Tinjauan Kognisi Desain Produk Kemasan sebagai Unsur Identitas Budaya Populer
atas Produk Kemasan Makanan Industri Kecil Menengah (IKM)
Mach. Junaidi Hidayat
Resensi
Ahmad Sahide
Leonard C. Epafras
Program Studi ICRS Universitas Gadjah Mada
e-mail: leyonat03@yahoo.com
Bernard Adeney-Risakotta
ICRS - Indonesian Consortium for Religious Studies
e-mail: baryogya@gmail.com
Amin Abdullah
UIN - Sunan Kalijaga Islamic State University
e-mail: aminabdullah@telkom.net
Reuven Firestone
HUC - Hebrew Union College USA
e-mail: reuvenfirestone@gmail.com
ABSTRAK
Artikel ini adalah riset kepustakaan dan merupakan indikasi awal pengantar pada suatu interaksi
unik yang terjadi antara kelompok Yahudi terhadap Sufisme dalam kurun abad pertengahan di masa
pemerintahan Islam. Di tengah gejolak relasi Yahudi dan Muslim yang didominasi narasi-narasi
antagonis, dalam sejarah sebenarnya terjadi dinamika interaksi yang melampaui narasi konflik. Salah
satunya adalahMistisisme Yahudi yang mengadopsi Sufisme dalam pencapaian ideal-ideal spiritualnya
pada abad pertengahan. Secara tentatif fenomena ini bisa disebut dengan "Sufisme Yahudi."
KataKunci: Su/ismeYahudi, Interaksi antaragama, SejarahAgama, Relasii\1uslim-Yahudi
ABSTRACT
This article is a literary research and preliminary examination to a unique interaction between Jews and Sufism
that taken place in medieval Islamic ruling. In the face of the present antagonistic posture of Jews and Muslims
relationship that dominates the public sphere, in history, there are some examples of interaction of the two people
beyond conflictual narrative. One of them is Jewish mysticism that adopted Sufism into their spiritual ideal, which
took place in the medieval era. We might call the phenomenon tentatively as "Jewish Sufism."
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The scent of mythical taste even to bring him back to his family. Since Batsir
stronger for Muslim, Jewish and Christian was a Jew of low status then the problem was
communities because they were considered gravely serious. The letter stated that:
the hills a sacred mountain. There were ... her husband [Batsir] was completely
various legends and mysteries associated to infatuated with (life on) the mountain [i.e.
various spots on the hills. Since al-Muqatt;am al-Muqattam] with al-KllriinI, in vain and to
was identified by some Muslims as Jabal no purpose, a place where there is no Torah,
no prayer and no mention of God's name in
ai-Till in Qur'an (QS. 19: 52), thus it related
truth. He goes up the mountain and mingles
to the place God spoke to Moses. For some with the mendicants, although these have
others, it is the place Moses confronted only the semblance, but not the essence, of
with the Pharaoh's magicians, the spot religion. The maidservant is afraid there may
where Noah's Ark landed, the place where be there some bad man who may induce her
Abraham had been ready to sacrifice his son husband to forsake the Jewish faith, taking
to God (Williams, 2002: 46), and the stop of with him the three children (Goitein, 1953:
the Israelite patriarch, Judah (Heb. Yehuda, 46-49; Labib, II: 253)
Ar. Yahiida) in his way to meet his brother,
Joseph (Ar. Yiisuf). The Jews, on the other The problem apparently was beyond the
hand retained a story of the origin of the hills simple issue of "irresponsible" husband
that tells the hills' bareness was because it and father, but it touched the challenge of
surrendered the vegetation to Mount Zion in inter-confessional relationship as well. A
Palestine (Behrens-Abouseit 1963-2005: VIt Jew who attracted to the SUfI's way was
509-511). While the Coptic Church preserved considered, according to the above letter
a story related to the hills with God's stepping beyond the limit of his religious
deliverance from the evil scheme of a Jewish boundary, which in turn, could harm his
convert to Islam (Ar. mu'allaf), Ya'qub ibn Jewish identity. Another minor problem
KillIs (930-991) upon Christian community was implied to the mainstream Rabbinical
(Meinardus, 1999: 202; Labib, I: 11). Judaism perception toward mysticism-qua-
It was under the spell of al-Muqattam's poverty. "[M]ingles with the mendicants/' as
charm, Batsir, a Cairene bellmaker regularly the letter described the circumstance Batsir
spent his time for spiritual pursuit. Like other joined in, was probably struck the general
mutid (SUfI's pulpit the" committed one") of Jewish sensitivity at the time.
