Makalah Faktor Yang Mempengaruhi Kehamilan
Makalah Faktor Yang Mempengaruhi Kehamilan
Disusun Oleh:
KELOMPOK 9
Puji syukur kami ucapkan atas kehadirat Allah SWT yang telah meridhoi kami selama
proses pembuatan makalah ini. Karena berkat rahmat dan karunia-Nya kami dapat
menyelesaikan tugas makalah ini tepat pada waktunya. Kami menyusun tugas makalah ini
untuk lebih lanjut mengetahui tentang “Makalah Faktor Lingkungan, Sosial Budaya Dan
Ekonomi Yang Mempengaruhi Kehamilan”
Semoga makalah ini dapat memberikan manfaat bagi kita semua. Kami memohon
maaf apabila di dalam makalah Kami ini terdapat kata-kata yang kurang mengenakkan
untuk dibaca dan kami mengharapkan kritik dan saran yang bersifat membangun untuk
menyempurnakan makalah ini.
Akhir kata, kami sampaikan terima kasih kepada semua pihak yang telah berperan
serta dalam penyusunan makalah ini dari awal sampai akhir. Semoga Tuhan Yang Maha Esa
senantiasa meridhoi segala usaha kita. Amin.
Penulis
i
DAFTAR ISI
KATA PENGANTAR..........................................................................i
DAFTAR ISI.........................................................................................ii
BAB I PENDAHULUAN
BAB II PEMBAHASAN
3.1 Kesimpulan……..................................................................………11
3.2 Saran...............................................................................................11
DAFTAR PUSTAKA...........................................................................12
ii
BAB I
PENDAHULUAN
1. 1 Latar Belakang
1
BAB II
TINJAUAN TEORI
Pada faktor sosial budaya bidan harus dapat mengkaji apakah ibu hamil
menganut atau mempunyai kepercayaan atau kebiasaan tabu setempat yang
berpengaruh terhadap kehamilan. Kemudian menilai apakah hal tersebut bermanfaat,
netral (tidak berpengaruh pada keamanan atau kesehatan), tidak jelas (efek tidak
diketahui atau tidak dipahami) atau membahayakan. Terutama bila factor budaya
tersebut dapat menghambat pemberian asuhan yang optimal bagi ibu hamil. Bidan
harus mampu mencari jalan untuk menolongnya atau meyakinkan ibu untuk merubah
kebiasaanya dengan memberikan penjelasan yang benar. Tentu saja hal ini
2
memerlukan dukungan dari berbagai pihak yang berperan dalam keluarga dan
masyarakat.
a. Mitos
3
jika tidak ditaati akan menimbulkan dampak / karma yang tidak menyenangkan.
Padahal jika dinalar dengan akal sehat, diteliti dari segi medis, maupun dari segi
aqidah, banyak mitos yang tidak berhubungan. Walaupun maksud dari nenek-nenek
moyang semuanya adalah baik tetapi tidak semua dari nasehat atau pantangan
kehamilan yang diberitahukan itu benar secara medis maupun ilmiah. Kebanyakan
hanya berdasarkan mitos atau kepercayan saja daripada kenyataannya. Disebutkan
dalam jurnal “Sistem kepercayaan di kalangan ibu hamil dalam masyarakat melayu”
yang dilakukan oleh Sri Kartikowati dan Achmad Hidir bahwa dalam proses
kehamilan, kelahiran dan kematian manusia, ketiganya itu dianggap sebagai kejadian
yang penuh misteri dan mistis. Oleh karena kejadian-kejadian itu dianggap masih
penuh misteri, maka tabu, pantangan dan mitos yang melatarbelakangi kejadian
itupun masih ada. Untuk mengatasi kegundahan karena unsur misteri dan mistis
diciptakanlah aturan yang menenteramkan dalam bentuk anjuran dan pantangan.
Bentuk anjuran, yang dituruti meskipun kadang hanya menjangkau common sense;
pula pantang-larang, yang hakekatnya bagi masyarakat Melayu menyangkut nilai-
nilai moral atau sikap & perilaku buruk yang harus dibuang dan dijauhi, masuk
dalam praktek kehidupan ibu hamil/menyusui atau memiliki anak balita.
1) Ibu hamil dan suaminya dilarang membunuh binatang. Sebab, jika itu dilakukan, bisa
menimbulkan cacat pada janin sesuai dengan perbuatannya itu.
2) Membawa gunting kecil / pisau / benda tajam lainnya di kantung baju si Ibu agar
janin terhindar dari marabahaya
4
Fakta: Hal ini justru lebih membahayakan apabila benda tajam itu melukai si Ibu.
3) Ibu hamil tidak boleh keluar malam, karena banyak roh jahat yang akan mengganggu
janin.
Fakta: secara psikologis, Ibu hamil mentalnya sensitif dan mudah takut sehingga
pada malam hari tidak dianjurkan bepergian. Secara medis ibu hamil tidak dianjurkan
keluar malam terlalu lama, apalagi larut malam. Kondisi ibu dan janin bisa terancam
karena udara malam kurang bersahabat disebabkan banyak mengendapkan karbon
dioksida (CO2).
4) Ibu hamil tidak boleh benci terhadap seseorang secara berlebihan, nanti anaknya jadi
mirip seperti orang yang dibenci tersebut.
