
(...) sistem agraria meliputi pertama-tama modus tasi exploi- dari suatu lingkungan tertentu. Mode ini eksploitasi meliputi: (1)
karakteristik satu atau beberapa agro-ekosistem; (2)
switchinganalitis terus menerus antara sisik adalah salah satu kekuatan utama dari pendekatan AS meskipun penerapannya dalam
praktek menantang.
modus operandi, yang itu sendiri ditandai dengan techni- kal warisan petani (alat, pengetahuan, praktik, pengetahuan yang
memiliki
2,3 Komponen Metodologi berkembang dari waktu ke waktu.); (3) cara lingkungan telah trans dibentuk oleh manusia dari waktu
ke waktu; (4) landscape yang dihasilkan; (5) eratnya
Dalam rangka untuk menilai AS dinamika, yang 'pertanian komparatif' ap- tionships antara agro-ekosistem yang berbeda yang
membentukmengembangkan
proach telah 'diagnosis agraria' lingkungan paket metodologis; dan (6) mekanisme kesuburan tanah pembaharuan. The agrari-
(Apollin dan Eberhardt, 1999; Cochet, 2011). Diagnosis ini didasarkan sistem juga termasuk hubungan sosial produksi dan
perdagangan
di lapangan besar dan menggunakan kombinasi metode termasuk yang telah menyebabkan pelaksanaan dan pengembangan
(terutama
penilaian lanskap transek, 3 pengamatan peserta dan semi- kondisi yang mempengaruhi akses ke sumber) serta menderita
penyakit
terstruktur wawancara terbuka. Ini terdiri dari tiga tahap umum: a tions bio mempengaruhi distribusi dihasilkan nilai tambah. Ini
termasuk
analisis lanskap fisik, analisis historis dan sejumlah teknis-eko sistem produksi, mekanisme yang berbeda-
analisis nomic. Tahap-tahap ini tidak linear atau independen dari entiate sistem ini, dan lintasan masing-masing. Akhirnya, di-
sama lain; mereka diimplementasikan dengan cara yang berulang, merangsang cludes karakteristik spesialisasi dan pembagian
sosial dari
peneliti untuk terus bergerak bolak-balik antara mereka. tenaga kerja, dalam setiap sektor, dan ekonomi, sosial dan politik
Analisis lanskap bertujuan untuk mengidentifikasi pola fisik dan manusia kondisi-khususnya relatif sistem-bahwa harga pengaruh
dan memetakan ruang geografis yang koheren yang ditandai dengan sejenis integrasi petani di pasar global.
praktik manajemen dan penggunaan sumber daya alam. Hal ini memungkinkan re- [. (Ibid: 130)]
pencari untuk menemukan hubungan antara praktek pertanian dan kondisi ekologi. Analisis historis bertujuan untuk
mengidentifikasi dan Salah satu tempat utama yang mendasari pendekatan ini adalah bahwa pada setiap
menilai lintasan diikuti oleh berbagai jenis petani di saat dalam sejarah, petani selalu memiliki alasan untuk melakukan apa yang
mereka lakukan
hal sistem produksi berubah mereka. Melalui rinci antar (Cochet et al., 2007). Dalam rangka untuk menganalisis wilayah
pedesaan itu makakunci
pandangandengan petani berkaitan proses terakhir dari sosial dan teknis tidak hanya untuk mengidentifikasi praktek-praktek
petani tetapi juga untuk memahami apa yang multitafsir,
diferensiasi perubahan sosial-kelembagaan yang lebih luas (misalnya mengganti motivasi tiple terletak pada inti dari tindakan ini.
dalam pendekatan ini,
kebijakan publik, hubungan harga, demografi dan migrasi). Bersama-sama berpendapat bahwa tindakan produsen tidak hanya
termotivasi oleh dimen-
lanskap dan analisis historis memungkinkan peneliti untuk membangun diskusi-rasionalitas ekonomi seperti maksimalisasi
produksi, di-
tipologi kontekstual berinteraksi sistem produksi lokal. Akhirnya, datang atau keuntungan; manajemen risiko, modal lintas
generasi
analisis teknis-ekonomi memungkinkan pemahaman rinci tentang penciptaan, dll, atau bahwa mereka dapat dengan tegas
dijelaskan oleh hanya ref-
tipologi sistem produksi dalam hal praktek-praktek pertanian dan selisih dengan budaya atau tradisi. Lembaga petani juga
dibentuk oleh
hasil ekonomi mereka, serta bagaimana praktek-praktek ini bentuk dan berkembang hybrid set kognitif (misalnya pengetahuan,
pandangan dunia), materi
dibentuk oleh konteks sosial-ekologi berubah. Analisis terakhir ini (ketersediaan misalnya sumber daya alam, spesies hewan,
varietas tanaman, tanahdi-,
dibentuk oleh studi kasus yang mendalam untuk setiap jenis sistem produksi, dan kesuburan) dan faktor-faktor sosial (misalnya
lembaga, struktur kekuasaan, re- sosial
hasil dalam model teknis-ekonomi untuk each.4 ini pada gilirannya memfasilitasi lations) (Cochet, 2011). Perilaku manusia
demikian sering rasional, tetapi tidak
perhitungan indikator sosial-ekonomi seperti in pertanian selalu sadar, disengaja atau strategis; bukan, sangat terbiasa 'pada
datang untuk pertanian keluarga, internal rate of return dan pengembalian modal untuk dasar pengalaman panjang dengan apa
yang tampaknya bekerja' (Hiedanp dan
kewirausahaan pertanian, serta produktivitas lahan dan tenaga kerja Bromley, 2014:. 182 ). Dengan demikian, motivasi yang,
untuk sebagian besar, dibentuk oleh
The AS pendekatan sehingga menempatkan praktek diamati saat ini dalam his konteks kelembagaan, budaya, sejarah dan
kekuasaan dandemikian kurang
polatorical perubahan, dan dengan demikian dapat membantu kita menilai bagaimana praktek sadar ditentukan dari sering
disarankan. Hal ini juga sejalan dengan
telah berevolusi dari waktu ke waktu, kondisi yang telah memacu tertentu konseptualisasi kami berkembang wilayah sebagai
hasil dari interaksi antara jalur pengembangan kolektif dan lintasan individual.
