SUNDANIZATION OF AL-QUR’AN:

A PORTRAIT OF SUNDANESE-MOSLEM EFFORTS IN

COMPREHENDING AND ACTUALIZATION OF AL-QUR’AN

by: Dadan Rusmana

Abstrak
Persentuhan Sunda dengan al-Qur’an ketika
terjadi proses Islamisasi, dalam artian
konversi, di Tatar Sunda sekitar abad ke-13,
sebuah masa ketika politik Islam di Baghdad
mengalami kehancuran. Ketika bahasa Arab
al-Qur’an dihadapkan kepada bahasa Sunda
(sepertihalnya dengan bahasa Jawa dan
Madura), bahasa Arab telah diperkuat oleh
ideologi ‘diglosia’. Ideologi ini telah
menempatkan bahasa Arab al-Qur’an
sebagai bahasa sakral yang tidak dapat
“tersentuh” atau “terpahamkan” oleh siapa
pun. Oleh karena itu, untuk jangka waktu
tertentu, Sunda-Muslim meyakini bahwa
memahami al-Qur’an tidak dapat dilakukan
secara langsung, tetapi harus bermediasikan
bahasa lain. Dalam kanyataannya, mereka
kemudian menggunakan bahasa Jawa atau
kemudian tafsir-tafsir berbahasa Arab dalam
memahami al-Qur’an. Barulah pada awal
abad ke-20, Haji Hasan Mustapa memelopori
untuk menerjemahkan dan menafsirkan al-
Qur’an menggunakan bahasa Sunda. Sejak
itu, bermucullanlah beberapa karya dalam
bidang serupa yang menunjukkan “gelait”
orang sunda-muslim untuk memahami ajaran
Islam dari sumber utamanya, yaitu al-Qur’an.
 Apa yang dilakukan oleh Hasan Mustapa dan
lainnya juga pada dasarnya ditujukan untuk
“mendobrak” kebiasaan sunda Muslim yang
membaca al-Qur’an tanpa diikuti oleh
pemaknaan, seperti terlihat pada tradisi
pembacaan al-Qur’an dalam ritus-ritus yang
menyebar di kalangan Muslim.

Keywords:
Islam, al-Qur’an, Islamized-Sunda, Sundanized-
Islam, Sundanese-Moslems,
and Sundanize al-Qur’an

A. Introduction: Standardization and

Perspective
Sundanization of al-Quran represented by the
above title means a depiction, a comprehensive
portrait, of events, of processes, of both conscious
and unconscious efforts undertaken by Sundanese
communities in such a way to comprehend and to
apply al-Qur’an in daily life. The point this essay is
trying to make, however, may not as much
bombastic as its title seems to be, since the
dynamics of Sundanization of al-Qur’an has its own
distinguished features, comes along through a great
history, embraces every element in society, and
includes vast geographical boundaries. The idea
proposed in this essay is merely as tiny as a little
ice spot upon the peak of a frozen mountain amid a
great ocean. It is hence true that, in this field, there
are so much works left to do in further observation.
The term Islamized-Sunda, as reflected in the
above title, as well as the use of the term
Sundanized-Islam, which is circling in the whole
discourse of Sundanese communities, might
hitherto be seen as somewhat abstract and obscure.
This situation is exacerbated by a fact that both
terms are frequently misunderstood and confused
with the use of the most spread-out jargon in
Sundanese communities, Sunda teh Islam, jeung
Islam teh nyunda (being Sundanese is being Islamic,
and being Islamic is being Sundanese). The latter
statement in the jargon may either sound to have a
religious political tendency or seem to be of mere
cultural political views, as well as can be in both
inclinations. In this essay, both terms Islamized-
Sunda and Sundanized-Islam are of course
positioned in different sense, despite their close
relationship in this study. The term Islamized-Sunda
refers simply to Sundanese cultures influenced by
Islam, as opposed to those influenced by other
religions. On the other hand, the term Sundanized-
Islam is used to represent a distinguished mode of
Islam exists in Sundanese communities.
 This essay, in light of the aforementioned two
terms as its framework, explores certain responses
the Sundanese peoples have in seeing,
comprehending, and functioning al-Qur’an.
Reciprocal dynamics (inter-correlation and influence
on each other) does indeed exist here between al-
Qur’an and Sundanese life (as described in chart 1).
First, al-Qur’an has had its values absorbed by the
social order of Sundanese cultures and
communities. Consequently, to a certain extent,
there do emerge new cultures which are influenced
by Qur’anic values. Or at least, in such a situation,
old cultures are reformulated by the new emerging
values. However, the common problem comes to
appear in geographical spread of al-Qur’an (Islam)
is that how the Holy Book (or the religion itself)
which comes from such a strange world can be
admitted and embraced by its believers or by its
believers-to-be in a way that they feel it as
something tightly bound to their world. Is the
acceptance of the Holy Book (and Islam itself)
requires the Sundanese peoples to sacrifice all what
have been possessed in their own? Or should it be
seen as a further episode in their cultural progress?
This problem is of course of common natures in the
process of acculturation. The more the admitter
feels sacrificed, the more difficult the process of
acculturation goes (Grunebaum, 1973: 20).
Second, the world view (weltanschauung) of
Sundanese communities and cultures has to a
certain extent influenced them in grasping,
interpreting, and actualizing (including functioning)
al-Qur’an. That there will be interruption with each
other within the relationship between the
universality of Qur’anic values and the locality of
Sundanese social order is really so much possible. It
is frequently stated that, in the process of the
acculturation, al-Qur’an (Islam) has to rule its
objects as well as ought to rule itself. Clashes
between Islam and Sundanese cultures, as those
between Islam and other local cultures in Nusantara
and many other areas, require al-Qur’an (Islam) to
get a new real social environment and proper
symbols harmonious with the communities’ cultural
comprehending which is to be converted into the
world of Islam. Islam, in a certain condition, has also
to allow the emergence of various interpretations
that might be somewhat loosely related to the
ultimate revelation. This will lead to diverse
embodiments of Islam, each of which does rely
heavily on the structural mode of a certain
community, though still departures from the same
starting point of eternal and authentic revelation
(Taufik Abdullah, 1987: 3).
It is evident that al-Qur’an, as described in the
above chart, influences Sundanese cultures and
communities not so much in direct ways, but it has
firstly to pass through various cultural and
intellectual realms. In other words, it is as well true
that Sundanese-Muslim’s comprehension and
interpretation upon al-Qur’an take place largely
through others’. Some factors are here seen. First,
al-Qur’an came to Arabs, not Sundanese, in a long
period of time (al-Qur’an began in sixth-seventh
century, while Sundanese had in touch with al-
Qur’an in thirteenth-fourteenth century). Second, al-
Qur’an used Arabic, such a unique language which
is strange in the eye of the majority of Sundanese
peoples. This therefore made al-Qur’an difficult to
be directly understood by Sundanese peoples.
Third, Islam came to the land of Sunda is not the
one that came directly and straightly from Arab, but
it had diffused with various cultures in such areas as
India, China, Persia, Campa, and Aceh. Fourth, Islam
came to the land of Sunda, as did to other lands in
Nusantara, at a period when the supreme political
power of Islam in Baghdad (under the rules of
Abbasids) had just been destroyed. This period of
time led to the middle age of Islam which is
remarked by the stagnation of science.
Characteristics of Islam coming to the land of Sunda
are therefore distinctly signified by ritualism,
tasawuf, and determinism.