Fakta: Jelas ini bertujuan supaya Ibu yang sedang hamil dapat menjaga batinnya agar
tidak membenci seseorang berlebihan.
5) Ibu hamil tidak boleh makan pisang yang dempet, nanti anaknya jadi kembar siam.
Fakta: Secara medis-biologis, lahirnya anak kembar dempet / kembar siam tidak
dipengaruhi oleh makanan pisang dempet yang dimakan oleh ibu hamil. Jelas ini
hanyalah sebuah mitos.
6) Dilarang makan nanas, nanas dipercaya dapat menyebabkan janin dalam kandungan
gugur.
Fakta: Secara medis-biologis, nanas mengandung serat yang cukup tinggi dan
dipergunakan sebagai obat antisembelit. Banyak makan nanas membuat perut jadi
panas dan buang air besar. Pada kehamilan muda, posisi janin dalam perut belum
terlalu kuat. Buang-buang air besar secara terus menerus bisa mebahayakan
kehamilan. Getah nanas muda mengandung senyawa yang dapat melunakkan daging.
Tetapi buah nanas yang sudah tua atau disimpan lama akan semakin berkurang kadar
getahnya. Demikian juga nanas olahan. Yang pasti nanas mengandung vitamin C
(asam askorbat) dengan kadar tinggi sehingga baik untuk kesehatan. Sinsin L,
(2008).
5
7) Jangan makan buah stroberi, karena mengakibatkan bercak-bercak pada kulit bayi.
Fakta: Tak ada kaitan bercak pada kulit bayi dengan buah stroberi. Yang perlu
diingat, jangan makan stroberi terlalu banyak, karena bisa sakit perut. Mungkin
memang bayi mengalami infeksi saat di dalam rahim atau di jalan lahir, sehingga
timbul bercak-bercak pada kulitnya.
Fakta: Bayi yang baru saja dilahirkan dan belum dibersihkan memang sedikit berbau
amis darah. Tapi ini bukan lantaran ikan yang dikonsumsi ibu hamil, melainkan
karena aroma (bau) cairan ketuban. Yang terbaik, tentu saja makan ikan matang.
Karena kebersihannya jelas terjaga ketimbang ikan mentah.
9) Jangan minum air es agar bayinya tak besar. Minum es atau minuman dingin diyakini
menyebabkan janin membesar atau membeku sehingga dikhawatirkan bayi akan sulit
keluar.
Fakta: Sebenarnya, yang menyebabkan bayi besar adalah makanan yang bergizi baik
dan faktor keturunan. Minum es tak dilarang, asal tak berlebihan. Karena jika terlalu
banyak, ulu hati akan terasa sesak dan ini tentu membuat ibu hamil merasa tak
nyaman. Lagipula segala sesuatu yang berlebihan akan selalu berdampak tak baik.
Air es selalu dikaitkan denganrasa manis, misalnya dalam bentuk es campur, koktail,
dan sejenisnya. Gula inilah yang dikhawatirkan karena bisa membuat bayi menjadi
besar. Apalagi jika dikonsumsi pada trimester 3, saat pertumbuhan janin terjadi
sangat pesat. Gula pun akan mebuat ibu menjadi gemuk. Jadi, hindari es yang manis
dan makanan manis lainnya pada trimester ke tiga ( Sinsin L, (2008)
10) Wanita hamil dianjurkan minum minyak kelapa (satu sendok makan per hari)
menjelang kelahiran. Maksudnya agar proses persalinan berjalan lancar.
Fakta: Ini jelas tidak berkaitan. Semua unsur makanan akan dipecah dalam usus
halus menjadi asam amino, glukosa, asam lemak, dan lain-lain agar mudah diserap
oleh usus.
6
b Upacara Adat Masa Kehamilan
7
menantikan bayinya, ditambah sejumlah kerabat sepupu terdekat atau sepupu yang
dihormat. Selanjutnya diadakan upacara memecah buah kelapa bergambar wayang
dengan tokoh dewa Kamajaya dan Dewi ratih oleh sang calon ayah, yang
sebelumnya dimasukan ke dalam sarung yang dikenakan oleh si calon ibu ketika
dimandikan, mulai dari ujung sarung pada batas menyentuh tanah. Namun sebelum
menyentuh tanah, sang calon ayah harus bisa menangkap buah kelapa itu pada
ujung sarung dekat kaki istrinya. Upacara ini dimaksudkan agar kelak proses
kelahiran bayi dapat berjalan lancer dan bayi yang akan lahir tampa atau cantik
seperti dewa dan dewi tersebut. Rangkaian upacara mitoni pada dasarnya
melambangkan harapan baik bagi sang bayi, yakni harapan agar ia sempurna dan
utuh fisiknya, tampan atau cantik wajahnya dan selamat serta lancer kelahirannya.
Upacara procotan dilakukan dengan membuat sajian jenang procot yakni
bubur putih yang dicampur dengan irisan ubi. Upacara procotan khusus bertujuan
agar sang bayi mudah lahir dari rahim ibunya. Brokohan adalah upacara sesudah
lahirnya bayi dengan selamat dengan membuat sajian nasi urap dan telur rebus
yang diedarkan pada sanak keluarga untuk memberitahukan kelahiran sang bayi.