Sebagai entry point pendekatan AS dibangun di atas konsep 'sistem tion produc-', yang mewakili tingkat petani di mana tices
prac- pertanian diimplementasikan (Brossier, 1987; Cochet, 2012). Sistem produksi Namun lebih dari jumlah sederhana dari
praktek-praktek pertanian tingkat; mereka tertanam dalam saling sosial, ekologi, dan teknis
2 Kami mengacu Jouve (1988) dan Cochet (2012) untuk gambaran yang luas ini konseptualisasi ent berbeda-.
Silakan mengutip artikel ini sebagai: Van Hecken, G., et al, Dapat Insentif Keuangan Mengubah Motivasi Petani.? Sistem
Agraria Pendekatan Persiapan Pembangunan di Nikaragua agricu ..., Ecol. Econ. (2017),
http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ecolecon.2016.12.030
3 penilaian transek adalah metode di mana peneliti berjalan melalui wilayah dalam rangka untuk mengidentifikasi dan
menganalisis pola penggunaan lahan ekologi, karakteristik lingkungan (misalnya jenis tanah, lereng, sistem air), dan infrastruktur
manusia (misalnya jenis pemukiman manusia, jalan).
4 Dalam rangka membangun model ini, berbagai data teknis dan ekonomi dikumpulkan di lapangan, yang dapat dibagi dalam
tiga kategori: (1) praktek agronomis, alat yang diperlukan, kebutuhan tenaga kerja dan ketersediaan, infrastruktur pertanian, dll .;
(2) sistem Produksi out datang - misalnya hasil, jenis dan kuantitas produk untuk dijual, untuk konsumsi sendiri atau untuk
digunakan kembali dalam sistem; (3) Analisis ekonomi, harga misalnya pasar untuk input dan output, arus kas, penyusutan
material, pajak dan subsidi, dll
4 G. Van Hecken et al. / Ekonomi Ekologis xxx(2017)
perubahanxxx-xxx,dan perubahan lebih lanjut kemungkinan di masa depan (Cochet, 2011; Cochet
melindungi bagian dari hutan yang tersisa di ladang mereka utama objec- et al, 2007..). Salah satu keterbatasan utama dari
pendekatan ini adalah bahwamethodo-
tiveadalah untuk menciptakan nilai moneter untuk hutan berdiri dan dengan demikian menghasilkan paket logis sebagian besar
berorientasi pada analisis darilebih techni-
pendapatan tambahanyang akan menghambat migrasi petani lebih jauh ke dalam aspek kal dan ekonomi mendasari pengambilan
keputusan dan proses
cadangan.Hanya rumah tangga pertanian secara hukum memiliki dan bersedia untuk mendaftarkan diri diferensiasi sosial,
sebagian mengabaikan kontekstualisasi be-
kawasan hutan minimal 10 ha berhak untuk menandatangani lima tahun kontrak liefs, kebutuhan, dan aspirasi dalam kaitannya
dengan kekuasaan dan lembaga. Bagaimana-
dengan LSM. Ukuran maksimum hutan yang memenuhi syarat per rumah tangga yang pernah, dengan menekankan pengaruh
elemen struktur dalam membentuk
100 ha. Petani menerima pembayaran tahunan sebesar USD 28,5 per hektar aksi individu dan kolektif, itu terlibat dengan isu-isu
kekuasaan di polit-.
hutanlindung Karena LSM menganggap pembayaran ini menjadi rendah, tingkat ekonomi ical. Selain itu, hasil diagnostik dapat
memberi makan ke
petanibebas memilih plot hutan mereka ingin untuk memasukkan, dan proses analisis yang lebih luas dengan memasukkan
metode lain sehingga
tidak diwajibkan untuk melestarikan semua hutan mereka. Hutan di bawah kontrak yang memungkinkan kita untuk lebih
komprehensif merefleksikan relasional sosial dan
harus dibiarkan tidak terganggu. Peserta juga bertanggung jawab untuk faktor yang mempengaruhi dinamika pedesaan.
mencegah penduduk lainnya dari penggalian (api) kayu dan perburuan satwa liar. Program ini didanai oleh LSM Eropa melalui
3. Membayar Petani di Nikaragua Pertanian Frontier
penjualansertifikat perlindungan hutan kepada publik di Eropa.