al-KuranI (d. 1367), he most probable stayed Indeed,like two other religious traditions
at one of two ziiwiyas (convents of Dervish) of Islam and Christianity, the Jews believed
managed by the Sufi master. Al-Kuram that they had an obligation to mitigate
revived the mystic way of al-Junayd (d. the suffering of the poor, as part of social,
910), a prominent early that advocated communaL and religious duties. However,
the principle of strict poverty; the members Judaism at the time had no admiration to
of this order often called fuqatii' (Ar. "the ascetic poverty and its manifestation, the
poors"). begging, as Christian's monastic tradition
Not only was the time Batsir generously and Sufism did (Cohen, 2005: 243-246). If we
invested at the hills problematic, especially push further, perhaps there were other factors
for his family, he went so far to compel his at play that can explain the way different
wife to sell their properties and moved the religious traditions and culture interacted in
family to the hills. His enthusiasm to SUfIsm the fourteenth century Egypt. However, it
apparently threatened his family and forced is the way Batsir attracted to go beyond his
his wife to send a letter to the nagid (Ar. religious and communal boundary that the
ta'is al-yahud), the head of Egyptian Jewish present article taken as the precedent.
community at the time of Mamluk David ibn The present undertaking will limit
Abraham MaimunI (Ma£monides) to help the description to simply giving a sketch,
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Leonard C. Epafras - Jewish Sufism in Medieval Islam
mainly a literature research and more or less the place names, which adopted Sanskrit
in historically manner, deep and intimate and its Old Javanese derivative names. The
relations between the Jews and Muslims in a place like ImagirijHimagiri and Yogyakarta,
specific mode of interaction. Though it may were replicated the Hindu's sacred mountain
sound a two-way interaction, in fact it was of Himalaya and sacred city of Ayodhya in
a disparate relationship, in which the Jews' India (Gonda, 1952: 216-217).
expectation was greater than the Muslims'. Probably, also the case of the city of
The mode of interaction in question is the Kudus, with its al-Aq$a mosque in Central
Jews were grafting certain aspect of SUfIsm Java that rendered the quality of sixteenth
into the Judaic native religious system; this century Ottoman Jerusalem, which in Arabic
is what Philip Alexander, a Jewish mysticism is called al-Quds, while at the same time
scholar from the University of Manchester prolong the sacredness of the former Hindu
dubbed the phenomenon "Jewish Sufism" cosmology in the area (Kalus and Guillot,
(Alexander, 2002: 717). 2002: 27-56); the sacredness it rendered
passed on to the next generations even
DISCUSSION after the region converted to Islam. In this
"Jewish Sufism" Discourse point, therefore the relevant question in this
"Jewish SUfism" is not a formal name or discussion is what makes the medieval Egypt
branch of Jewish mysticism recognized by via the story of al-Muqattam conduced the
Jewish and Islamic studies specialists. The possibility of religious interaction?
privilege of the term in this article is rest on In a loose manner, the above account
its specific mode of interaction or aspiration bring to fore the possible nourishing elements
that is not entirely fit into the mainstream that began from the earlier era when the
Jewish mysticism, which in its technical term sanctity of a place, blended with the earlier
called Qabbala (Heb. "tradition"). Therefore, religious traditions, provided precedence,
it is a loaded term and presented enclosed even overlapping religious narratives that
within quotation marks. Here, I will mainly expanded the human religious experience.
see the process of interaction from the Jewish Nevertheless, it was not necessarily a peaceful
perspective, thus endow more space to handing over. Often the overpowering the
describe the attitude and cultural gesture the earlier tradition by the later was the case,
Jews invested in Muslim domain. boosting the cynical side of inter-religiOUS
Other categories such as Jewish and history.