Pusat perhatian orang jawa mengenai pelaksanaan upacara pada masa kehamilan
dan kelahiran terletak pada unsur tercapainya keselamatan yang dilandasi atas
keyakinan mengenai krisis kehidupan yang mengandung bahaya dan harus
ditangkal serta harapan akan kebaikan bagi janin dan ibunya. Maka upacara
kelahiran seringkali tidak dilaksanakan dalam bentuk kenduri besar dengan
mengundang banyak handai taulan.
8
c. Kebutuhan tempat tinggal.
9
5) Ekonomi rendah menyebabkan ibu yang sedang hamil dalam melakukan
pemeriksaan mendapatkan fasilitas pelayanan pemeriksaan yang tidak efektif
karena kurangnya biaya yang harus dikeluarkan
6) Ekonomi rendah menyebabkan ibu hamil yang pendidikannya rendah tidak
mengetahui tentang pemeriksaan kehamilan yang baik
7) Ekonomi rendah menyebabkan masyarakat khususnya ibu hamil bertempat tinggal
di daerah yang jauh dari pelayanan kesehatan.
8) Ekonomi rendah menyebabkan ibu hamil berperan penting dalam masalah
transportasi dan biaya lain yang mempengaruhi kehamilan
10
BAB III
PENUTUP
c.1 Kesimpulan
Jadi dapat disimpulkan bahwa factor-faktor yang dapat mempengaruhi masa
kehamilan meliputi: factor lingkungan, factor social budaya dan factor ekonomi.
Adapun pada factor lingkungan yang mempengurahinya adalah adat istiadat yang
dilakukan oleh masyarakat secara terus menerus sehingga menjadi kebudayaan.
Factor social budaya hal yang mempengaruhinya adalah mitos dan upacara adat
kehamilan dan yang mepengaruhi factor ekonomi adalah pekerjaan, pendapatan
keluarga, kekayaan, pengeluaran dan harga makanan.
c.2 Saran
Bidan seharusnya melakukan pendekatan pada ibu dan keluarga dalam menyikapi
factor-faktor pada masa kehamilan sehingga ibu dan keluarga dapat melawati dengan
baik.
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DAFTAR PUSTAKA
Ajiboye. (2012). Socio-cultural factors affecting pregnancy outcome among the ogu
speaking people of badagry area of lagos state, Nigeria. 2(4): 133-144. Tersedia di:
https://shoholar.google.co.id. Diakses tanggal: 21 Februari 2020
Kartikowati S dan Hidir A. (2014). System kepercayaan di kalangan ibu hami dalam
masyarakat melayu. Jurnal paralella. 1(2): 159-167. Tersedia di:
https://parallela.ejournal.unri.ac.id/. Diakses tanggal: 22 Februari 2020.
Megasari, dkk. (2015). Panduan belajar asuhan kebidanan I. Yogyakarta: Deepublish.
Mulyaningrum, S .(2009). Faktor-Faktor yang Berhubungan dengan Kejadian
Kekurangan Energi Kronik Pada Ibu hamil di DKI Jakarta. Jakarta: Skripsi sarjana
FKM UI,
Sinsin L (2008). Masa kehamilan dan persalinan. Jakarta : PT Elex Media Komputindo.
Supariasa, I.D.N. (2012). Penilaian Status Gizi. Jakarta: EGC
Syafrudin & Mariam N, 2010. Sosial Budaya Dasar Untuk Mahasiswa Kebidanan.
Jakarta: Trans Info Media
Tino A R. (2009). Menjawab mitos-mitos kehamilan & menyusui. Yogyakarta: Media
Pressindo.
Yulianthi. (2015). Ilmu Sosial Budaya Dasar di Yogyakarta. CV Budi Utomo,
Yogyakarta
Zein U dan Newi E. (2019). Buku ajar ilmu kesehatan. Yogyakarta: Deepublish.
12
159
Abstract: This qualitative research focused on a traditional beliefs amongst pregnant women
in Malay society. This research had two aims: to determine appreciation of pregnant women
on how they interpret myths and taboos of pregnancy that existed and practiced in Malay
community. The other aim was to identify the role of gender relations and family intervention
in practice. The study was conducted in Distric Singingi Hilir, Regency Kuantan Singingi. Data was
obtained by interviewing number of pregnant women using dialogical interpretation approach
that produces negotiate meaning for then transfered into the report. Data were analyzed
using Model of Flow Analysis. Through in-depth study and carried out FGDs, it was found that
myth among pregnant women in fact encompassed educational elements that could be
interpreted in a very broad message. The sanctions imposed by parents and spouses of
respondents, generally was easy to comprehend by society. The mythos was essentially
concerns with moral values in which attitudes and bad behavior should be avoided by the
Malays community. That’s why elderly people in Malay community remind its members promptly
to leave and stay away from attitudes reflected unpleasant behaviors.