Cultural
Realm
Al-Qur’an Sunda Sundanese
cultures
Intellectual influenced by
Realm
Qur’anic values

Changes of
time and
space
Sunda al-Qur’an Locality of
Comprehending
and
Functioning al-Qur’an

Figure 1: Reciprocal Dynamics of Sundanized-Qur’an

Like the majority of Muslim communities,

especially ‘ajam (non-Arabs), Sundanese
communities grasp and interpret al-Qur’an not in
direct way. They do instead get to access
interpretation books of al-Qur’an in their own
mother tongue in order that they can understand
the Holy Book. Moreover, they listen thoroughly to
what their teachers say concerning the
interpretation of al-Qur’an, or search other medias
to explore and comprehend al-Qur’an. It is thus,
again, obvious that al-Qur’an has its influence on
Sundanese communities and cultures not in a direct
and straight way. Al-Qur’an does instead involve
other medias. In this context, the elaborated
comprehension and interpretation initiated by kyai
or ajengan have had played a great role in
influencing Sundanese cultures and communities.
In fact, though, like in other societies, legal
measurement used by some of Sundanese peoples
is not whether or not a rule is Qur’ani (Qur’anic; in
accordance with Qur’an). Some of Sundanese
peoples make a measurement by determining
whether or not a rule is Islami, whether or not a rule
is nyunnah (in accordance with the Prophet’s
Tradition), even in the narrower sense whether or
not a rule is nyunnah in terms of its accordance with
the view of Ahl al-Sunnah wa al-Jama’ah).
Tentatively, the term Ahl al-Sunnah wa al Jama’ah is
attached to those who are ASy’ariyah in theology,
Syafi’iyah in legal code, and Ghazalian in ethics. The
adagio of whether or not a matter is Qur’ani applies
only to a few groups in society since the adagio is
still a strange one for the majority of Sundanese
Muslim.
B. Sundanization of al-Qur’an: Continuity and
Change
1. Exploration Problematic
It is not an easy task to investigate when
Sundanese people, both as individuals and as tribal
societies, begins to keep in touch with al-Qur’an.
This is due to a fact that researches concerning
early Islamization of Sunda has still hitherto been in
uncertainty. The problem of who is the first
Sundanese man being a Muslim and when is exactly
the time he lived is still really unanswered. Was the
first Sundanese Muslim is Haji Purwa? Was he
Subanglarang? Was he Cakrabuana or Kean
Santang? The answer still cannot be revealed. This
is caused by the limitedness of written sources of
history. In spite of the rapid growth of Islamization
in the thirteenth century Nusantara, the literal
tradition in Sundanese societies belonged only to
the aristocrats and is not massive. For instance, the
history of Prabu Siliwangi, the most prominent King
that was so well-known among Sundanese folks and
was believed to have had a close relationship with
Muslim peoples, is available only in orally-told
stories. Concerning this famous King of Pajajaran,
written sources are hardly found. This is so much
different with what happened in the world of Islam
(Middle East) that, at the time, had been so
productive and rich of written works, which can
even be traced to the seventh century.
This problem needs to be elaborated here since
this essay is aimed at portraying the Islamization of
Sunda. Islamization of Sunda is of course not an
incidental event, but it is a process. The process
may entirely be depicted as a sequence of events
classified vertically and horizontally. Such an
Islamization is undertaken by Muslims, and its
target is non-Muslims. For a Muslim, this process
relies heavily on religious quality, while for a non
Muslim, it does on religious quantity. The
Islamization is then classified into (1) Islamizing
non-Muslims (infidels) in order to increase Muslims’
quantity, and (2) Islamizing Muslims in order to
increase Muslim’s quality.
Generally, based on the above explanation, the
process of Islamization in West Java is divided into
four stages. They are (1) the stage of introducing
Islam to those who are not embracing Islam (non-
Muslims), (2) the stage of giving lessons concerning
Islam to enforce the existence of Muslims, (3) the
stage of learning deeply Islam and applying its
concepts in the life of society, and of opposing the
infidel ruler, (4) the stage of reconstructing the
thoughts and life of Islam in society (Ekajati, 1988:
1).
As to the spread of Islam in Java Island, history
records that Pasundan got in touch with Islam later
than Java did through the influence of Demak that
expanded its imperial power to Cirebon (1526) and
Banten (1527). This is in accordance with the stories
in Sundanese ancient script Carita Parahyangan
written in 1580s. Kitu, kawisesa ku Demak deung
Cirebon [So be it, (Pasundan) was ruled by Demak
and Cirebon]. One thing proves this statement
would be that Javanese language (precisely
Cirebonese dialect-speaking group) is still used as
mediator language between Arabic and Sundanese
in the process of learning in boarding schools,
especially those in East Priangan. It is hence
evidently seen that Sundanese folks had their touch
with Islam through Javanese, while Priangan
Sundanese accepted the religion from Cirebon, as
did western Sundanese from Banten.
Here a question raises, why did Pasundan,
which is geographically far more western than Java,
become the latter to have in touch with Islam, while
it is commonly known that newcomers from outside
either from China or from Gujarat came from west
(Sunda) to east (Java)? This significant question
would remain unanswered if we pay attention
merely to some hesitating historical records. It
would be better if elements of folklores are taken as
a ground of thought in researching the roles Islam
played in Pasundan, as contained in the story of
Syekh Qura, the founder of a boarding school in
Karawang, or also narrated in the story of
Walangsungsang, or the story of Kean Santang
(Wibisana, 2001: 2).
Syekh Qura’s tombstone in Karawang, which is
believed to be not far enough from the boarding
school he founded, is now lied in somewhere far off
the Java Ocean. Some stories mention that the
boarding school is near the offshore. It is hard to
know how long the place is separated from the
offshore areas since the early process of
sedimentation in Java Ocean which, in the days to
come, became a vast land stretched from Syeikh
Qura’s tombstone to the shore of Java Ocean. It is
as well not an easy task to figure out how many
years Syaikh Qura preached spreading Islam in
Karawang, one of districts in West Java. According
to some folklores, one of Syaikh Qura’s disciple was
a woman named Nyi Subang Karancang. The
woman, still according to the folklores, was married
by Prabu Siliwangi, the King of Pajajaran, right after
he embraced Islam. This story is the one still
strongly lives in the north coast of West Java
concerning the influence of Islam upon the royal
families at that time (Wibisana, 2001: 3).
These stories are similar with Cirebonese
folklores about Pangeran Walangsungsang and Nyi
Mas Rara Santang. The latter figure (woman) was
married by a king of Egypt. Her descendant was
Syarif Hidayatullah who, in the days to come,
became the ruler of Cirebonese kingdom (Islam).
Walangsungsang and Rara Santang are also
believed as brother and sister, the son and daughter
of Prabu Siliwangi. Walangsungsang and Rara
Santang is considered to have embraced Islam
former than their father. Both versions of folklore
signifies that Islam had for so long been there in
Pasundan far more before Cirebon came to be an
Islamic kingdom, precisely at the time when Prabu
Siliwangi ruled as King of Pajajaran (1474-1513, in
Moh. Amir Sutarga, 1966).
Another folklores narrate the similar issue are
those about Kean Santang (in Priangan) and Pucuk
Umun (in Banten). Keang Santang, the son of Prabu
Siliwangi, had a long journey to Mekkah. In the holy
city, he met Ali the Majesty. Ali tested Kean
Santang’s strength and bravery. Ali stabbed a stick
straightly upon ground, and Kean Santang was
asked to remove the drowned stick from the
ground. Kean Santang, after struggling to his feet,
could not make it anyway. He then bowed to his
knees before Ali and declared an obedience. Kean
Santang learned Islam from Ali the Majesty. Unlike
Kean Santang, Pucuk Umun came face to face
against Sultan Hasanuddin. Both of battling persons
had a cock match on a deal: Sultan Hasanuddin
would be allowed to freely preach Islam if Pucuk
Umun’s cock had been defeated. Pucuk Umun’s
cock was the loser of the game so that he resigned
his position as the ruler of Banten and set off to
Ujung Kulon (Wibisana, 2001: 5).
Sunda’s close relationship with Islam is also
accounted in other folklores, such as those came
from Ciamis about the origin of Situ Lengkong,
Panjalu. It is told that the King of Panjalu named
Cakradewa had his son, Sanghyang Borosngora, to
take water using a made-of-coco-tree holly bowl.
Borosngora succesfuly did it after he went to
Mekkah. The water he had taken, zamzam water,
was then dropped by him in Panjalu. The drops of
water shaped a lake, which was afterward named
Situ Lengkong. In Garut, there is a more extremely
told tale. This tale told about the Prophet
Muhammad with some local areas as its settings.
The little Muhammad, the story told, got a toy, a
kind of blower, which was given from a Batara in
that area. After becoming a Prophet, Muhammad
still remembered the kindness of the BAtara. To
commemorate the Batara, he erected several
mosques in Garut (Wibisana, 2001: 6).
In the complex of this issue, it could tentatively
be considered that the problem of Sundanese
peoples’ bound to al-Qur’an is more obscure than
the problem concerning the Islamization of Sunda in
the sense of religious conversion. Is it true that a
Sundanese, either when he/she she encountered
Muslim preacher for the very first time or when
he/she had embraced Islam, can be considered as
having a touch with al-Qur’an, both in values and in
material dimensions of al-Qur’an? It is of course not
as simple as it seems to be. The situation is also
complicated by, for example, the limited availability
of mushaf (scripts) of al-Qur’an.