Islamic mysticisms (Qabbala and SUfIsm) only Secondly, there was an indication of
cursory depicted, simply to demonstrate the social, cultural, and political context that
degree of continuity and discontinuity with makes the Batsir spiritual experience possible.
"Jewish SUfIsm." The above introduction However, in this article I will not attend to
giving us at least two issues important to this context and attention is turn to religious
keep in our mind during this engagement. and cultural interaction of the Jews and their
First, it is important to reflect the way SUflstic context.
a place or geographical context provokes, According to Paul Fenton, a scholar on
induces/ shares, and preserves an aura of Jewish-Muslim interaction, at the outset it
sacredness across the time, religion, and was Judaism that influenced SUfism in its
culture. Al-Muqattam is an example of a formative period through a literary works
place where the inter-confessional religious called IsraIliyyat: a collection of Rabbinical
narrative endures. Probably not entirely lore (Heb. aggada) and Jewish legends
I
comparable, though important to look at, is (Fenton, 1981: 1-2). For example, Malik ibn
the case of pre-Islamic and Islamic Java Island. Dinar (d. 748), the student of the precursor of
Indic civilization once a dominant culture Sufism, Hasan al-BasrI, was reportedly drawn
in the pre-Islamic Java Island, impressed in Jewish sources in his work (Fenton, 1981:
Nセ@
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541). Soon afterward, however, roughly in "Jewish SUfIs" of his days that he rebuked,
the tenth century onward it was SUfIsm that "those of our co-religionists ... who imitate
commanding the spiritual course of the age the followers of other religions ... when they
and many SUfI masters found Jews among torment their body" (Fenton, 1981: 558).
their murids (Fenton, 1981: 24). The famous From the two disapproval accounts
al-Qushayn (986-1074) for example, declared we can deduce at least two things. First,
that he induced many Jews to embrace Islam the sympathetic Jews did not suffer any
(idem, 54n2). The story of Batsir, obviously dissociated identity when they join the
was not an exception in this case. Muslims reJigious expression. They
Some of SUfI masters apparently confirmed instead the Islamic precept, but the
embrace the inter-confessional outlook that confirmation was devised through their own
seen the differences of denominations even Judaic tradition. The groups in question and
religious persuasions were less relevant the context of the occasions mentioned by
for the seeker of the eternal truth. The Ashkenazi and Maimonides are unclear and
ecumenical effect of the discourse of SUfIsm require further investigation. However, it is
was apparent in the death of the famous Sufi obvious that during the Muslim ruling the
master, Jalal al-DIn Muhammad RiimI (1207- religious atmosphere was conducive enough
1273). His biographer, Mlaki reported the to allow such inter-confessional, enriching
recital at the burial ceremony was not only and voluntary interaction took place.
taken from Qur'an, but including passages Secondly, unsurprisingly there were
from Psalms, Torah, and the Gospels by unsatisfied parties for such religious
Muslims, Christians, and Jews sympathizers engagement. Trespassing religious identity
(Harmless, 2008: 172). by adopting and embracing other religious
Inclination to SUfIsm, in fact was practice and world view considered,
part of larger Jewish and Muslim cultural especially by the non-practitioners, dangerous
engagement in the Medieval Islam. Fifteenth and harmful. Established religious authority
century Jewish mystic, Y6sef ben Shalom often charged such practice "heretic,"
Ashkenazi provides us a hint of the tendency deviant," and other derogatory accusation.
1/
among some Jews to join Islamic ritual. Part of the explanation of such attitude may
be related to the minority status of Jews that
Consider attentively the foolishness of those preserving the "purity" of identity was all
of our fellow Jews who not only praise the important.