Pada tahap 2006-2009 percontohan, 13 kontrak telah ditandatangani, meliputi
kami studi kasus untuk menggambarkan potensi pendekatan AS untuk menafsirkan hubungan yang kompleks antara cara-cara
pengembangan path- dan lintasan mata pencaharian terletak di zona penyangga Indio- Maiz Biological Reserve di tenggara
Nikaragua, khususnya di Manola hutan-tepi community5 di Ro San Juan Propinsi dekat perbatasan dengan Costa Rica.
Cadangan didirikan pada tahun 1990 dan merupakan salah satu daerah terbesar yang dilindungi di Nikaragua dengan permukaan
264.000 ha. Ini adalah bagian dari Mesoamerika Biologi Koridor dan merupakan rumah bagi berbagai spesies yang terancam
punah (MARENA 2015). Bahkan sebagai area sangat dilindungi, dengan tidak ada aktivitas manusia secara hukum
diperbolehkan, dinamika sosial politik dan ekonomi yang kompleks telah mengakibatkan batas pertanian terus bergerak dari zona
penyangga didirikan ke dalam re- melayani. Sebuah sejarah panjang imigrasi dan ternak yang luas meningkatkan menjadikannya
salah satu yang paling intensif pelopor bidang pertanian negara (Nygren, 2004).
Khawatir dengan konsekuensi ekologi merugikan dari tion deforesta- di daerah ini, respon dari pemerintah Nikaragua terutama
telah dibatasi untuk pembentukan cadangan, dan di- berikutnya menggoda untuk mempromosikan populasi menetap di zona
penyangga melalui legalisasi pemukim 'hak atas tanah (Larson, 2010: 59; Nygren, 2000). Karena keterpencilan dan kemauan
terbatas dan kemampuan negara untuk menghentikan invasi lebih lanjut ke cadangan, wilayah ini melihat kehadiran tumbuh
konservasi dan pembangunan LSM pada 1990-an mengambil peran yang semakin aktif untuk mempertahankan hutan tropis Ro
San Juan (Nygren, 2000). Meskipun awalnya kebanyakan LSM sebagian besar dipandu oleh konservasi- ist pendekatan yang
'muncul benar-benar tidak peka dengan realitas kebutuhan peas- ant mata pencaharian (...) oleh akhir 1990-an, bagaimanapun,
organisasi konservasi tampaknya memahami bahwa petani harus memiliki manfaat yang jelas untuk mendukung proyek-proyek
mereka (Larson, 2010: 60).
Salah satu organisasi petani yang berorientasi yang mengalami evolusi ini Conservacin con Desarrollo. LSM lingkungan ini
didirikan pada tahun 1990 dan berakar di wilayah Ro San Juan. Hal ini bertujuan untuk menghentikan degradasi lingkungan
terutama melalui proyek-proyek yang melibatkan pengembangan masyarakat dan meningkatkan kesadaran. Sejak
pembentukannya LSM telah bereksperimen dengan intervensi mulai dari proyek FO cused pada pendidikan lingkungan dan
diversifikasi pertanian untuk promosi kegiatan yang menghasilkan pendapatan alternatif seperti ekoturisme. Sebuah persoalan
yang tersisa LSM memiliki adalah bahwa intervensi mereka telah menawarkan hanya alternatif mata pencaharian yang terbatas
bagi masyarakat setempat, dan karena itu belum berhasil deforestasi tersendat-sendat.
Sebanyak 280 ha hutan. Sebuah penilaian sendiri pada tahun 2010 menyimpulkan bahwa program tidak memiliki visi jangka
panjang dan mempertanyakan kesediaan masa depan petani untuk melindungi hutan setelah pembayaran berakhir. Quence
quently, pada tahun 2012 fase lima tahun kedua diadaptasi dimulai, bertujuan untuk memasukkan tambahan 60 rumah tangga
petani pada tahun 2016, meliputi area hutan total 2000 ha. Kontrak sekarang memerlukan peserta sebelumnya dan baru untuk
merancang rencana manajemen pertanian berkelanjutan - misalnya berdasarkan sistem agroforestry, ekowisata, atau produksi
kakao atau raicilla6 - dan menggunakan pembayaran untuk melaksanakan rencana ini. Ini akan 'membeli waktu untuk hutan
dengan menempatkan nilai ekonomi pada mereka, sementara itu membantu petani untuk menerapkan praktek-praktek
penggunaan lahan berkelanjutan yang menghasilkan pendapatan alternatif dalam jangka panjang' (koordinator proyek
wawancara, 17/11/2014). Pendapatan alternatif harus menurunkan tekanan pada hutan sekali pembayaran akhir. Dalam rangka
membantu petani Conservacin con Desarrollo mengadakan workshop kolektif agro produksi ekologis dan berkelanjutan, dan
menawarkan on-farm teknis bantuan lebih. Karena keterbatasan anggaran, pada saat penelitian kami (2014- 2015) hanya 14
keluarga telah terdaftar, dengan luas total hutan 468 ha. Sebagian besar peserta saat dipilih atas dasar pra hubungan viously
didirikan dengan LSM lokal. Tabel 1 menunjukkan karakteristik utama dari rumah tangga yang berpartisipasi. Kontrak telah
ditandatangani untuk jangka waktu lima tahun dan hampir semua peserta memutuskan untuk mendaftarkan semua hutan di
pertanian mereka dalam proyek.