2. Sundanese Peoples’ Encounter with Qur’anic

Language
In the opinion of Zeimer (2000: 4), Arabic
language of al-Qur’an, being introduced into the
main languages in Java Island (Sundanese,
Javanese, and Madurese), had been enforced by the
ideology of ‘diglosia.’ Arabic, in light of such an
ideology, is placed as a high (H) quality language,
even to some extent is considered as sacred, while
other languages are said to be of lower quality.
Arabic is surely not the first language came
enforced with the so-called diglosia ideology.
Sanskrit had previously so long been playing the
role. Since the first millennium, when the influence
of India was profoundly seen in Java, Sanskrit had
been highly appreciated as a prestigious written
language, though had never been uttered in daily
conversation. Sanskrit was introduced through
educational centers by educated peoples, either
poets or religious preachers. Sanskrit became the
light of civilization as well as the mark of highly
praised royal cultures in Java. The use of Sanskrit
was assumed to signify that a speaker or a writer is
a well-educated person who has so much learned
from abroad. Zoetmulder (1994: 14) argues that the
use of Sanskrit words was a method, a particular
sign, to imply that someone was not old-fashioned,
that someone was capable and open-minded to take
influences from other higher cultures, so that he or
she could consequently have a higher prestige and
dignity.
 The dominating Sanskrit language, which was
so strange in Java, had afterward been imitated by,
and absorbed into, local regional languages. The
term basa or bahasa derives from Sanskrit, bhasa.
Especially for Hindus and Buddhists, ‘ba(ha)sa’
(language) uttered in communication should be
similar or identical with Sanskrit. Basa Sunda
(Sundanese language), as basa, was assumed as
reflecting the truth and wisdom, only because it
referred so much to Sanskrit. Even after the fall of
such Hindus kingdoms as Majapahit and Pajajaran,
Sanskrit was still considered as the main reference
for linguistics. Sundanese language, like Javanese
and Balinese, maintains varieties relied on Sanskrit,
which is commonly named Kawi. The variety of
Sundanese Kawi is hitherto still insisted and
maintained as the most praised linguistic source
performed and uttered in the Sundanese wooden-
puppet (wayang golek) show. In addition to this
Kawi variety, Sanskrit words had been absorbed into
Sundanese language of daily conversation,
represented especially in the creation of polite
utterance. The hierarchical system of Sundanese
language (undak-usuk basa) was developed at the
peak of Javanese language imperialism in
seventeenth and eighteenth century, when the
kingdom of Mataram was expanding its territories to
Sunda, precisely to Priangan. Menak (nobles) of
Priangan are sent every year to the palace of
Mataram to receive an order of spreading basa
lemes (polite language). As in Javanese, Madurese,
and Balinese, the polite lexicons in Sundanese polite
language commonly constituted words derived from
Sanskrit and were formed analogically from
Sanskrit. The use of Sanskrit words did therefore
remark a measurement of behavioral politeness of
language (Zeimer, 2000: 5).
Like Sanskrit, Arabic came to Java had since
the beginning been praised with the ideology ‘H’ as
a magnificent and everlasting language, a highly
appropriate language to convey religious wisdom
and knowledge. Arabic, as did Sanskrit, served
commonly not to be used for daily conversation in
Java Island, for it was spread particularly in
educational groups. Arabic was moreover localized
in lexicons of regional languages that borrowed and
absorbed thousands of Arabic words. A great bulk of
these borrowed words still refer to the nature of
Islam, though some of them had transformed,
expanded, and changed, in their meaning. Javanese
Christians, for example, use to utter such Arabic
terms as ‘iman,’ takwa,’ ‘kitab,’ and even ‘Allah.’
Yet these words are still assumed as ‘Islamic,’ as
proved in the Congress of Partai Amanat Nasional in
February 2000. One of groups in PAN wanted to
change the platform of the party by introducing
such words as ‘iman’ and ‘takwa,’ but the top
leaders of the party considered the terms as
insisting religious exclusivism (Zeimer, 2000: 6).