Abstrak: Penelitian kualitatif ini berfokus pada sistem kepercayaan di kalangan ibu hamil di
masyarakat Melayu. Riset ini bertujuan mengetahui apresiasi kaum ibu hamil dalam memaknai
mitos dan tabu hamil yang masih ada dan dipraktekkan dalam masyarakat Melayu. Tujuan
berikutnya adalah me- ngidentifikasi peran relasi jender dan intervensi keluarga dalam
prakteknya. Kajian dilaksanakan di Kecamatan Singingi Hilir, Kabupaten Kuantan Singingi. Data
diperoleh melalui teknik wawancara kepada responden para ibu hamil melalui pendekatan
dialogical interpretation yang menghasilkan negotiate meaning untuk kemudian dituangkan
dalam bentuk laporan. Data dianalisis dengan menggunakan teknik analisa mengalir (flow
model of analysis). Melalui kajian mendalam dan pe- laksanaan diskusi terfokus ditemukan
bahwa mitos di kalangan ibu hamil pada hakekatnya me- ngandung unsur-unsur pendidikan
karena ada makna yang dapat diintepretasikan sebagai pesan sangat luas. Sanksi-sanksi yang
diterapkan oleh para orang tua dan pasangan responden, umumnya bersifat umum dan
mudah dicerna masyarakat. Pantang larang ini hakekatnya menyangkut nilai-nilai moral dimana
sikap dan perilaku buruk harus dijauhi oleh orang Melayu dan masyarakatnya. Itulah sebabnya
orang-orang tua dalam masyarakat Melayu selalu mengingatkan masyarakatnya agar
meninggalkan dan menjauhi sikap dan perilaku yang dipantangkan.
159
Sistem Kepercayaan di Kalangan Ibu Hamil dalam Masyarakat Melayu (Kartikowati dan Hidir) 160
Sistem Kepercayaan
asal mula suatu kejadian, di Kalangan Ibu
baik kejadian Hamil dalam Masyarakat Melayu (Kartikowati dan Hidir) 161
ruwatan.
terhadap suatu tempat (biasanya juga Sisi lain dari keyakinan masyarakat ter-
disebut legenda), cerita-cerita tentang hadap mitos itu yang nota bene selalu “dianggap
mahluk halus dan berbagai ”pertanda“ lain
yang di berikan oleh alam, hewan dan diri
manusia itu sendiri.
me- nurut Van Gennep, masih dalam dunia gaib. Masih menurut Yusuf (1992)
Koetjaraningrat (1982), mungkin yang paling para wanita
tua yang dilakukan dalam masyarakat dan
kebudayaan manusia. Tidaklah aneh bila
dalam kehidupan manusia; yaitu dalam
proses kehamilan banyak sekali mitos dan tabu
yang harus dijalani oleh sang ibu maupun
suaminya.
Padahal sebagaimana dinyatakan oleh
Saptandari (1998), bahwa bentuk-bentuk
tabu bagi wanita hamil itu tidak selamanya
kondusif bagi kesehatan, sebagai contoh;
tabu untuk makan-makanan tertentu acapkali
menyebab- kan malnutrisi bagi diri si ibu
maupun bayi yang dikandungnya. Berbagai
tabu yang ada itu ter- kadang bila dicermati
sebenarnya merupakan rasionalisasi dari
kondisi kemiskinan mereka.
Faktor kultur baik sosial, ekonomi,
politik, dan proses budaya mempengaruhi
jenis pangan apa yang dipilih orang;
bagaimana mengolahnya; bagaimana cara
meng-konsumsinya; kapan dan di mana
mereka makan dan sebagainya (Saptan- dari,
1998). Jadi wajarlah bila banyak kaum
wanita tanpa rasional dan akal sehatnya
benar- benar meyakini kebenaran mitos dan
tabu itu. Apalagi dalam kultur wanita
pedesaan yang nota bene mereka masih
miskin dan berpendidikan rendah.
Hasil penelitian Sianipar (1992) dan
juga Simanjuntak dan Hidir (2000)
menemukan banyak kaum wanita yang masih
benar-benar meyakini kebenaran pada hal-hal
yang berbau klenik dan supranatural
(perdukunan). Apakah ini juga merupakan
suatu indikasi bahwa kaum wanita memang
lebih percaya pada hal-hal yang bersifat
tahayul dan berbau mitos? Hal inilah yang
perlu dikaji lebih jauh dalam berbagai
penelitian.
Namun diakui atau tidak, bukti-bukti
me- nunjukkan sebagaimana dilaporkan Yusuf
(1992) dalam penelitianya tentang dukun bayi
di daerah Aceh, ia melaporkan bahwa
seringkali kaum wanita yang sedang hamil
merasa terjadi kelainan terhadap kehamilanya.
Kelainan itu disebabkan paling tidak oleh dua
hal: (1) karena kesibukan- nya, sehinga
menyebabkan kelelahan, dan (2)
hamil itu kemudian untuk Sistemmenghindari dari Ibu Hamil
Kepercayaan di Kalangan nyatalah bahwaMelayu
dalam Masyarakat penelitian iniHidir)khusus
(Kartikowati dan 165
pengaruh dunia gaib mereka melakukan mengkaji masalah mitos dan tabu dalam
perawa- tan preventif yang di tempuh oleh masyarakat berkaitan dengan kehamilan
mereka melalui 2 cara pula, yaitu: (1) wanita. Maka kajian utama dari pertanyaan
kenduri kehamilan, dan penelitian, adalah:
(2) meninggalkan pantangan tertentu. Hal
ini sejalan dengan komentar Kartono, yang
men- jelaskan juga, bahwa kehamilan mau
tidak mau banyak diwarnai oleh
kepercayaan dan keya- kinan tradisional
daerah masing-masing.