Tiga tahun ke fase kedua program dan dihadapkan dengan pendanaan di masa depan terbatas, LSM telah memulai serangkaian
proses lengkung ulang internal pada efektivitas dan potensi konsekuensi jangka panjang yang tak terduga dari intervensi. Salah
satu perhatian utama diungkapkan oleh organisasi adalah bahwa harapkan adopsi praktek mampu untuk berlangsungnya
tampaknya sebagian besar tidak ada dalam realitas atau gagal Gen-erate pendapatan alternatif yang diharapkan. Bahkan lebih
mengkhawatirkan adalah bahwa beberapa peserta tampaknya akan menggunakan pembayaran proyek untuk berinvestasi dalam
kegiatan yang berhubungan tle Cat-, merusak tujuan jangka panjang. Staf proyek takut bahwa insentif keuangan yang diberikan
kepada petani tidak efektif dalam mempromosikan 'ramah lingkungan' perilaku dan bahkan mungkin Star Excursion Balance Test
makan efek sesat dalam jangka panjang, terutama setelah pembayaran berhenti. As we argued above constructing meaningful
alternatives that might change the land use practices of local farmers requires a deeper under- standing of the historical, socio-
cultural and economic context of the local territory and its evolving development pathways: we have assessed these using an
agrarian diagnosis.
3.1. Project Description
3.2. Field Research Methods
In 2006 Conservacin con Desarrollo launched a PES programme,
The agrarian diagnosis focused on one of the communities involved funded and co-designed by a European conservation NGO.
In this pro-
in the PES programme, located at the edge of the Indio-Maz reserve. It gramme the NGO pays farmers in the buffer zone of the
Indio-Maz for
was conducted by the third author during a 4.5 months (AprilAugust
5 In order to protect the identity of all participants, we have changed the names of all communities and actors involved in this
study.
Please cite this article as: Van Hecken, G., et al., Can Financial Incentives Change Farmers' Motivations? An Agrarian System
Approach to Development Pathways at the Nicaraguan Agricu..., Ecol. Econ. (2017),
http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ecolecon.2016.12.030
6 Carapichea ipecacuanha. This is a plant used to extract emetine, a substance used in the pharmaceutical industry.
5 G. Van Hecken et al. / Ecological Economics xxx (2017) xxxxxx
Table 1 Land characteristics of farm households participating in PES (n = 14): Indio-Maz Biological Reserve buffer zone,
Nicaragua.
Farm HHa Production
Total farm
Forest area under
Forest area not under
Access to
Investment
Investment plan systemb
area (ha)
contract (ha)
contrac t (ha)
other farm?
plan
implementation
1 2 128.9 100.0 22.0 2.9 4.0 Yes Pigs Failed 2 (P) 2b 44.8 30.1 0 5.9 8.7 Yes Pigs Failed 3 2b 37.4 18.9 0 3.7 14.8 Yes Livestock
Failed 4 2b 45.5 29.3 0 6.2 10.0 Yes Livestock Average 5 (P) 2b 33.1 12.1 0 5.8 15.2 Yes Livestock Good 6 (P) 2b 43.3 28.2 2.4
9.1 3.5 Yes Cacao Average 7 (P) 2 39.5 28.2 4.8 6.5 0 Yes Pigs Failed 8 1 33.6 21.7 0 11.9 0 No Raicilla Good 9 2 219.5 100.0
28.6 29.9 61.1 No Livestock na 10 (P) 2b 34.2 22.4 0 2.0 9.8 Yes Livestock Average 11 4 49.7 29.2 0 4.2 16.4 Yes Raicilla Good
12 4 27.3 11.0 0 6.0 10.3 No Livestock na 13 1 20.1 13.3 0 3.9 2.9 No Selling clothes na 14 (P) 2 39.8 24.0 0 7.7 8.2 Yes
Livestock na
Total 796.5 468.3 57.8 105.5 164.9 Mean 56.9 33.5 4.1 7.5 11.8
a Households (HH) indicated with '(P)' also participated in the 20062009 pilot phase. b Production systems: 1 = Multiple crops /
2 = Multiple crops and livestock / 2b = Adapted multiple crops and livestock (with off-farm labour) / 3 = Multiple crops and
livestock with temporary employees / 4 = Specialized in livestock with temporary employees.
7 This section is primarily based on our 'agrarian diagnosis', and triangulated/ complemented with existing literature focussing on
the same study area.
Please cite this article as: Van Hecken, G., et al., Can Financial Incentives Change Farmers' Motivations? An Agrarian System
Approach to Development Pathways at the Nicaraguan Agricu..., Ecol. Econ. (2017),
http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ecolecon.2016.12.030
Cultivation area (ha)
Pasture area (ha)
2014) research stay in the field, in which the steps described in 2.3 were
(mejoras) through forest clearing was the basis for obtaining de facto carried out. Sixty-six local inhabitants were interviewed,
some of them
land rights and led to the gradual conversion of forests into agricultural on several occasions. Additionally, eight transect walks
and 38 farm
land (Larson, 2010; Nygren, 2000). visits were undertaken to obtain a detailed overview of the landscape
Colonization of primary forests was temporarily halted by the guer- and the specific production systems and land use practices.