Muslim faith ... but when the Muslims Furthermore, the status of SUfism in
profess their creed at prayer times in their the Islamic tradition, like any spiritual
mosques, these dim-witted Jews join them
and recite "Hear 0 Israel." Furthermore they
movements among Abraharnic traditions,
highly commend the nation of Muh{ammad was often problematic. Peculiar religious
and consequently they and their children imagination, highly personal and intimate
have become attached to the Muslims and languages, claim of the intimacy between
they denigrate the holy faith of Israel ... I am the creature and the Creator, and other
astonished that even the· dignitaries of our exclusive expressions often caused numerous
community praise the Muslims and testify misunderstandings and put SUfIsm at odds
to the latter's faith in one God (Fenton, 1981: with the mainstream religious authority
22). (Corbin, 1969: 7f). The execution of Persian
Sufi masters, Al-I-;l:alHij (ca. 858-922) and
The disapproval of such trespassing" of
1/
Suhrawardi (1155-1191) were two extreme
religious identity was also shared by a examples the effect of the collision between
prominent Medieval Jewish philosopher, religious (and political) authority and SUfIsm.
theologian, and physician. Moses Maimonides In our case above, probably Maimonides
(1137/8-1204). He displayed his cynicism to low opinion toward "Jewish SUfIs" was
the excessive mystical practi'te conducted by
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Leonard C. Epafras - Jewish Sufism in Medieval Islam
simply sharing with the mainstream ... a pious man [Heb. セuャウゥ、j@ met some people
perception to SufIsm. However, what is from a great battle with an enemy.
important in this regard is that both Jewish He to them, "Y ou are returning, praised
positions, i.e. the enthusiasm to adopt be God, from a smaller battle, carrying your
booty. Now prepare yourself for the greater
Islamic and SufI practices and criticism to it,
battle." They asked, "What is that greater
reflecting deeper struggle and dynamic of battle?" and he answered, "The battle
the Jews as diasporic people, as minority, the instinct and its armies."
and as "Islamicate" Jews. "Islamicate" Jews,
following Marshall Hodgson terminology, The anecdote was written in Hebrew by the
was Jews that participated in Islamic and Rabbi in order to provide a context to the
Muslims cultural complex (Hodgson, 1977: 1, emergence spiritual movement among
58-60). East European Jewry, what was called
This dynamic of embracing and Ijasidut (Lobel, 2007: ix). The trace of the
enthusiasm, conflict and confrontation, anecdote goes back to a prominent Medieval
both within the Jewish community and with Jewish philosopher and spiritualist, Rabbi
Muslim dominant culture was part of identity Bahya ibn Paqilda who lived in Saragossa,
formation in the "frontier." "Frontier" in the eleventh Muslim's Spain (Ibn
suggests the religious self that standing and Paquda, I: V,5).
roaming in the border of identity so as to It was a story taken from his magnum
envisioned the realm beyond by professing opus, al-Hidiiyah ilii farii'ieJ, al-qulub (Guidebook
centrifugal movement, while at the same to the Duties of the or simply Duties of
time within the attraction of centripetal force the Heart). Student of Islamic studies might
so as to preserving the existing tradition. It easily recognized that the story is Islamic
then implies the dynamic identity formation aright and the pious man mentioned is none
and becomes the framework to understand other than Prophet Mul].ammad himself. The
the formation of hybrid identity such as Muslim original version goes like this: "upon
displayed by "Jewish SufIsm./I returning from a battle, Prophet Mul].ammad
On the other hand, though after the remarked: 'We have returned from the lesser
tenth century, Islamic Sufism has came to its jihad (Ar. aI-jihad 。ャMセァィイI@ to the greater jihad
maturity, still in some rare cases, there were (Ar. aI-jihad al-akbar).' When asked what he
Muslims who linked their spiritual practice in meant by that, he is said to replied, 'The
one or the other way, to the spiritual practices greater jihad is the struggle against the self.'"
of the Jews and Christians. Abu-Sa'Id Abu 1'- The oft-quoted story is part of a hadfth but
Khayr (967-1049), a Persian SufI, once caught from a weak tradition (Ar. eJ,a'if) and nowhere
by his father performing mystical discipline in the canonical collections (Firestone, 1999:
and ablution in an old Christian Cloister! 16-17,139,19).