Namun elemen pokok yang umum
adalah setiap wanita hamil selalu merasa
ketakutan dan percaya pada hal-hal tahayul.
Sedang bagi wa- nita terpelajar dalam
kebudayaan modern, masih banyak juga yang
mengalami ketakutan (dalam masa
kehamilannya), yang bersumber dari rasa-
rasa bersalah dan berdosa yang banyak
berse- mayam dalam alam ketidak-sadaran
mereka. Bahkan banyak juga wanita
terpelajar yang biasanya sama sekali tidak
percaya pada tahayul, justru setelah dirinya
hamil lalu ikut-ikutan me- ngembangkanya
(Kartono, 1986).
Berdasarkan uraian diatas dan
beberapa temuan awal para peneliti
terdahulu, maka atas dasar itulah, penulis
ingin mengetahui apresiasi, prefensi dan
resistensi apa yang menyebabkan banyaknya
kaum wanita meyakini mitos dan tabu dalam
masa kehamilan. Sementara itu, harus
diakui bahwa tulisan dan hasil penelitian
yang khusus mengambil topik berkaitan
dengan mitos dan tabu hamil dirasakan masih
sedikit, kalaupun ada masih merupakan
cuplikan dari berbagai hasil penelitian dan
tulisan lain yang tidak benar-benar
memfokuskan pada masalah yang
dimaksud, sebutlah misalnya Sianipar
(1992) Saptandari, (1996), Lola Wagner dan
Yatim (1997), Hidir
(2000), serta Simanjuntak (2000).
Tulis-tulisan itu lebih memfokuskan
pada seksualitas, peran dukun bayi,
kesehatan re- produksi, dan perdukunan.
Penelitian-penelitian itu tidak benar-benar
memfokuskan pada kajian mitos dan tabu
pada masyarakat.
Dari alasan pemilihan masalah dan
latar belakang sebagaimana diuraikan di atas,
Sistem Kepercayaan di Kalangan Ibu Hamil dalam Masyarakat Melayu (Kartikowati dan Hidir) 166
1. Sejauhmana apresiasiSistem Kepercayaan
kaum wanitadi (ibu dasarkan
Kalangan Ibu ukuran
Hamil dalam dan
Masyarakat persepsi
Melayu mereka
(Kartikowati 167
dan Hidir)sendiri
hamil) dalam memaknai mitos dan tabu dalam memaknai, meyakini dan menjalankan
hamil yang masih diyakini dan
dipraktekkan mas- yarakat? Serta apa
sebenarnya makna ke- arifan tradisional
(local wisdom) yang me- latarbelakangi
motif mitos dan tabu itu tercipta dalam
masyarakat Melayu? Apakah terdapat
perbedaan status sosial dalam bentuk
pre- ferensi dan resistensi pelaksanaan
kearifan lokal (local wisdom) itu
2. Sejauhmana keyakinan mitos dan tabu
itu kondusif untuk kesehatan ibu hamil?
Dan bagaimana pula peran relasi jender
(suami istri) dan intervensi keluarga
(orang tua/ mertua) turut memberi
apresiasi dan resistensi tentang hal-hal
seprti itu?.
Dari masalah dan uraian di atas,
nyatalah bahwa penelitian ini bertujuan: (1)
Mengetahui apresiasi kaum wanita (ibu
hamil) dalam me- maknai mitos dan tabu
hamil yang masih ada dan dipraktekkan oleh
sebagian masyarakat Melayu di daerah Riau.
Dan melihat perbedaan status sosial wanita
dalam bentuk preferensi dan resis- tensi
pelaksanaan kearifan lokal (local wisdom)
dalam praktek tabu kehamilan masyarakat
Me- layu; dan (2) Mengidentifikasi dan
mengetahui peran relasi jender (suami-istri)
dan intervensi keluarga (orang tua-mertua),
dalam konteks pendidikan informal, yang
turut mewarnai apresiasi dan resistensi
wanita dalam praktek kehamilan ibu.
METODE
Penelitian ini termasuk kajian sosio-
antropologis dengan pendekatan kualitatif
yang memfokuskan pada analisis pemahaman
(empati). Caranya adalah dengan berusaha
memahami makna mitos dan tabu serta
bentuk intervensi dan relasi jender serta
keluarga dalam memahami dan menjalankan
berbagai mitos dan tabu hamil dari 51
reponden.
Data yang dihasilkan berupa data
deskriptif yang berasal dari subyek yang
diteliti (emic), de- ngan tujuan untuk
menemukan dan memerikan sistem
pengetahuan dan sistem perilaku ber-
berbagai mitos dan Sistem tabu hamil.
Kepercayaan masih
di Kalangan Ibu Hamil dalamingat dan
Masyarakat masih
Melayu men-
(Kartikowati jalani
dan Hidir) 168
Selanjutnya dilakukan interpretasi oleh berbagai ritual mitos dan tabu ke-
peneliti (etic) untuk dituangkan dalam hamilan.
penulisan laporan. 3. Selanjutnya informan kunci yang telah
Lokasi penelitian ditentukan secara di- tetapkan sebagai subyek penelitian
purpo- sive di wilayah Kecamatan diwawan- carai secara mendalam.