Arabic Sanskrit

Javanese

Sundanese

The abundance of Arabic words transferred and

localized into other languages relied heavily to an
assumption that the words of al-Qur’an were
revelations and cannot anyway be translated. The
spread of Qur’anic Arabic in Java through many
boarding schools was, however, depicted as merely
a kind of memorizing without thinking. On a letter,
R.A. Kartini once wrote, ‘since al-Qur’an is too
sacred, it must not be translated into any other
language. No one here knows Arabic. Peoples here
are well learners of al-Qur’an, but they do not
understand what they read’ (Suryanegara, 1995:
182). Clifford Geertz, in this context, states that
many students of Javanese boarding schools
learned the high magnificent language which they
cannot understand at all (Geertz, 1976 [1960]: 82).
In some cases, however, this does not mean that
Arabic in Java is a mere ‘sound without meaning.’
Despite the absence of direct translator, the
localization of Arabic translation has raised some
new questions, which will be answered in the case
of Sundanized-Islam. To what extent does the
interpretation of Arabic allow al-Qur’an to be
conquered and to what extent is Qur’anic language
taken away? In what way are the methods of
interpretation used to explain al-Qur’an word by
word, sentence by sentence, verse by verse? And in
what way is the method used to put al-‘arabiyah
into Sundanese and so otherwise?
Interpretation of Arabic may take place in the
level of lexical, in the sense of word by word. One of
lexical interpretation methods in developed firstly in
Sundanese language to interpret Sanskrit names
and terms is kirata basa, a method which explains
the meaning of a word by fragmenting the sounds
of it. The word kirata itself can be kiratized: dikira-
kira sugan nyata (a word is guessed and
fragmented its sound to find the approximate
meaning). The method of kirata is used, for
instance, in wayang golek (wooden-puppet) shows
to explain Sanskrit names of characters and terms,
though this method can as well be used in everyday
conversation, precisely in humorous utterance and
nyindir (satirical expression). Sundanese peoples
make kirata not only upon Sanskrit words, but also
upon Arabic words borrowed into Sundanese
language. This process occurs in two ways direction,
which means that the similarity among languages is
considered as inter-illuminating upon each other.
The lexical interpretations which illuminate
each other can be seen not only in the relationship
between local and foreign language, but also
between two foreign languages as Sanskrit and
Arab. In stories commonly performed in wayang,
Yudistira had a magical stuff called Kalimasada.
Kalimasada is a book composed of unreadable
script, which could also metamorphose into a holy
weapon. Coincidentally, the name Kalimasada
sounds identical with kalimah syahadat. This
similarity plays an important role to explain the
myth about how Yudistira accepted Islam as his
religion. Yudistira met Sunan Kalijaga, the famous
preacher who came to spread Islam. Sunan Kalijaga
was able to read the book, for its script was written
in Arabic. Yudistira repeated reciting kalimah
syahadat and then embraced Islam. This story
might be interpreted as an example of Islamization
of Javanese-Hindus, or Javanization of Islam. The
tale does in any respect portray how lexical
interpretation can illuminate Sanskrit and Arabic.
Either Sanskrit or Arabic has the ideology ‘H,’ an
ideology which indicates that a particular language,
though its words cannot be directly translated,
contains wisdom, just like magical words recited by
Yudistira. The coincidental similarity of such word
sounds as Kalimasada—kalimah syahadat may
become a much significant point to illuminate the
dominance of foreign and strange languages
(Zeimer, 2000: 10).
Experts of kirata, as in wayang golek, always
thoroughly be demanded to find out similarities
among languages. These experts of kirata can
hence find Sundanese within Arabic and so
otherwise. An example of kirata is korsi (chair):
cokor di sisi, means ‘leg in the edge.’ This is
humorous kirata, because the origin of the word
cokor (leg), in Sundanese tradition of language, use
to be attached to chicken’s leg. Surely this is not a
serious etimology. An expert of kirata knows exactly
that the word korsi derived from Arabic. Related to
this fact, all Muslims knows Ayat Kursi. In Kirata, it
may also be clearly seen that Arabic words lurk in
Sundanese language. R.H. Tjetjep Supriadi, a
famous dalang (a performer of puppet show) from
Karawang, commented that wayang golek is a good
media to spread Islam. One significant thing proves
this is that many terms in wayang golek can be
equalized and made identical with Arabic words
which sound Islamic. The word ‘dalang,’ for
example, can be made similar with Arabic word
dalla, yadullu, dallan, which means ‘guide, give a
clue, counsel,’ so that the role of dalang might be
seen as giving a guidance to others.
A third language is sometimes used to relate
between Sundanese and Arabic. The word ‘golek,’
for example, has a complicated etymology. Here the
story goes: In fifteenth century, there was a Indo-
Chinese named Jimbun (believed to be Raden Patah,
the first king of Demak). Jimbun used to have a trip
around Java with Sunan Kalijaga. One day, both of
them watched wayang golek. Jimbun did not know
the name of this art performance, but he did indeed
realize that this artistic show can be used as a
media of teaching five basic elements of Islam and
six basic elements of Iman. In Chinese language,
five is go and six is lak. Both words are combined
into golek.
Arabic interpretation presented in Sundanese,
both in complete translations of al-Qur’an and
explanations of particular words, has led to a great
opportunity to incorporate the elements of foreign
language into the system of local linguistics. Here a
paradoks exists: such an incorporation of the
elements of foreign language can either create a
close relationship between Arabic and Sundanese,
or at the same time causes both languages to be far
away with each other. The process of interpreting
Arab undertaken in Sundanese will remind an
interpreter about the gap both languages have to
bridge to cross to each other, that is, the gap
between H and L which opposes the process of
translation. Within this process of domestication and
alienation, both the ideology of basa Sunda and of
al-’Arabiyah still keep themselves in equal position
within dialectical tension (Zeimer, 2000: 11).
3. The Scripts of al-Qur’an in Sundanese
Communities
In the last catalogue concerning old scripts
about West Java, six are counted and categorized as
manuscripts. They are history, Islam, literature,
custom, primbon (magical book containing various
mystical clue about human’s fortune), and
mujarobat (book of medicine) (Edi S. Ekadjati, 1999:
8). This category is much fewer than that introduced
in previous scripts (1982/1983), as well as fewer
than categories mentioned in Javanese scripts. In
the last script, for instance, there is no single
writing which can be categorized into such fields as
law, acts, usada (health), and religion (in general,
not only Islam).
The script put into the category of Islam in the
last catalogue consists of manuscript of al-Qur’an,
Islamic story, fiqh, (legal code), tasawuf (Islamic
mysticism), manakib, tawhid, adab, and prayer. All
of them are 546 scripts, and there are many other
collection of scripts in other categories. They are
history (233 scripts), literature (122 scripts), custom
(15 scripts), mujarobat and primbon (66 scripts),
and others (30 scripts). But if Islamic stories are
withdrawn and put into literature, the amount of the
those scripts come to decrease. Even some stories
which actually cannot be said as Islamic are joined
into the category of tasawuf, one of which is
Dewaruci, a story used to convey the teaching of
tasawuf.
Manuscripts (mushaf) of al-Qur’an are some of
Islamized-Sundanese heritage from the past. The
existence of these manuscripts among Sundanese
communities comes to be so urgent for its position
as historical evidences of the spread of Islam in
Sundanese land. Moreover, related to this essay,
the existence of the Qur’anic manuscripts in the
past can be helpful to find out the time when
Sundanese peoples began to have in touch with al-
Qur’an, especially with its physical shape.
Some manuscripts of al-Qur’an can still be
traced. They are (1) those in Balubur Garut which
are believed to exist since the age of Kian Santang
(around 1445, see Yuyus Suherman, 1995: 15), (2)
those in Cangkuang Garut which are considered to
be the heritage of Pangeran Arif Muhammad, and
(3) those in Sumedang which are said as the
heritage of Pangeran Santri, and many others.
According to what Edi S. Ekajati and Ayat Rohaedi
told, Qur’anic manuscripts in West Java is actually
so abundant, but they still cannot be collected,
especially in some areas inhabited by Muslims, in
some boarding schools, and in several places of
ziarah. Pamijahan, where the tombstone of Syeikh
Abdul Muhyi Pamijahan exist, for example, is a
place believed as having religious manuscripts,
including Qur’anic ones. So are other places such as
Cirebon, Bandung, Cianjur, Banten, Sumedang, and
Tasikmalaya. These centers of the classical
manuscripts have not hitherto been researched and
leave a lot of works to accomplish.
In the era when printing machine had not been
invented, the manuscripts of al-Qur’an were, as
commonly known, hand-written. It is not so hard to
imagine that writing al-Qur’an was a very difficult
task to do. Its accomplishment would always take
much time and were undertaken by professionals
and experts. Touching Qur’anic manuscripts
physically was rarely experienced by peoples at that
time, because, in Sundanese communities at the
age, existed an assumption that having a
manuscript of al-Qur’an was a unique prestige and
achievement, even the Qur’anic manuscript was
praised so much as highly sacred thing.
Nonetheless, Muslim preachers in the past
used various medias to introduce al-Qur’an into
Sundanese communities. They wrote short passages
of al-Qur’an and even explained verses of al-Qur’an
on Daluang (some kind of writing-media, some kind
of paper, made of wood), on weapon, and on other
tools. It is told, for example, that Kian Santang (a
figure considered as one of those who spread Islam,
the son of Prabu Siliwangi) gave Pangeran Pancer
(Cipandar) a giant manuscript of al-Qur’an a sekin
(Arabic knife) which had Arabic words la ikraha fi
ad-din sculptured on it. The limited availability of
Qur’anic manuscripts had driven peoples at that
time to master the method of memorizing al-Qur’an
as an alternative choice in introducing and
attaching the holy book into the mind of other
Sundanese-Muslims. Memorizing passages of al-
Qur’an, like those from juz ‘amma, yasin, al-
waqi’ah, and ayat kursi are taught precisely to fulfill
religious needs of rites.