(Peters, 1994: 315-316). Another case, Hasan Nevertheless, relevant to our discussion,
ibn Hud (1235/6-1297/8), a member of the later example might expand, with certain
Muslim princely family from al-Andalus qualification, our understanding that the
(Spain), learned spiritual practices from outcome of a cultural interaction in the past
various sources of Muslim, Christian, and the might be extended and transformed beyond
Jews during his stay in Damascus (Goldziher, the limit of time and place, and sometime
1893: 218-220; Goitein, 1953: 40-41). emerged in the unexpected context, in the
In addition, a trace of the above internalized form in other tradition.
interaction in peculiar way appeared in
an unexpected place and time. A sixteenth
Islamicate Jewry
century Polish master of Jewish spirituality,
Islamic tradition records the encounter
Rabbi Jacob Joseph ha-Kohen of Polonnoy
between Prophet Muhammad and the
once told an anecdote.
Jews during his first mission to establish
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Kawistara, Vol. 1, No.3, Desember 2011: 274-288
the of Islam. The Jews challenged the development of Hebrew grammar, and
the Prophet mission and conflict among religious purpose. The Jews in al-Andalus
them was inevitable. However, the initial (Iberian Peninsula) enjoyed the" golden age"
painful relationship between them seems of the Jewish culture, with the productions
disappeared after Islam swept the northern of religious, philosophy, mystical, literature,
Arabia, in which some the Jews and and medical texts. Along with the Christians,
"heterodox" Christians in the area received Jewish figures also close to the center of
the coming of Islam as the liberator from power, such as the above example of Moses
the yoke of Roman Byzantine and Persian Maimonides who was the court physician
Sassanid -among the Palestinian Jews there in the palace of Salah al-DIn ibn Ayyiib (ca.
some even expected the coming of Messiah 1138-1193).
(Wasserstrom, 1995: 48). Judaism, notably the Rabbinicat and
The success of Islam to embrace extensive Islam concur that society and religion cohere
area from Iberia to Persia, from Syria to North to the point of no strict distinction between
Africa into a single cultural and political secular and religious matters. Comparatively
mantle greatly affected the world Jewry. For speaking, both championed religious
the first time in Diaspora, large number of law more than other religious precepts.
Jewish communities, of different persuasions Meanwhile, Christianity from the era of
and denominations, such as Rabbinical Constantine (the Roman Emperor, 272-337)
Judaism, Samaritans, "Hellenized" Jews, onward considered seriously the relationship
and other heterodox Judaisms united. between the church and the state. Religious
Unlike in the Christians land, the Jews under law for Judaism and Islam becomes the
Islamic dominion took full participation guiding principle of all aspects of human's
in the Islamic society, though, they had in life. Though not entirely comparable, the
the subordinate status as the people under study of halaka (lit. "path, way," the general
protection (Ar. ahI al-dhimma) and subjected term of Jewish law) by the Jews could be
to special taxes and restrictions. In general, analogized to the study offiqh Gurisprudence)
the Jews were enjoyed high tolerance relative by the Muslims; the Islamic canonical law is
to their brothers and sisters in the Christian called shari'a that the literal meaning of the
lands. Hodgson provides framework word, "path" or "way" equivalent to Jewish
through his term "Islamicate," to understand halaka.
the larger context that was the fertile soil for The convergence does not end merely
the above mode of interaction. In his term, in the mental structure of religious material
Islamicate "would refer not directly to the culture. It goes further to other features
religion, Islam, itself, but to the social and such as the basic notion of monotheism in
cultural complex historically associated with the same term - though Christian might
Islam and the Muslims, both among Muslims strongly consider her-/himsel£ monotheist,
themselves and even when found among it is a different kind and interpretation
non-Muslims" (Hodgson, 1:59). of monotheism. Both render God's will
In general terms, within this "Islamicate" through the construction of social norms
the Jews in different rate and impact in and particularly, through jurisprudence.