Singingi Hilir, Kabu- paten Kuantan
Singingi, Riau. Asumsi dasar pemilihan
Kecamatan Singingi adalah karena suku
Melayu merupakan mayoritas penduduk
desa ini; dan Kecamatan Singingi termasuk
daerah sub urban dari hasil pemekaran
Kabupaten Indragiri Hulu dan kini
merupakan hinterland bagi Kota Taluk
Kuantan Ibukota Kabupaten Kuantan
Singingi. Selain itu diyakini masyarakat-
nya kini tengah mengalami transisi
antara nilai tradisional ke arah modern.
Banyak dibicarakan bahwa daerah ini
dikenal sebagai daerah asal penghasil
‘orang-orang sukses’ di Pekanbaru, baik
di kalangan birokrat, akademis, maupun
swasta. Sumber Data primer diperoleh
dengan melakukan wawancara mendalam
dengan para wanita hamil atau yang kini
masih punya anak balita.
Pengumpulan data dilakukan langkah:
1. Melakukan pengamatan dan
wawancara tak berstruktur dengan
Kepala Desa, Pimpinan Puskesmas,
Bidan desa, dan Kader Posyandu untuk
mengenal berbagai budaya yang tum-
buh di dalam masyarakat; Mencari
jumlah wanita hamil yang berkunjung
ke Puskesmas, Posyandu/Bidan desa
dan Polindes serta jumlah wanita
pemilik balita; nantinya akan
dijadikan key informan selain
beberapa to- koh masyarakat.
Dengan alasan mereka cukup
memahami dan mengetahui budaya
dalam praktek kehamilan di dalam
mas- yarakatnya.
2. Melakukan penjajakan dan
penseleksian calon subyek penelitian
yang akan diwawan- carai. Fokus
penelitian diarahkan pada wanita
hamil terutama hamil anak pertama
dan wanita pemilik bayi dan balita
anak pertama. Dengan asumsi mereka
Sistem Kepercayaan di Kalangan Ibu Hamil dalam Masyarakat Melayu (Kartikowati dan Hidir) 169
Jumlah subyek penelitian tidak
Sistem Kepercayaan dapat Ibu Hamil dalam
di Kalangan hemat Masyarakat Melayu
peneliti (Kartikowati
akan sangat dan Hidir) 170
berbahaya
di- tentukan sejak awal. Terlebih dalam bila mereka bekerja seperti itu karena
penelitian kualitatif jumlah subyek bukan akan ber- akibat pada kelelahan fisik dan
merupakan syarat utama. Semuanya berjalan keguguran;
secara alami meng- ikuti prinsip bola salju,
peneliti sebagai instrument penelitian.
Selanjutnya di dalam analisa data di-
gunakan pendekatan dialogical
interpretation, yaitu suatu dialog antara
pemahaman emic dengan pemahaman etic
untuk memahami gejala yang ditemui di
lapangan. Dari dialog itu akan dihasilkan
negotiate meaning untuk kemudian
dituangkan dalam bentuk laporan. Teknik
analisis data menggunakan teknik analisis
mengalir (flow model of analysis).
Agus Suprijono, 1998. Akik dalam Kehidupan Masyarakat Surabaya, Tesis Magister, Program
Pascasarjana, UniversitasAirlangga, Surabaya: tidak diterbitkan.
Djumhur, 1977. Pengantar ke Antropologi Budaya, Bandung: PT. Dirgantara.
Larasati, Sekar D., 2009. Menjawab Mitos- mitos Seputar Masalah Kehamilan dan
133
International Journal of Humanities and Social Science Vol. 2 No. 4 [Special Issue – February 2012]
Bayi Anda. Yogyakarta: Luna Publisher. Lola Wagner dan Danny Irawan Yatim, 1997.
Seksualitas di Pulau Batam, Jakarta:
Pustaka Sinar Harapan.
Saptandari, Pinky, 1996. Gender dan Masalah Kesehatan Wanita, dalam Bagong Suyanto dan Emmy
Susanti (eds), Wanita dari Subordinasi dan Marjinalisasi menuju ke Pemberdayaan, Surabaya:
Airlangga University Press
Sianipar, Alwisol, T dan Yusuf, Munawir 1992. Dukun, Mantra dan Kepercayaan Masyarakat, Jakarta:
PT Grafika Jaya.
Simanjuntak, Harapan, 2000. Wanita dan Perdukunan di Daerah Riau, DP3M Ditjen Dikti Depdikbud.
Tenas Effendy, 2004. Ejekan dan Pantangan terhadap Orang Melayu, Dinas Pendidikan Provinsi Riau dan
Lembaga Adat Melayu Riau, Pekanbaru: Unri Press.
Abstract
Pregnancy outcomes rank among the most pressing reproductive health challenges all over the world.
Globally, an annual estimate of 600,000 women of reproductive age (aged 15-49) died of pregnancy related
causes, with 99 percent coming from the developing world with Nigeria accounting for well over 10 percent
of this figure. This study is an exploratory one. It therefore focuses on socio-cultural factors affecting
pregnancy outcome among the Ogu speaking people of Badagry area of Lagos State, Nigeria. Triangulation
method was used for data collection. A multi-stage sampling procedure was adopted to select 120 respondents.
Chi-square technique was used to test the hypothesis for the study. In spite of modernisation, the culture of the
people of Ogu Community still play dominant role in shaping their reproductive behaviour. Hence, the study
found positive relationship between socio-cultural factors and pregnancy outcome among Ogu speaking people
of Badagry of Lagos State, Nigeria.