4. Translation and Interpretation of al-Qur’an

Unlike the tradition of translating al-Qur’an into
Malay language which was pioneered by al-Sinkili’s
translation in seventeenth century, translation or
interpretation in Sundanese had just begun in
twentieth century. Before twentieth century, the
translation and interpretation of al-Qur’an in
regional languages are very rarely found. This might
be caused by the dominance of Syafi’iyah thought
as well as by colonial rule which, at that period,
prohibited publishing Islamic books. In the case of
Sundanese language, this situation was
exacerbated and more complicated due to a fact
that Sundanese was rarely used as written language
among the educated groups. These educated elites
preferred to write in Javanese, even in Dutch or
Malay. It was only later in nineteenth century that
the printing of Sundanese works written in Latin
scripts come to surface, and this was supported by
a counselor of the colonial government, Karel Holle.
Yet, still at that time, Sundanese translations of
al-Qur’an had not been existed. This does not mean
that there was no Sundanese scholar well educated
in the field of Arabic language of al-Qur’an. After
centuries of cultural domination carried forward by
Javanese and Dutch imperialists, Sundanese
language was presumably felt inappropriate to be a
media of interpreting Qur’anic language. Sundanese
language, at that period of time, was still in the
position ‘L’ in the paradigm of diglosia, and was
hence regarded inappropriate enough in expressing
deep thought. When Karel Holle told a district-head
that there were poems written in Sundanese by a
head-clerk of marital affairs, the district-head
replied, ‘it is impossible! Sundanese is not a
language!’ (Zeimer, 2000: 6).
Sundanization of al-Qur’an was presumably
pioneered by Haji Hasan Mustapa, a Sundanese
man of letter as well as a master of tasawuf. He
lived from the second half of nineteenth century
until the middle of the first half of twentieth century.
Beside well-known as a great Sundanese man of
letters, even may be said as the greatest of all, Haji
Hasan Mustapa was also a prominent religious
preacher in his time. He had ever settled in Mekah
for years to learn religious knowledge as well as to
teach, even to preach in Masjid al-Haram
concerning the interpretation of al-Qur’an.
Moreover, he had for many years been a head-clerk
of marital affairs (hoofd-penghulu) in Kutaraja
(Aceh) and Bandung (West Java).
Wendy Solomon (1986: 11) juxtaposes the
greatness of Haji Hasan Mustapa in the world of
literature with that of Ranggawarsita, a well-known
Javanese poet from the royal family of Surakarta.
G.F. Pijper (1977: 91) even considered Haji Hasan
Mustapa’s magnificence in religious preaching and
thought as equal with that of Imam al-Ghazali.
As a well-known poet as well as a widely-
respected man of letters, Haji Hasan Mustapa had
written a lot of works, in the form of either poetry
and prose. The works commonly dealt with various
matters, including mysticism (tasawuf),
autobiography, and customs. Tasawuf was however
the most outstanding theme in Haji Hasan
Mustapa’s writing. He had never written a complete
interpretation of al-Qur’an, but just interpreted
some selected verses. In 1920, Haji Hasan Mustapa
chose 105 Qur’anic verses he felt relevant with the
life of Sundanese folks. He translated the verses in
the form of dangding. In his preface, he obscurely
preached:

Jeung tangtu aya nu nanyakeun: ieu pakeun

iraha? Jawabna: Ti babaheula ngaula ka indung-
bapa dijangjian:Jaga mah geus baleg, maneh
kudu babalik pikir. Umur sabaraha nurutkeun
Rosululloh dijasmanikeun cara jelema sakeun
rasiah agama. Baheula ku basa Sunda akhirna
ku basa Arab; jadi kaula nyundakeun Arab
nguyang ka Arab, ngarabkeun Sunda tina
bahasa Arab (Rosidi, 1989: 394).

Haji Hasan Mustapa took into his writings the

codes of Sundanese (Priangan) local cultures, and
this was undertaken in order that the values of al-
Qur’an and Islam can be absorbed and accepted by
Sundanese (Priangan) communities, especially
among the nobles (menak) of Priangan. One of his
efforts is clearly seen in the introduction of his
interpretation of al-Qur’an:

Kaula Haji Hasan Mustapa, tedak Sunda

Pikampungan Priangan, Garut. Ayeuna netepan
jangji nepungkeun pusaka ti indung-bapa jeung
akhirna jimat tina Qur'an awal pusaka akhir
pusaka, tepi ka ayeuna 70 taun Hijrah 1337
sarta ieu dina sisi Qur'an ku kaula digurat lebah-
lebah ayat wekasan ti Qur'an nu disusuhun ku
kaula ti umur 7 taun, dibaca jeung hartina
Sunda, nekanan saur karuhun hatamna Qur'an ti
Sunda ka Sunda deui, rasiahna kasimpen ku
Toret: sindir, siloka prawira perlambang nu
dibuka rasiahna ku Rasulullah salallahu alaihi
wasallam, kapinding ku injil-injil babad
pancakaki, ku Zabur suhuf, dibukana ku
patonah (7 titi surti budiman bijaksana
Rasulullah) ku balaghah ma'ani (tarbuka rasiah
eusi omongan) atawa carita rasiah dina Qur'an
jeung Toret, Injil, tangtu dibuka rasiahna ku
Muhammad pandeurieun Toret, Injil, nu matak
katelah Rasulullah nu boga hak muka rasiah
siloka prawira perlambang teori nu ti heula-
heula, Rasul-Rasul nu heulaeun anjeuna (Hasan
Mustapa, t.t.:1).

The words nekanan saur ka karuhun hatamna

Qur’an ti Sunda ka Sunda deui have its particular
meaning related with Sundanese (Priangan) view of
life which is tightly connected to cosmological
things and Sundanese genesis. The italic words are
also related with political issues of language amid
Sundanese communities.
Since 1920s, other Sundanese men of letters
followed Haji Hasan Mustapa’s campaign to
‘Sundanize Arabic’ and ‘Arabicized Sundanese.’ In
1926, D.K. Ardiwinata insisted that Sundanese had
to be used in all schools of religion in Pasundan. In
other words, he asserted that Arabic had not to be
left as the only learned-language in schools.
Sundanese, in this situation, had to come forward to
accompany Arabic. The pedagogy of boarding
school was at that time rethought, and this was
influenced by the renewal movement pioneered by
reformist Islam. The reformists relied their struggle
more heavily on individually rethinking of al-Qur’an
than on using former texts and heritages of
previous generation. According to G.F. Pijper, a
counselor of colonial government, the first Friday
preach conveyed in regional languages had just
begun in 1920s. Before this period of time, all of
Friday preaches throughout Hindia were conveyed
in Arabic. In Pasundan, this change happened
slower than that did in Middle and East Java. But in
1982, seventy percents of whole mosques in West
Java had used Sundanese as the language of
preaching. Yet recently Arabic preach is seen to
have revived in Sundanese villages dominated by
the tenets of Ahlus-Sunnah wal-Jama’ah.
Another change in ‘Sundanization’ is the use of
Sundanese Qur’anic interpretation books in
boarding schools. According to several sources,
boarding schools throughout Pasundan in
nineteenth century used Javanese Qur’anic
interpretation books as mediating texts which
bridged between Arabic and the students’ mother
tongue, Sundanese. The use of Javanese Qur’anic
interpretation books is connected to the existence
of Cirebon as the first center of Islamic education in
West Java. It is obvious that the spread of Islam
from Cirebon to Sunda was carried through
Javanese dialect. The dialect was used in
memorizing Javanese Qur’anic translation books,
and was commonly called Cirebonese Javanese
dialect. During this century, most boarding schools
in Priangan (for example in Tasikmalaya and Garut)
changed their mediating language from Javanese to
Sundanese, though some others in northern Sunda
(Bogor-Karawang-Cirebon) kept using Javanese.
 Al-Qur’an

Qur’anic
interpretation books
written in Arabic

Books concerning
explanations of
Qur’anic
interpretation written
in Arabic
Translating the
explanations of
interpretations in Javanese
Translating the
expanations of
interpretations in