different place and time undergone the Consequently, both established religious
process of assimilation, acculturation, and precepts around religious authorities to
in the linguistic field, creolization without, ensure the preservation tradition and
in religious qualification "Islamicized." public execution of i.e. iulamii' (religious
Arabization (qua Judeo-Arabic culture) scholars), Juqahii' (experts on religious law)i
was also the agent of unification of the qiic;li Gudge) among Muslim communities,
world of Jewry and became the standard though differ in the scope and power those
communication for internal .,. affair and for roughly correspond with rabbanim, poseqim,
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Leonard C. Epafras - Jewish Sufism in Medieval Islam
mingled with the messianic idea, while the is a fundamental communitarianism that
former hypostatized it in the figure of Jesus determines the rise and decline of a social
Christ, the latter in the complex system group. Accordingly, instead of ensuring its
of rabbinical precepts and liturgy. Post- survival, the loss of Jews' "group feeling"
destruction Judaism in the traumatic event explained the Jewish degradation and
of the destruction resisted to any tendency of legitimized their condition under Islamic
religious revivalism centered on a charismatic dominion (Ibn Khaldiin: 2005, 102-103, 425;
figure (e.g. Messiah), and to confirm of the Bland: 1983, 162).
expulsion as God's act of punishment to the Therefore, mystical attainment as
Jews (Neusner, 1987: 265-282). demonstrated by the Jews apparently was
This worldview to a point endured part as a way to perform mi$vot, though in
in the medieval Jewry, though messianic non-conventional way, very much like SufIsm
expectation now became only one of the that its main goal is to uphold the unity of God
cores of diasporic Judaism. In the history (Ar. tawhid), and at the same time projected
"ir
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an alternative Jewish meta-history, along main difference from other Judaisms was
with messianism (Blumenthat 2006, 1-4). The his preference to mystical interpretation of
Islamicate context provided further fertile Torah. Yudghan also considered all beliefs,
soil of this religious engagement compares to such as of those relating to paradise and hell
medieval Christian context. The attachment were merely allegories (Broyde: 1901-1906,
to Islamic culture allowed some Jews to join XII: 624).
Islamic religious practice and/or adopting AI-Qirqisaru assessed Yudghanite
Islamic imaginary into their own system in doctrine that, they prohibit meat and
/I
Umayyad caliphate (661-751). His message "legalistic" approach over personal spiritual
attracted many Jews, notably from Isfahan endeavor (Broyde, 1901-1906, II: 447-454; XI:
and they became a full-scale rebellion that 579-581). It may close, though not exclusively
seriously disturbed the caliphate. The to the tension between understanding the
caliphate army had successfully putting apparent meaning of the Qur'an (Ar. :?ahir,
down the 'Isawiyya rebellion, and soon the /Ioutward, exterior"), which is the main
movement ended (Wasserstrom: 1995, 68-69). domain of 'ulamii', and the underlying,
After the failure, there emerged the esoteric dimension of it (Ar. blitin, "inner"),
Yudghanites (al-Yudgiiniyyah) to continue which is the main course of SUfi practices.
the aspiration of 'Isawiyya that was lead by In this regard Bal)ya probably
the student of Abu 'Isa. Yudghan (Judah) influenced by the works of a group of Muslim
al-Hamdaru, a Jew from Hamadan, Persia, encyclopedists, the Brethren of Purity (Ar.
lead the Yudghanites not only as a political Ikhwiin aI-Safii) Its ten gates or sections in
movement but turned it into a spiritual his book seems that corresponded with ten
movement, which in the large part at stages through which a SUfi had to pass in
odds with Rabbinical Judaism. Yudghan order to attain that true and passionate love
apparently influenced by SUfIsm, which at of God. This is also the aim and goal of SUfI's
the time spread out wid,ely in Persia. The ethical self-discipline. It is noteworthy that in
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Leonard C. Epafras -- Jewish Sufism in Medieval Islam
the ethical writings of the Sufis, al-QushayrI Eight, gate of examination of conscience/
(986-1074) and al-Harawi there are sections self-accounting (Ar. bab al-muJ:zasaba, Heb.
which treat exactly the same subjects, the ten sha'ar heshbon hanepesh). The part of making
gates as those treated in the Duties of the Heart a personal accounting before the God, as a
and which bear the same titles. way to urge our soul to fulfill its obligation
The ten gates of spiritual journey outlined to God.
as follows (Lobel 2007, 6). First, gate of Oneness Ninth, gate of abstinence/ asceticism (Ar.