Focus
rilla war of the 1980s when many peasants fled to Costa Rica or were group discussions on the history of the study area were
conducted
evacuated to government resettlement areas. Despite the existence of with inhabitants who have lived longest in the region.
Finally, partici-
strict regulations on permitted land uses in the buffer zone of the pant observation and informal talks offered the possibility of
elaborat-
newly created reserve, the deforestation process picked up pace rapidly ing on the information obtained from the qualitative
interviews.
after the 1990 peace agreements when land owners returned to reclaim Between November 2013 and June 2015, the first three
authors also
their land. In addition, the new government compensated demobilized carried out more specific research on the PES intervention.
They con-
soldiers with tracts of land in this region (Nygren, 2000). Hundreds of ducted several interviews and focus groups with project
staff from the
new migrants coming from more established cattle-raising regions ar- local NGO, organized workshops with project staff and
participants,
rived. Between 1989 and 1995 at least 17 new communities totalling and performed ten on-farm in-depth interviews with project
partici-
more than 1500 families were formed in the buffer zone (Larson, pants. As per the interactive pathways framework, the
interviews and
2010). During this same period government policies to promote cat- focus groups mainly focused on the motivations,
opportunities, and
tle-related exports resumed, now also including massive investments constraints for participants vis--vis the PES project and its
different
in dairy processing. This contributed to rising milk and cheese prices, components, and on farmers' long-term perspectives in
terms of land
while meat prices hit historic highs due to higher international demand use changes and future plans.
and the trade connection of Nicaraguan cattle production with Mexican beef production for the US (Bastiaensen et al., 2013). At
the same time, 3.3. Assessing Agrarian Dynamics and Deforestation in Ro San Juan
due to the arrival of a German chocolate manufacturer, cacao produc- tion for export led to expansion and transformation of the
infrastructure 3.3.1. The Dominant Cattle-Based Development Pathway in Ro San Juan7
for collection and processing thereby increasing demand and local Although the extraction of timber and non-timber products in
Rio
prices for this traditional but relatively ignored crop. San Juan started well over a century ago, the colonization process rapid-
Currently pioneers mostly arrive from 'old frontier' areas overrun by ly accelerated about 60 years ago with the appropriation of
large areas
pasture, and often repeat their (grand)parents' pattern of converting of land for cattle raising by the authoritarian ruler Somoza
and his asso-
forest to pasture as a way of improving their livelihood. Many peasants ciates (Larson, 2001; Rabella, 1995). This process was
accompanied by
participate in a two-step migration process in which they eventually state and multilateral policies to promote meat exports
(mainly to the
convert their land into pasture and, if they do not manage to establish US), including the construction of roads and processing
infrastructure.
a large cattle farm, sell it to wealthier livestock farmers thus giving Attracted by the abundant presence of valuable timber
species, various
rise to a domino effect in which land ownership is steadily concentrated private companies were given logging rights to the
forests (see also
into the hands of a few better-off cattle ranchers who replace an initial Nygren, 2004). In the 1950s the Nicaraguan government
also conceived
wave of small-scale farmers (Nygren, 2000; Maldidier, 2004). The latter of this region as one of the escape valves for growing
social discontent
are pushed and pulled ever more towards and inside the agricultural caused by increasing land concentration in the hands of large
export-
frontier, consolidating the dominant socially exclusionary and environ- oriented cotton and cattle producers in the Pacific region
(Larson,
mentally destructive pathway of cattle-driven development. 2010). As a result the government initiated a process of state-led
agri- cultural colonization (Ibid), a process which was amplified by the com- plementary spontaneous migration of peasants.
Land 'improvement'
3.3.2. Agrarian Change in Manola
Our diagnosis of the dynamics in Manola, a community which com- prises about 80 families, allows us to further zoom in on the
main drivers underlying this livestock-based frontier advancement. Our re- search reveals how the first farms in Manola were
established in the
6 G. Van Hecken et al. / Ecological Economics xxx (2017) xxxxxx
1990s with the arrival of pioneer families who typically appropriated
Apart from wood extraction for heating and construction, they report between 50 and 140 ha of virgin forest.8 For poor farmers
clearing for-
little benefit from forests. Therefore, although most farms in the Manola ests is a way of obtaining fertile land using only their
own labour.
area are still covered by large tracts of forest (on average about 50% of Given low capital availability and abundant land, slash-
and-burn maxi-
total area), the specialization in livestock will probably continue, mizes labour cost-effectiveness, while ensuring food self-
sufficiency
resulting in an ever-increasing conversion of farms' forests into pasture, (see also Maldidier, 2004). However, once the land has
been cultivated
and eventually in the search for additional land in neighbouring areas. for about three years, soil fertility rapidly declines while
weed competi-
These dynamics have also been observed in earlier-colonized tion increases, resulting in diminishing crop yields. As restoring the
neighbouring areas (Larson, 2010; Vrant, 2013). soil's fertility would require a long fallow period (about 1520 years),
Farmers' motivations to pursue cattle-based specialization draw on a crop areas are then usually converted into pastures, while
new plots
combination of factors, grounded in and, at the same time, grounding of forest are cleared for crops thereby expanding the farm's
agricultural
the dominant extensive cattle pathway. Firstly, our technical-economic area. These typical land use dynamics lead to gradually
shifting produc-
analysis9 shows that the relative abundance of 'idle' forested land and tion systems and related land use patterns at the farm and
landscape
the lack of capital makes labour the main constraining production fac- level as is respectively shown diagrammatically in Figs. 1
and 2.