The use of Javanese Qur’anic interpretation

books in Sundanese boarding schools seems to be a
factor making the Sundanization of al-Qur’an went
slower. Though Haji Hasan Mustapa had translated
the selected verses in 1920, complete translation of
al-Qur’an was just made in 1940s. A prominent
noble as well as a district-head of Bandung, R.A.A.
Wiranatakoesoemah V, wrote translation of Surat al-
Baqarah in the form of dangding, while Ahmad
Sanusi (the founder of Gunung Puyuh Boarding
School in Sukabumi) and K.H. Muhammad Ramli
published the complete translation of al-Qur’an. But
the Sundanese translations had not widely been
spread until 1970s. Al-Ma’arif Publisher published
Ramli’s translation of al-Qur’an entitled Al-Kitabul-
Mubin: Tafsir Basa Sunda, while CV Diponegoro
published Al-Amin al-Qur’an Tarjamah Sunda written
by K.H.Q. Saleh. Since 1970s, other works of
translation came to be published, some of which
were one written by a poet, Sayudi, and another
written by Moh. E. Hashim entitled Ayat Suci
Lenyepaneun published in 30 edition.
A somewhat distinguished Sundanese
translation of al-Qur’an was composed by R. Hidayat
Suryalaga. In 1994, Hidayat published his
translation of al-Qur’an part 1, 2, 3, and 30, and
later he translated another parts of the holy book.
His work was entitled Saritilawah Basa Sunda. Like
Haji Hasan Mustapa and R.A.A. Wiranatakoesoemah
V, Hidayat used the composition of dangding in his
translation. Hidayat’s work of translation is so much
unique and distinct for being specially written to be
performed in tembang Sunda, a Sundanese music
art performance. Saritilawah Basa Sunda, in its
publishing, had tembang Sunda tapes enclosed in it.
The verses contained in the work were recited in an
art performance by Sundanese artists, and their
performance was broadcasted on TVRI Bandung in
the fasting month of 2000.
 Zeimer (2000: 8) is, however, so much
astonished of seeing that the publishing and the art
performance of Saritilawah Basa Sunda did not
provoke a controversy. Opposed to this, in 1978,
when H.B. Jassin, a famous critic as well as a
respected author of literary works, published his
poetic translation of al-Qur’an entitled Al-Qur’an
Bacaan Mulis, the Indonesian Ministry of Religious
Affairs and MUI reacted severely against the book,
and they rejected giving permission of its publishing
unless it had been analyzed and censored by the
team of experts. Similarly, in 1992, as Jassin wanted
to publish Al-Qur’an Berwajah Puisi, a version of al-
Qur’an written in the composition of poetry, still MUI
and the Ministry of Religious Affairs disagreed it
and, consequently, the work could not be allowed.
Both governmental institutions decided that the
book might only be distributed to limited group of
readers (despite a fact that 200 leading Muslim
figures had given their support for Jassin).
Saritilawah Basa Sunda was anyway limitedly
published to prevent severe reaction throughout the
country. Hidayat, on the other hand, when he
published his work, carefully enclosed in each
edition a piece of legal written license he had from
MUI West Java, ICMI, and Ministry of Religious
Affairs.
Still according to Zeimer, one interesting
aspect is that Saritilawah Basa Sunda used the style
of tembang Sunda which was referred to the art
tradition of Priangan nobles, especially those in
Cianjur and Bandung. Tembang Sunda, pantun
Sunda, as well as Javanese macapat, are introduced
in Priangan in the age of Mataram, when Sanskrit-
Javanese language and cultures did still strongly
dominate. Though the nobles (menak) are no longer
believed as a real social class, their tradition of art
still prevails and is considered as an element of
Sundanese high cultures. Qur’anic translation
written in the style of tembang sunda was relied on
a juxtaposition between the majesty of Qur’anic
Arabic and the majesty of the disappearing nobles’
style. It seems to be that because the majestic
values of former nobles had entirely no longer
existed, the Ministry of Religious Affairs and MUI
considered Saritilawah Basa Sunda as not so much
dangerous as was H.B. Jassin’s work.

C. Sense of al-Qur’an among Muslim

Sundanese Folks
1. Comprehending Terms of Reciting al-Qur’an
Sundanese folks use to call activity of reciting
al-Qur’an by such names as maca Qur’an, maos
Qur’an, ngaos Qur’an, ngaji Qur’an, ngaderes
Qur’an, qura, qiraah, tadarus, and tilawah al-Qur’an.
Of all the terms, maca Qur’an is the one used the
most among Cileunyi communities, among either
common folks, students, and educated preachers
and priests. In the making sense of those terms of
reciting al-Qur’an, the majority of respondents,
especially the common folks, stated that there is no
difference among the terms. They tended to
assume that those terms have similar meaning and
are synonymous. The synonymy is represented, for
example, in such expressions as aosanna mani sae
and ngaosna mani sae. The words aosan and ngaos
here are understood to be recital or recite. Another
example is aos heula bilih lepat! (recite it first, lest
you wrong!)
Some Sundanese-Moslems, especially the
Muslim priests, said that there are differences of
meaning and purpose reflected by the terms. Maca
Qur’an means ‘reciting’ al-Qur’an in the general
sense. Maos is frequently assumed as euphemism
or polite utterance of the word maca, as supaya
becomes supados, or pribadi becomes pribados. But
if the word maos is regarded as bare infinitive of
mamaos, either maos or mamaos is not identical
with the word recite, because mamaos use to mean
tembang, kawih, or song. If we trace the origin of
the term, maos Qur’an can mean an activity of
reciting al-Qur’an in a lagam, in a certain arranged
tone. Maos Qur’an, in this sense, is identical with
the term qura.
The word qura is derived from Arabic qurraa
(plural of qari, means ‘reciter’) which means
‘reciters.’ This word is deviated and narrowed its
meaning when it is uttered by some of Sundanese
communities, and understood as reciting in a
certain tone and rhyme, as well as in a high quality
voice. This sense is represented in, for example,
qurokeun atuh maca Qur’an teh or si eta mah juara
qura dina MTQ taun kamari.
Some respondents argues speculatively that
the bare infinitive of maos is similar with that of
ngaos, yet both have their distinct meanings. Both
words derived from aos which means price, value,
or essence, as reflected in the meaning of pangaos
(price), pangaosna sabaraha? (how much is the
price?). According to K.H. Uus, one of kyai in
Cileunyi-Bandung, ngaos Qur’an in this sense
means an activity of reciting al-Qur’an to find
something valuable or to seek the essence of
certain verses within the holy book. In another
sense, pangaosan, as a derivation of the word
ngaos, can be understood as valuable activity or an
activity undertaken to grasp the essence of al-
Qur’an and of Islam.
The term pangaosan is also frequently made
identical with the word pangajian. The latter word
derived from ngaji which means ‘observe,’
‘recognize,’ ‘grasp,’ or ‘try to understand’
something, as represented in such utterances as
kudu bias ngaji diri (one has to be able to recognize
and grasp him or herself). The bare infinitive of
pangajian derived as well from the word aji (self-
pride, self-esteem), similar with either ajen or
pangajen diri which means self-pride or self-esteem.
The word aji can also means ‘essence,’ related with
one of its derivations, ajian, which means ‘the
essence of a prayer.’ Ajian is equalized with such
terms as mantra and jangjawokan. Equivalent with
the sense of ngaos Qur’an, ngaji Qur’an means an
activity of reciting al-Qur’an in order to find
something valuable or to seek the essence of al-
Qur’an. In this context, some priests assume the
activity of reciting al-Qur’an as an effort to find out
aci ning acina al-Qur’an, means ‘the very core, the
deepest essence, of al-Qur’an.’
Another term for the activity of reciting al-
Qur’an is ngaderes Qur’an, which is often used in
the context of reading, reciting, or learning al-
Qur’an. This sense is reflected in, for instance, such
expressions as ngaderes heula sorangan al-Qur’an
teh! or deres heula Qur’an teh ku sorangan ngarah
engke ari dipapatahan tinggal menerken! The term
ngaderes derived from Arabic darrasa (learn). In its
origin, ngaderes is similar with the word tadarrus.
The bare infinitive of both words is Arabic darrasa,
though the latter is absorbed from Arabic with no
change or affixation, as implied in tilawah and
qira’ah.
Such terms as tadarus, tilawah, and qira’ah al-
Qur’an are commonly used in boarding schools by
either priests or their disciples, and have their own
distinguished meaning and pragmatics. Tadarus al-
Qur’an, for example, is widely used to refer to the
reciting of al-Qur’an done in Ramadhan, though
other students of boarding schools refer the word
tadarrus to an activity of reciting al-Qur’an not only
during Ramadhan but also within any other month.
The term tilawah al-Qur’an is so familiar since it is
contained in the acronym MTQ (Musabaqah
‘Tilawah’ al-Qur’an) and STQ (Seleksi ‘Tilawah’ al-
Qur’an), so that tilawah is often made identical with
MTQ or STQ. Some students of UIN even relate the
term with praktek tilawah, one of practicums at UIN
Sunan Gunung Djati Bandung. Qira’ah, on the other
hand, emerged later as a term referred to reciting in
general, and in particular referred to reciting al-
Qur’an. Among the three loan words, tadarrus is the
most well-known to refer to the activity of reciting
al-Qur’an. Yet just like other loan words, these three
terms had been deviated and narrowed. Tadarrus,
tilawah, and qira’ah use to frequently perceived
merely as an activity of physically reciting al-
Qur’an, whereas they actually have an emphasis on
the problem of learning, understanding, and
contemplating al-Qur’an.