(Ar. bab al-tauJ:zid, Heb. sha'ar hayyiJ:zud). It is the bab al-zuhd, Heb. sha'ar haperishut). An advice
foundational step of spiritual attainment, i.e. to abstain from the world by emptying
the perfect recognition of the Oneness of God one's heart from worldly desires in order to
(ikhlii$ al-tauJ:zid). Accordingly, the Oneness dedicate oneself fully to God. In the ninth
of God cannot be known in essence but only gate Bahya directly quotes sayings of the
by the way of His action, that is through His Sufis, whom he calls 'Perushim'.
works on Creation. Therefore, this notion is Tenth gate of the love of God (Ar. bab al-
not only foundational for a spiritual journey maJ:zabba, Heb. sha'ar 'ahabat hashem). This is
but also a starting point to the contemplation the peak of spiritual endeavor, the highest
of the works of creation that occupied the wish and greatest happiness, that is the true
second gate. love of God.
Second, the gate of reflection/works Despite its apparent Sufi influences and
of [creation] (Ar. bab al-i'tibar, Heb. sha'ar noted predilection of its ethical principles,
habeJ:zina). For Bal).ya, the true nature of Bal).ya did not go so far as to approve the
God is accessible by one power of intellect. ascetic practice of Sufism. Stronger leaning
He criticized people who rely on others' to Sufism was displayed by an Egyptian
presentation of God blindly (Ar. taqlid, Jewish community in thirteenth and
N
"imitation, unoriginal It is like, a line of
). fourteenth century, led by Maimonidean
blind people who guided by a single person family (Alexander 2002, 716-717). Abraham
who can see. This position, according to Maimonides (Abu'l Muna ibn Maymun,
Diana Lobel makes Bal).ya an archetypical of 1186-1237), the son of the aforementioned
medieval rationalist (Lobel, 2007: 248, 26). Moses Maimonides, assumed nagid (the
Third, gate of serving God/obedience head of Jewish community, Ar. ra'is al-yahud)
(Ar. bab al-iltizamu fa'ati llahi, Heb. sha'ar after his father passed away. While Moses
'avodat hashem). This part is regarding the showed less interest on the mystical pursuit,
true obligation and obedience to God. he, in contrast, had strong inclination toward
Fourth, gate of trust/absolute reliance mysticism. Furthermore, in his work entitled
on God (Ar. bab al-tawakkul, Heb. sha' ar Kifayat al-'Abidin (The Compendium for the
habitabon) is regarding the absolute trust and Servants of God) he moved even further by
total surrender to him (istislam). claiming that the Islamic path of mysticism,
Fifth, gate of purifying/ wholeheartedness i.e. Sufism was in fact, a practice lost from
intention in action (Ar. bab al-ikhlap al-'amal, the Jewish tradition, but "revived" by the
Heb. sha'ar ケゥセQu、@ hamma'ashe). Muslims.
Sixth, gate of humility (Ar. bab al-tawii4u',
Heb. sha'ar hakeni'a). The Oneness of God Thou art aware of the ways of the ancient
brings consequence to the subject obligation saints of Israel, which are not or but little
to have humility before God, and giving practiced among our contemporaries, that
have now become the practice of the Sufis
praise and glorification to Him.