tor. Ara. 3a displays the monthly labour demand for each of the main Figs. 1 and 2 show that once new settlers (multiple crops
production
production systems, together with the available on-farm family system) manage to accumulate sufficient capital through casual
off-farm
labour.10 It clearly shows that for most production systems labour wage-working and seasonal migration to Costa Rica (mainly
during the
needs are close to or even surpass on-farm labour availability. It also coffee harvest), they usually start investing in cattle in order
to exploit
shows that implementing cattle-based production implies hiring tem- their growing pasture areas, leading to a multiple crops and
livestock pro-
porary workers, mainly employed for pasture maintenance. Farmers' duction system. As the herd size grows over time and
demands more la-
limited access to financial capital reduces their capacity to hire non- bour, farmers increasingly give up labour-intensive crop
cultivation and
family labour. Under current price conditions cattle production, even if further convert forest into pasture, usually by passing
through a crop
representing the lowest output per unit of land, clearly offers the phase (multiple crops and livestock with temporary employees),
eventual-
highest return per unit of labour (see Fig. 3b and c), making it an ly leading to a production system which is increasingly geared
towards livestock specialization. This sequence corresponds to the 'typical tra- jectory' in Fig. 1. In line with this, our interviews
clearly indicate that farmers perceive forests as strategic land reserves for future agricultural and cattle production, possibly after
bequeathing to their children.
8 At that time the forested land in this area was considered to be free of rights. Any actor could freely take possession of any non-
privately appropriated tract of land and secure de facto rights to it through clearing the borders of the area, building a house and
clearing some forest plots for agricultural purposes.
Please cite this article as: Van Hecken, G., et al., Can Financial Incentives Change Farmers' Motivations? An Agrarian System
Approach to Development Pathways at the Nicaraguan Agricu..., Ecol. Econ. (2017),
http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ecolecon.2016.12.030
Fig. 1. Evolution of coexisting production systems in the Indio-Maz Biological Reserve buffer zone, Nicaragua 19902015.
9 Calculations are based on the following basic principles (Dufumier, 1996; Apollin and Eberhardt, 1999): (1) Gross Product
(GP) = Production Market Price (all products are valued at a local market price, or the equivalent purchase price in case of
products for own consumption); (2) Value Added (VA) = GP (yearly depreciation of machinery, tools and farm infrastructure)
(inputs costs); (3) Family Agricultural Income = VA (payment of interest for financial capital) (land rent) (taxes) (non-
family labour costs) + subsidies (eg PES). For detailed calcula- tions of all these indicators, please refer to Lindtner (2014).
10 The graph displays the two most common levels of available labour equivalents in the area.
attractive production strategy for this area. Moreover, cattle are easy to move around and represent a means of saving that is easy
to mobilize, especially in regions where markets are distant and difficult to access (Maldidier, 2004). As such, farmers tend to opt
for production systems geared towards cattle, while limited labour and financial capital con- strain the pace of land use
conversion, which explains why we still ob- serve a relative abundance of on-farm forests.
Secondly, as some farmers may climb the social ladder by becoming ranchers (production systems 3 and 4) and as no viable
alternatives are currently envisaged, the ongoing transformation of land into pasture for cattle development is largely perceived
also by smaller farmers as the desirable 'moral landscape' (Setten, 2004) offering a promising path towards the desired social
identity of the successful, productive finquero. Despite an increasing local awareness of the detrimental eco- logical
consequences of deforestation, peasant ideas of progress and de- velopment are still largely related to the conquest of the 'savage
and unproductive' forest to make it arable and eventually to convert it into a large farm with pasture full of cattle (see also Larson,
2010; Van Hecken et al., 2015b). Large finquero cattle-breeders also manage a broad social network and hold preferential
positions in a society where inherited vertical patron-client relations, based on control over land and capital/cattle, still largely
prevail.
While the above sketched description of the typical evolution of farming systems might give the impression that they evolve in
homog- enous and unidirectional ways, in practice these changes occur at differ- ent paces and in complex manners, depending
on specific differences between farmers. Seperti ditunjukkan pada Gambar. 1, this also means that a snapshot at a specific point
in time reveals the co-existence of different produc- tion systems alongside each other, including but not limited to the four
production systems presented in Fig. 2.11 For example, our diagnosis reveals that a crucial element influencing a farm's pace of
11 In this article we only present the main historical trajectories. The original analysis provides a more detailed description of
additional trajectories that can be found in the area (see Lindtner, 2014).
7 G. Van Hecken et al. / Ecological Economics xxx (2017) xxxxxx
Fig. 2. Evolving farm production systems and land use changes: Indio-Maz Biological Reserve buffer zone, Nicaragua.
development relates to its degree of geographic isolation or accessibility and the influence this has in terms of labour availability
(see adapted trajectories, Fig. 1). Families who arrived after the initial colonization period were forced to appropriate land in the
geographically less acces- sible areas of the area, with difficult access to local infrastructure (eg markets, schools). This often
pressures part of the family usually wife and children to migrate to the urban municipal centre, thus in- creasing household
expenses and further reducing available on-farm la- bour availability. This, in turn, means a constraint of the growth potential of
the farm both in terms of herd size and cultivated area, usu- ally also implying a slow-down in the rate of conversion of forests
into agricultural/pasture land (see Fig. 1, bottom).