b. Comprehending the Stratification of Reciting al-

Qur’an
In such terms used to refer the activity of
reciting al-Qur’an as ngaos, ngaji, and tadarrus al-
Qur’an, there exist some values higher than merely
reciting, and they are studying, understanding, and
contemplating. While the term maca Qur’an
emphasizes heavily on physical meaning, that is
articulating voice to utter the sound of letters, the
term ngaos, ngaji, and tadarrus al-Qur’an are much
in higher sense for they are related to feelings,
understanding, and contemplation on the meaning
of al-Qur’an. According to sundanese-moslems,
ngaos, ngaji, and tadarrus al-Qur’an are aimed
heavily at understanding and manifesting the whole
verses of the holy book. The ultimate goal of all is
realizing the manifestation of Qur’anic values and
the embodiment of Qur’anic rules of life. In other
words, the final end is toward taqwa, which means
imtitsalu awamirih wajtinabu nawahih (obeying
Allah by doing what He order to and abandoning
what He forbid to).
Some of Sundanese communities consider that
the activity of ngaji, ngaos, and tadarrus al-Qur’an,
in their ultimate sense, have significant values
(especially related to reward and punishment)
higher than merely undertaking maca Qur’an. These
Sundanese folks cannot agree to a fact that most
Muslims, including those in Cileunyi, are still
trapped in the narrow formal sense of maca Qur’an
as well as are not encouraged and less aware to
improve the quality of their reciting of al-Qur’an so
as not just stuck in merely doing ngaos, ngaji, or
tadarrus. Nonetheless, all respondents regarded
that most communities do merely maca Qur’an,
though such an activity will still be rewarded by
Allah on one condition: maca Qur’an must be done
for the sake of Allah only (lillahi ta’ala). The reasons
are as below.
First, the Prophet once said that when one
recites alif lam mim in a time, the reward of this
reciting will not be counted as one, but be counted
respectively one reward for alif, one for lam, and
one for mim. Reciting only one letter of al-Qur’an
which, according to the Prophet’s saying, belongs to
huruf al-Muqathah, is determined as a deed that will
be rewarded, though the verses or the letters
themselves are not understood by the reciter, let
alone if the reciter comprehends what he or she
recites.
Second, they refer to ta’rif (definition) of al-
Qur’an introduced by former Muslim priests (their
names were not mentioned) that al-Qur’an has an
attribute of mu’tabbadu bitilawatihi (reward will by
Allah be given on merely reciting al-Qur’an). Here
the sense of tilawah is understood as merely
reciting, whereas the Arabic lexicon implies a far
wider meaning than merely reciting al-Qur’an.
Tilawah would be better to be understood as ngaji,
ngaos Qur’an, or tadarrus al-Qur’an. Departing from
the narrow understanding of tilawah, these
Sundanese Muslims believe that reciting al-Qur’an
without comprehending it will anyway get rewarded
by Allah and is considered as amal saleh1 (good
deed).
Third, they refer to dalil ‘aqli (logics) that
Muslims who recite al-Qur’an, though they do not
understand what it means, are much more noble
than other Muslims who never, or seldom, recite the
holy book. In this context, Sundanese proverb
saperti monyet ngagugulung kalapa absolutely
cannot be attached to the Muslims who recite
Qur’an but do not understand the meaning of what
they recite, because the reciting is surely
considered as worship to Allah, for the sake of Allah,
and will be rewarded by Allah.
In maca Qur’an, there are two kinds of reciting
which lead to the difference of reward level. First,
jahr. This means that one recites the holy book
loudly. Second, khafi. This means that one recites
al-Qur’an softly in low tones, even he or she does
not articulate his or her voice, or recites it in her
The word ‘amal (Arabic) has been narrowed its sense in
1

Sundanese Muslim lexicon and in Indonesian language. This term is

understood as identical with ‘good deed’ or ‘amal saleh. Consequently,
most Sundanese Muslims often say, ‘amal we atuh,’ ‘si et amah loba
amalna,’ ‘si anu mah loba amal-amalanana,’ etc., in spite of a fact that
the word amal in Arabic is divided into two kinds, ‘amal salih (good
deed) and ‘amal sayyi’ah (bad deed).
mind. Kyai Agus Badruddin said that jahr reciting is
more rewarded than khafi reciting. The reason is,
according to him, that jahr reciting constitutes
articulating letters, words, or verses, in the
determined patterns of tajwid (a set of rules of
reciting al-Qur’an). So that one can have much
more reward for his or her ‘voice’ and ‘reciting,’
while in khafi there is no reward for the ‘voice.’
Moreover, K.H. Agus Badruddin, head of
Pesantren Nailul Kiram Cileunyi-Bandung, said that
collective reciting of al-Qur’an done together by
several Muslims can be in three ways, each of which
has its own good and bad aspects. First, one recites
while the others listen and pay attention to. This
kind of reciting is commonly found in boarding
schools, as in al-Ihsan and al-Mardiyyah al-
Islamiyah, at the time of tadarrus in Ramadhan. The
good aspect of this first way is that everyone can
listen carefully to someone’s reciting and can give a
correction if the reciter is wrong. And the bad
aspect is that, in such a collective reciting, those
one who recites are always the same persons. This
is because not everyone attending the reciting is
able and eager to recite in crowd.
Second, each person recites such certain
passages as al-Ikhlas, al-Falaq, and an-Nas together
at the same time and led by someone. This method
is commonly used in hadharah, tahlilan, tawajjuh, or
tawassul, whether in tasyakur or in death
ceremony. This method allows each person to recite
the same verses together at the same time in
certain tone, speed, and rhyme. Such a kind of
reciting can guide those who have not memorized
certain passages or verses so that they can follow
the reciting. Ngagaeng is the name given to this
method. According to a Muslim priest, ngagaeng is
so effective especially for children who are taught
and asked to memorize such passages or verses in
al-Qur’an as ayat kursi, short passages in juz
‘amma, Yasin, al-Waqi’ah, and al-Mulk. Yet, in this
method, the reciting of every single reciter cannot
be controlled at all, whether or not his or her
reciting is in accordance with tajwid (a set of rules
and pattern in reciting al-Qur’an). It is also true that
this method often makes the reciters apal cangkem
(memorizing only, no understanding).
Third, everyone recites al-Qur’an. This method
is called jama’ah (done together collectively in the
same place and at the same time). Kyai Agus
Badruddin argued that this third way of collective
reciting is not better than the first and the second.
This third method is used frequently in tahlilan,
tadarrus (in the target of accomplishing reciting the
whole verses of al-Qur’an in one or more
accomplishments), death ceremony, opat bulanan,
and nujuh bulan, and other rites or ceremonies held
on a certain purpose.
According to some Muslim priests, those who
recites al-Qur’an will be rewarded if the intention of
their reciting is for the only sake of Allah (lillahi
ta’ala). The concept of lillahi ta’ala is the main key
to gain reward from Allah, as mentioned in the
Prophet’s saying innama al-a’malu bi an-niyyat
(each deed is counted by its purpose). Lillahi ta’ala
in reciting al-Qur’an means that a Muslim recites al-
Qur’an on the purpose of gaining ridha and reward
from Allah, not of expecting salutation from human,
not of seeking prizes as happening to those who
participate in MTQ, STQ, and not of struggling to be
a winner of a reciting contest.
Lillahi ta’ala is, K.H. Agus Badruddin
commented, the essence of religious sincerity.
Some Sufis said that lillahi ta’ala contains higher
values than those efforts to gain a mere reward.
Reward is, still according to him, a good
consequence of all good deeds, and is given by
Allah. Reward is often made identical with paradise.
As one recites al-Qur’an on the purpose of reaching
paradise and fearing hell, he or she has thus no
sincerity in such a doing since he or she still seek
something beside Allah. The true faith is reflected
entirely when one does something for the sake of
only Allah. As of paradise, some Muslim priests said
that the word is an equivalent for Arabic jannah,
which can physically be understood in accordance
with what al-Qur’an says about it: a place
ornamented with green fruity trees; rivers made of
milk, honey, and wine. But the paradise can also
psychologically be meant as comfort, beauty, and
peace.
Beside lillahi ta’ala, another aspect a reciter of
al-Qur’an must pay attention to is tajwid, a set of
rules and patterns in reciting al-Qur’an. According to
Irmansyah, tajwid is the formal order of reciting al-
Qur’an, including makharij al-huruf. Every reciter of
al-Qur’an, Kyai Uus explained, kudu bener
makhrajna jeung panjang-pondokna, sajabina kudu
pasehat (have to recite correctly based on such
aspects as makharij al-huruf, long-short tones, and
eloquence of articulation [fasihat al-kalam]).
Mistakes in tajwid will, said he, lead to mistakes in
meaning.
In some boarding schools, the aspects of tajwid
are so much insisted as important things equalized
with other aspects such as tawhid, akhlak, and
tafsir. Tajwid used to be taught when a student has
reached the ability of narabas (reciting al-Qur’an).
Students of boarding schools commonly achieve the
level such an ability in the age of 13-16. One of
compulsory books required as the main reference in
the teaching of tajwid is fath al-aqfal.
On the other hand, child students in TKA
(Taman Kanak-kanak [Kindergarten of al-Qur’an]) or
TPA (Taman Pendidikan al-Qur’an [Educational
Playground of al-Qur’an]), use to be taught tajwid
after they can master Iqra 6 or after they reach the
ability of reciting al-Qur’an. In such a system of
education, after accomplishing the whole levels in
TPA, those kids are encouraged to enter TQA
(Taman Qira’at al-Qur’an [Playground of Reciting al-
Qur’an]) in the course of tahsin al-Qur’an. This
course has its emphasis heavily on practical
teaching of applying tajwid, not on mastering the
theory of it. This is so much different with traditional
teaching of tajwid used to be held in boarding
schools or in traditional centers of Islam learning
which have their emphasis heavily on mastering the
theory of tajwid, and not on practicing it.