of Islam, on account of the iniquities of
Seventh, gate of repentance (Ar. bab Israel ... / Do not regard as unseemly our
al-tauba, Heb. sha'ar hateshuba). This part comparison of that to the behaviour of the
discusses the obligation to repentance, to Sufis, for the latter imitate the prophets [of
correct errors and failures. Israel] and walk in their footsteps, not the
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Kaw;stara, Vol. 1, No.3, Desember 2011: 274-288
prophets in theirs ... / Observe then these of journey of patriarchs and prophets as
wonderful traditions and sigh with regret much the $l1fis employed the story isra' mi'riij
over how they have been transferred from of the Prophet Muhammad. The Treatise
us and appeared amongst a nation other furthermore, revealed the affinity ofits spiritual
than ours whereas they disappeared in our
manual with $00 s practices. Paul Fenton, the
midst. My soul shall weep ... because of the
editor and translator of The Treatise reckons
pride of Israel that was taken from them
and bestowed upon the nations of the world ten disciplines that conformed $UfI practices
(Fenton: 1981, 8). (Fenton, 1981: 13-17):
His contention of the loss art of pietism in First, Ablution (Ar. wudhu'; Heb. tebila). In
the Islamic tradition the sanction of purify
Jewish tradition, as the above remark went
oneself is based on the Qur'an passage: "God
further by endorSing a "revivalism" among loves those who turn to Him (al-tawbin), and
the Jews and advocating the adoption of He loves those who keep themselves clean
$unsticways of attaining ー・イヲセ」エゥッョ@ and union (al-muttahhirin)" (QS. 2:222). Concerning this
vvith God, while simultaneously drawing issue, 'Obadyah remarks:
from their well of Jewish heritages. On the Likewise a man who neglecteth his sout
other hand, it also displays a sincere believe abandoning it to its illness through his
that $unsm was a continuation of the biblical indulgence in worldly affairs, spending
prophetic tradition. He apparently did not night and day buying and selling and
aware of the development of earlier Qabbala so forth, will have nought but fearful
and alarming dreams upon retiring to
in Southern France, thus employed $ufism
sleep / It is for this reason that our pure
as the vehicle to his spiritual instruction [Ar. tahara] and purifying Law hath
(Scholem, 1987: 12). cautioned us concerning all external and
His sons, 'Obadyah (' Abd Allah) and internal defilement. The former, such as
David Mairnonides (b. 1335) continued their menstruation and nocturnal emission,
father endeavor. 'Obadyah wrote al-Maqiila are to be cleansed through immersion
al-IjawtJiyya (Treatise of the Pool), and [JA. tahara wa-tebila] in a ritual bath [Heb.
David wrote al-Murshid il al-Tafarrud (Guide miqweh]. Thus Aaron and his descendants
to Detachment). The work of 'Obadyah were enjoined 'to wash their hands and
survived almost in entirety that it might help feet, that they perish not' [Exodus 30:21;
this line is a copy of the standard Masoretic
us to see the affinity of Jewish devotion with
Hebrew text] this being the reason for the
the $ufi:' s counterpart. act of purification [p'lill?; Heb. qidush].
The Treatise has been self-described For through the conviction man's soul
as "a mystical vade mecum, a manual for acquireth "after immersion that all veils,
the spiritual wayfarer along the Path to as it were, have been lifted, there ensueth
Godliness." It is an introduction to the a state similar to spiritual predisposition
spiritual life, and a guide to perfection - and communion with God. If not in need
set thine aim to be the perfection of the
/I of immersion, then one must carry out the
soul," (Mairnonides 1981, 75) - whose goal is ablution [Heb. tebila] of hands and feet in
spiritual progression to the union with God. order that the natural heat circulate in the
body and arouse thereby the soul.
The Treatise was written in Judeo-Arabic,
that is Arabic with Hebrew script. Through
... Consequently, as a preliminary to prayer,
the Arabic idiom, 'Obadyah employed $UfI's it is fitting to prepare oneself through the
imaginary to expound his idea and to utilize ablution [Heb. bir1;i!Ja] of one's hands and
technical vocabulary which differs from the feet, restoring and arousing thereby the
mainstream Arabic. soul. (Maimonides 1981, 84 & 102).
The other affinity with $l1fism was his
recalled the mystical practice of the prophet Ablution is a common religious feature
of yore. He employed merrY Biblical stories and strongly related to the certain
284
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Kawistara, Vol. 1, No.3, Desember 2011: 274-288
Furthermore, throughout The Treatise any religious traditions believe the root of
we find numerous SUfI specific terms such as human existence deeply entrenched to the
ishraq (illumination), khalwa (spiritualretreatj transcendence, as a Silll express it, "trees have
seclusion), fana' (passing away/obliteration their roots in the sky" (Glasse: 1989,378).
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