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International Journal of Humanities and Social Science Vol. 2 No. 4 [Special Issue – February 2012]
Key Words: Socio-cultural, Pregnancy outcome, Reproductive Health, Antenatal, Traditional Birth
Attendant, Maternal Mortality.
Introduction
Pregnancy outcomes rank among the most pressing reproductive health problems in the world.
Globally, an annual estimate of 600,000 women aged 15-49 died of pregnancy related causes, with 99
percent coming from the developing world (Population Reference Bureau, 2002; WHO, 2000; Addai,
1998; Wall, 1998; Salter, 1997) and Nigeria alone accounting for over 10 percent of this total figures
(Okolocha et al., 1998). Pregnancy outcomes may undermine family stability at the institutional level
while it may also affect the health and manpower needs of societies at the structural level. Both
impacts have implications for individuals, families, communities and society at large. The World
Bank (1998) had observed that maternal and infant mortality depend to a large extent on whether
women have access to information, education and communication resources requires to provide
themselves and their infants with adequate care. The implication of the above is that the achievement
of safe motherhood among women to a great extent depends largely on the interaction of several factors
in any given human societies. Apart from the conditions of health centers and the factors that affect
their use or non-use, the culture of the people, environment where they live and the socio-economic
status of women is also strongly associated with pregnancy outcomes.
It should be mention at this juncture that the culture of people is what best described the group. For
instance, a group can best be understood and described based on its cultural practices. This is because
people’s culture best explains why and how they do what they do and behave the way they behaved. In
this exploratory study of socio- cultural factors affecting pregnancy outcomes among the Ogu people of
Badagry, Lagos State, Nigeria, attempt is made to examine the nexus of interaction between pregnancy
outcome and cultural practices of the Ogu people of Badagry area of Lagos State, Nigeria.
Further, maternal situation among the Ogu people of Badagry, Lagos State is exacerbated by culture of
patriarchy which gives men power over women in virtually all spheres of family decision life.
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The exclusion of women from some sensitive family discourse, such as family planning, family size
and access and use of maternal health facilities, is usually hinged on cultural beliefs and values
designed and sustained by men in order to maintain their domination and subjugation of women
(Isiugo- Abanihe, 2003; Moore and Helzner, 1996; Sen et al., 1994). This study highlights communal
and personal values, perceptions, beliefs and practices as it affects pregnancy outcome among the
Ogu people of Badagry, Lagos State, Nigeria.
The Problem
In spite of the efforts of the various successive governments both national and international at reducing
the rate of maternal and infant mortality all over the world, there is still high incidence of maternal and
infant mortality among the Ogu people which is linked to the perceptions, attitudes and practices of the
people with regard to pregnancy. Evidences have shown that, socio-cultural and economic factors have
contributed to the increased incidences of maternal and infant mortality among the people of Ogu
community of Badagry. The Ogu people of Badagry are found to have low socio-economic statuses
which have further helped to increase their level of poverty. In termd of economic activities, the Ogu
people are mostly found in the informal sector, particularly, in the areas of non-farming activities such
as fishing, and others. This has probably contributed to their low socio-economic status. The situation
described above may not be unconnected with the people’s low patronage or inability to utilize the
available various modern reproductive health services by the Ogu people. In addition to the poor socio-
economic status, the culture of the people is another strong factor which has been found to affect
pregnancy outcome among this particular group.
In spite of social change and modernization, the Ogu people are still strongly adhere to their cultural
practice as it relates to pregnancy some of which that could be described as obnoxious. The Egun
(Ogu) speaking people prefer in their quantum cultures Zangbeto. Zangbeto is highly regarded and
respected in Badagry and its neighbouring communities. Zangbeto may be considered as a deity, youth
masquerade or a myth used in sustaining the law and order of the society. Zangbeto remained the
traditional town police among the Egun (Ogu). In summary, the belief in many of the traditional system
and cultural practices could be said to account for the low patronage of modern antenatal clinic and
sometimes affects peoples’ attitude towards the use of modern medicine, hence, majority of the people
are still found patronizing traditional birth attendants. This exploratory study of the socio-cultural
factors affecting pregnancy outcomes among the Ogu people of Badagry Area of Lagos State, will
examines the general attitudinal practices of the people, the culture as a way of life of people, the
attitudes of people towards maternal health facilities and Traditional Birth Attendant (TBA) as it affect
pregnancy outcomes in the study area.
Gap in Knowledge
Evidences and researches have consistently shown that maternal processes in Africa are prone to crises as
a result of multiple socio-cultural and economic factors. For instance, male-domination, low status of
women, poverty, cultural beliefs and practices and high fertility combined to affect pregnancy outcomes
in most societies in the continent, particularly in Sub-Saharan Africa. It should also be mentioned that,
although, with very few exceptions, African societies are patriarchal in nature and as such norms, values
and expectation are defined and sustained by men in virtually all spheres of life.