Other important factors that lead to divergence from the typical tra- jectory are related to differences in farmers' capital
endowments, unex- pected shocks (eg health problems leading to treatment funded by the sale of cattle), inheritance issues, and
situations of local conflict (mostly related to land issues). These limiting events are often a substantial im- pediment to the
capitalization process, and in the most severe cases can even result in the sale of the farm (cf. adapted trajectories, Fig. 1). As
land systematically tends to be cheaper further into isolated regions of the agrarian frontier, there is always the temptation to sell
a 'failed' farm in a more established zone to successful farmers and then start again by buying more, and cheaper, land. Currently
in Manola this par- ticular trajectory is mainly followed by younger farmers who, after hav- ing inherited a plot of land
considered too small for establishing a sustainable farm, decide to sell and move into the frontier. Their original land is sold to
local farmers wanting to expand or to newcomers from other regions who possess sufficient capital to buy several farms at once,
thus allowing them to implement further livestock specialization.
4. Can Financial Incentives for Forest Protection Alter the Cattle- Based Development Pathway?
Our diagnosis shows that the territory is composed of different types of evolving farming systems that together crystallize into a
dominant cattle-oriented territorial pathway. Our analysis clearly suggests that
Please cite this article as: Van Hecken, G., et al., Can Financial Incentives Change Farmers' Motivations? An Agrarian System
Approach to Development Pathways at the Nicaraguan Agricu..., Ecol. Econ. (2017),
http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ecolecon.2016.12.030
8 G. Van Hecken et al. / Ecological Economics xxx (2017) xxxxxx
motivation is not merely an individual attribute but is socially instituted in this pathway which generates particular opportunities
and con- straints, as well as guiding ideas and habits that 'work' within, and are partially created by, these pathways. On the basis
of these empirical in- sights we now discuss whether the current intervention of forest-relat- ed financial incentives, aimed at the
promotion of sustainable farm plans, offers any possibility of sustainably altering farmers' motivations and pro-environmental
action in this context.
Please cite this article as: Van Hecken, G., et al., Can Financial Incentives Change Farmers' Motivations? An Agrarian System
Approach to Development Pathways at the Nicaraguan Agricu..., Ecol. Econ. (2017),
http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ecolecon.2016.12.030
Fig. 3. Labour and land productivity, and labour constraints for production systems in the Indio-Maz Biological Reserve buffer
zone, Nicaragua.
Three years into the second phase of the PES project we observe that so far all participants have maintained the forests under
contract (see Table 1). This may give the impression that the project has been suc- cessful in promoting on-farm forest protection.
However, an assessment of the PES project against our diagnosis cautions against jumping to such conclusions. While we are
aware that the performance of PES does not necessarily hinge on a complete coverage of the opportunity costs of economically
more attractive land uses (Kosoy et al., 2007;
9 G. Van Hecken et al. / Ecological Economics xxx (2017) xxxxxx
Muradian et al., 2010), our findings show that the project payment is
recent arrival to the region, inheritance issues they have been stuck particularly low as it only covers about 20% of the annual
per hectare in-
in the initial phase of the typical farm evolution and, thanks to seasonal come created by the locally more attractive pasture
alternative and less
international migration, have not been obliged to sell and permanently than 7% of the income generated by staple crops such as
beans or rice
migrate towards the pioneer front. For these farmers, who lack the nec- (see Fig. 3b). From an economic perspective it is then
unlikely that the
essary financial capital to start the typical trajectory, it makes sense to current payment would be high enough to trigger long-
term changes
put all their remaining forests under contract as a strategy to access fi- in farmers' land uses. This is also confirmed by our
interviews in
nancial capital. Overall participants chose to include plots of forests which all participants typically reported that:
that in the short term have almost no opportunity cost. This finding
[T]he amount they pay me is really insignificant, Im grateful, but I
was confirmed in all our interviews where farmers typically stated that:
feel we're doing them [the NGO] a favour. Producing beans or maize
I was going to protect these forests [under the PES contract] anyway. obviously would give me a much higher income. If they
want to con-
I have been protecting them for the past twenty years [...] You really vince us to enrol our forests in a future project, they'll
definitely have
think that the little money they're offering me is the reason why Im to pay us more.
protecting these forests? [(Interview farmer, 18/07/2014)]
[(Interview farmer, 27/07/2014).]
In light of this type of claim, it initially seems somewhat puzzling
As such, the current payments are unlikely to lead to much behav- that farmers have participated in this project at all. In answer
all respon-
ioural change. Respondents reported that they had used project pay- dents refer to the importance of forests in providing water
thus motivat-
ments to invest in practices that were very much part of their usual ing them to protect strategically located on-farm forest. Also,
the
production strategies (Table 1). Families who cultivate staple crops growing presence of conservation NGOs has generated new
locally
used the payments to satisfy basic needs such as the purchase of medi- adopted discourses that stress the importance of forests for
the provi-
cines, sugar and staple foods. Only a few have been able to use the sion of global goods such as clean air and biodiversity.