3. Religio-Magic among Sundanese Communities

 It has previously been mentioned in this essay
that R.A. Kartini and Geertz sees a formalist
tendency and inability to understand the meaning
of al-Qur’an among Javanese communities (as well
as among Sundanese) when they recite the holy
book. Benedict Anderson, in this context, that
Javanese peoples’ effort in memorizing Arabic
language is ‘a sign of Javanese peoples’ defense
against Arabic cultures and of the final conquest
they have on the infiltration of this foreign cultures.’

The conquest of Islam and Arab by Javanese

cultural impulses was undertaken through
embodiment of al-Qur’an into the shape of
hermeneutic text book filled with paradoxes
and confusing things. Arabic was maintained
as the language of ‘appointment,’ especially
because it was not understood. Islam
prohibited the further use of Tantra and Shiva
mantra. Javanese folks then reacted to this by
changing al-Qur’an into a book of magic spell
(Anderson, 1996: 128).

Anderson’s opinion that ‘Java’ opposed ‘the

infiltration of the foreign cultures’ by ‘changing al-
Qur’an into a book of magic spell,’ in some cases,
cannot be said as entirely true. First, he fails to see
that the obscure and mystical natures of al-Qur’an
can as well be from mystic tradition of Persia and
South India. Second, he creates fake dichotomy
between ‘legal’ Sanskrit tradition and ‘illegal’ Arabic
tradition. Anderson’s view can be agreed only when
he explains that Muslims in Java paradoxically
‘conquest’ Arabic language by ‘putting it away’
because Arabic cannot be translated.
Similar with Anderson’s thought, it is really true
that Sundanese communities also play the role of
al-Qur’an as religio-magic strength. This means that
the holy book is functioned as a source book of
magic strength, of material richness, of power, of
magic spell to defense one’s self against evil spirits,
and as a media of communication with ghosts.
As in other Muslim areas, al-Qur’an reciting by
sundanese-Moslems is represented in various
cultural expressions of Sundanese communities.
These cultural expressions can simply be
categorized into two groups: (1) Reciting al-Qur’an
in Rites of Life Cycle and (2) Reciting al-Qur’an in
Various Traditions related with Religious
Commemoration Days. The first group consists of
(a) tradition of khatam before a marriage, (b) al-
Qur’an reciting in the opening ceremony of
marriage, (c) opat bulanan and nujuh bulan, (d)
nyukuran (ceremonial hair-cut), (e) khitanan, (f)
death ceremony. The second group includes al-
Qur’an reciting in such occasions as (a) Thursday
night, (b) Ramadhan month, (c) Muharram,
Muludan, Rajaban, Asyura, and Rebo Wekasan, (d)
al-Qur’an reciting during nadran (a rite of visiting a
grave, the main ceremony is praying near by the
tombstone) at the time of Lebaran.
Sunda’s relationship with Islam is that close
and is realized in accordance with Sundanese
peoples’ mind, combined with other existing
supporting factors. Magic spells composed in
Sundanese language constitute Sundanese
literature. Such Arabic expressions as bismillah and
astaghfirullah were added in the opening of those
magic spells. Similarly, genealogical scheme of
characters in Wawacan Sulanjana was begun with
that of prophets, from Adam to Sis. This fact
indicates that Sunda has so much intensely
absorbed Islam.
Things elaborated above are beyond the
influence of Arabic language on Sundanese which
had for so long taken place since the end of
sixteenth century. This is reflected in ancient
Sundanese language, as used in Carita
Parahyangan, within which there is no single word
derived from Arabic, except the word ‘Selam’ that
means ‘Islam.’
C. Epilogue
Sunda’s relationship with Islam is that close and
is realized in accordance with Sundanese peoples’
mind, combined with other existing supporting
factors.

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Dadan Rusmana adalah editor pada jurnal Dialektika
Budaya dan Al-Tsaqafa milik Fakultas Adab dan
Humaniora. Kini ia aktif di Pusat Studi Lintas Budaya
(PSLB) Indonesia, Talwina Institute, Dan Semiotics
Circle Bandung. Dosen muda yang kini lagi concern
menggeluti “pergumulan” al-Qur’an dan tradisi lokal ini,
menyelesaikan program Magister di PPs Syarif
Hidayatullah IAIN Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta pada
tahun 200 dengan tesis Al-Qur’an Dalam Pandangan
Islamolog Kontemporer: Studi Terhadap Tesis-Tesis
John Wansbrough dalam Qur’anic Studies (2000).
Beberapa penelitian yang pernah dilakukannya adalah
Al-Qur’an Dan Interpretasi Semiotika Mohammed
Arkoun (Puslit IAIN SGD, 2000), Islam, Kebudayaan, Dan
Integrasi Sosial (Studi Tentang Tradisi "Tahlîl-an" Pada
Masyarakat Kelurahan Melong Kecamatan Cimahi
Selatan Kabupaten Bandung) (Lemlit IAIN SGD, 2001),
Aplikasi Analisis Semantik Dalam Kajian Al-Qur’an
(Studi Terhadap Skripsi Pada Jurusan Tafsir Hadits
Fakultas Ushuluddin IAIN Sunan Gunung Djati Bandung)
(Lemlit IAIN SGD, 2003), dan Ritus Al-Qur’an Dan
Perubahan Sosial (Studi Tentang Keberlangsungan Dan
Perubahan Tradisi Pembacaan Al-Qur’an Dalam Ritus
Yang Menyangkut Siklus Kehidupan Pada Masyarakat
Muslim Di Cileunyi, Kabupaten Bandung, Jawa Barat)
(Lemlit IAIN SGD, 2005). Karya tulis yang
dipubilkasikan, di antaranya, adalah Madzhab dan
Pemikiran Semiotik Kontemporer (Tazkiya Mandiri
Utama, 2004) dan al-Qur’an dan Hegemoni Islamologi
Barat: Peta Intelektual Islamologi Barat dalam Studi al-
Qur’an (Pustaka Setia, 2006, in edisia). Kini, ia sedang
menyelesaikan bebarapa karyanya di antaranya,
Sejarah Sastra di Dunia Islam dan Menggagas
Semiotika al-Qur’an..