Respondents typ-
money to try alternative activities promoted via the NGO-supported ically stated that 'a community without forests would be ugly
and
sustainable management plans, such as the cultivation of raicilla. As unpleasant to live in', and would undermine the potential for
develop-
shown in the Table, farmers practicing a livestock system have mainly ing ecotourism projects.
used the money to invest in cattle-related expenditure such as fences, While these stated reasons are certainly credible, our AS
analysis al-
improving and expanding pastures, or additional cattle (7 of 14 farmer lows us to go beyond common discourse and helps us
explain why they
households). Payments alleviated some of the commonly experienced are unlikely to translate into significant and long-lasting
changes in
capital constraints and supported farmers in their endeavours towards farmer practices. AS enables us to assess remaining forest
patches not
aspirational livestock specialization. These findings prompted the as independent and disconnected elements but as part of
broader pro-
NGOs to critically reflect on the selection criteria for future participants duction systems evolving within specific historical
trajectories. As stat-
(cf. selection bias), as well as to question their initial decontextualized ed above, the current pace of deforestation in the area is
mainly limited
technical assumptions about the need for and the possibility of intensi- by labour and capital constraints. We also explained how
the local NGO
fied production in order to release pressure on the remaining forests. was predisposed to select participants on the basis of
established rela-
These assumptions are based on overly simplistic and erroneous ideas tionships as well as a minimum requirement of 10 ha of
on-farm forest
that attribute deforestation to farmers' cultural backwardness and thus excluding farmers who recently arrived in the region and
those
their lack of technical know-how (see also Larson, 2010) rather than who have small farms with the majority of their forest
already trans-
on an informed analysis of the multiple factors and motivations that un- formed into fields for crops and pasture.
derlie why farmers do what they do. Relating Table 1 data to our analysis of agrarian change in Manola
In summary, our case study suggests that the PES project alone is not enables us to better understand the rationale behind the
dynamics of
enough to break with historically evolved practices, embedded in par- forested plots within the PES project. Table 1 shows that
many project
ticular production logics and socio-cultural contexts. Instead of shifting participants (6 out of 14) belong to an 'adapted multiple
crops and live-
farmers to alternative development pathways, in some cases payments stock production (with off-farm labour)' system. Farmers
belonging to
paradoxically might even have stimulated and accelerated future defor- this production system are located in relatively isolated
areas, are main-
estation. Indeed, the intervention did not challenge the conditioning ly constrained by limited labour availability and are therefore
typically
factors of the current pathway that generate a strong economic and so- prevented from increasing their livestock in the near
future. For these
cial rationale to continue expanding cattle production. The rationale is farmers it makes sense to include all on-farm forest plots
under a
founded in associated cultural views and habits such as moral land- fixed-term payment contract, potentially later continuing with
livestock
scape, social status of cattle ranchers, etc. specialization. A second group of farmers (6 out of 14) are those belong- ing to the
'multiple crops and livestock' or the 'specialized in livestock with temporary employees' production systems. Since participants
were free
5. Conclusion
to choose which plots and how much forest to enrol under the five- year contract, it is not surprising that these farmers did not
include some forest plots - typically the ones adjacent to current production areas.12 These farmers could continue their usual
farming practices as described above, while temporarily 'protecting'forests that were not ac- tually going to be disturbed, at least
not in the foreseeable future (see Hartshorn et al., 2005 for similar findings in Costa Rica). Lastly, some project participants (2
out of 14) belong to the 'multiple crops' system. These farmers are characterized by a very low level of financial capital and the
absence of cattle even if they have pasture. For diverse reasons
Territorial dynamics are more than the simple sum of individual de- cision-making processes implemented within independent
farms. They are rather the result of the historically built rules and norms, social structure, culture and worldviews which
characterize broader rural so- cieties, and are supported by particular macro-economic policies and ensuing market and price
structures. Throughout this article we have argued that research on the long-term impact of policy interventions on human
behaviour should recognize that human motivation is social- ly constructed (Vatn and Vedeld, 2012). This does not deny the
existence of strategic action, but rather suggests that individual motiva- tion and actions are both constrained and enabled by the
broader devel- opment pathways in which they are embedded. Understanding this
12 This is often referred to as the'self-selecting nature of voluntary participation' (see eg
dynamic interplay between agency and structure means that we should Wnscher et al., 2008: 822).
move beyond the purely bio-physical or economic considerations of
Please cite this article as: Van Hecken, G., et al., Can Financial Incentives Change Farmers' Motivations? An Agrarian System
Approach to Development Pathways at the Nicaraguan Agricu..., Ecol. Econ. (2017),
http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ecolecon.2016.12.030
10 G. Van Hecken et al. / Ecological Economics xxx (2017) xxxxxx
human-environment challenges to encompass broader and often previ-
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Please cite this article as: Van Hecken, G., et al., Can Financial Incentives Change Farmers' Motivations? An Agrarian System
Approach to Development Pathways at the Nicaraguan Agricu..., Ecol. Econ. (2017),
http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ecolecon.2016.12.030
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Please cite this article as: Van Hecken, G., et al., Can Financial Incentives Change Farmers' Motivations? An Agrarian System
Approach to Development Pathways at the Nicaraguan Agricu..., Ecol. Econ. (2017),
http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ecolecon.2016.12.030