Maternal issues in Africa are prone to crises for several reasons. Women are subjected to repeat
childbearing at short intervals either to satisfy their husbands' quest for large family size or as a means of
adjusting to the very high infant morbidity and mortality in the continent. The situation is exacerbated by
cultural beliefs and practices and poor medical delivery system that hinder access and use of hospital
facilities during emergencies. In some communities, women's socio-economic status is significantly low
to enable them contribute meaningfully to family discourse. Consequently, men take sole decision that
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affect members of their families. The implication of such attitude, in a male dominated society is that
activities that influence maternal outcomes are taken for granted, ultimately resulting in maternal crises
typical of the situation in Africa. Gray (1982) argued that men are always in control of the myth system,
even in matrilineal societies. Mill (1970) observed that the principle, which regulates the existing social
relations between males and females, is not only wrong in itself, but also one of the chief hindrances to
human development. She observed that such principle should be replaced by an alternative which will be
embedded in perfect equality, admitting no power or privilege on the one side, or disability on the other.
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International Journal of Humanities and Social Science Vol. 2 No. 4 [Special Issue – February 2012]
Furthermore, studies have shown that socialization into sexuality and gender roles begins early in the
family and community and are reinforced through the interplay of familial, social, economic and cultural
forces, which are subsumed in patriarchy (Isiugo-Abanihe 2003; Moore and Helzner, 1996; Sen et al.,
1994; Obura, 1991). In a similar vein, Isiugo-Abanihe (1994) maintained that cultural dictates shape
behaviours and one's environment affects her reproductive attitudes, perceptions and motivations.
Oke (1996) has observed that the use and non-use of health services are determined by one's socio-
cultural environment, which, in most cases, is shaped by its patriarchal structure. This position was
corroborated by Erinosho (1998) where he noted that many culture bound syndromes are effectively
managed through an informed knowledge of their cultural contexts and the background of patients. Some
socio- cultural factors, which not only prevent women from getting out of their homes to utilize maternal
health facilities, even in emergencies, but also prohibit them from eating certain foods, have been
identified (Erinosho, 1998; Jafarey and Korejo, 1995).
It should further been mentioned at this juncture that in some parts of Nigeria, cultural taboos discourage
pregnant women from eating some kinds of foods and supplements such as fruits, vegetables and other
high-calorie foods that ordinarily reduce susceptibility to diseases and malnourishment during pregnancy
period (Mbugua, 1997). Most of these restrictions are given in order to sustain the myth surrounding a
particular tradition or to emphasize the sacredness of a custom conceived as invaluable.
Among the Ogu people of Badagry of Lagos State, Nigeria for instance, one of the notable cultural
practices that poses risk to pregnant women is the traditional rite of passage during the burial rite of their
traditional ruler. It has been noted that everyone including the pregnant women is prohibited/ prevented
from going out of their homes as no one should be seen outside during the mourning period. The
mourning period is found to last for days and “ORO” (a traditional festival) was out for those numbers of
days. This type of practice has been reported to have claimed the lives of many pregnant women whose
delivery period fell into that time.
Furthermore, it has also been pointed out that culture, which in most African societies is defined by men,
determines habits related to food, which in turn has some implications for the health status of individuals
in the community. Among the Ogu people of Badagry, Lagos State for instance, it is common to see men
and women of various ages drinking locally made gin in the public. Pregnant women in their various
trimesters are not restrained from such alcohol use. Invariably, men unwittingly support their wives’
consumption of alcohol which increases proneness to pregnant complications. Hence, data on pregnancy
outcomes related to drugs or alcohol exposure are relevant for a deeper understanding of the factors that
influence people’s behavior considering medical concerns about the consequences of exposure to alcohol
for maternal outcomes.
According to Noah (2001), drinking alcohol during pregnancy can cause physical and mental birth
defects. Report shows that no level of alcohol use during pregnant has been proven safe. Each year, more
than 50,000 babies are born with some degree of alcohol-related damages. Many women are aware that
heavy drinking during pregnancy can cause birth defects, but many do not realize that moderate or even
light drinking also could harm the fetus (Center for Disease Control 2003; Noah Health, 2011). The
specific effects of alcohol at different trimesters have been pointed out by Ling et al. (1996), according to
him alcohol interferes with organogenesis in the first trimester while it leads to mental retardation and
spontaneous abortions during the second. In the third trimester, alcohol is associated with significant
depression of fetal growth. Other anomalies that are ascribed to toxic effects of alcohol on the fetus
include spinal defects, congenital heart disease among others (Ling et A. 1996).
Among the Ogu people of Badagry, Lagos State, the rate of alcohol (specifically local gin) consumption
is very high generally and in particular among pregnant women. This attitude, coupled with inadequate
health facilities, explains the high rate of maternal and infant mortality and morbidity among these
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people. A combination of these factors makes the choice of the Ogu people of Badagry area of Lagos
State very interesting for the choice of this study area appropriate. Individual and communal values,
norms and perceptions are noted as responsible for the persistence of some cultural and religious
practices, with its social concomitant effect on demographic behavior in Africa and in particular among
the Ogu community of Badagry. (McQuillan, 2004). The foregoing highlights the role of male-dominated
culture in shaping maternal health conditions and outcomes among individuals in sub- Saharan Africa. In
addition, it has been pointed out that since over 60 percent of the populations of Africa are rural based,
cultural norms and practices still exert a strong influence on reproductive health care, especially in
relation to pregnancy, delivery and child rearing. The implication is that women's contributions to
maternal health are limited (Njikam, 1994).
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Such limitation affects maternal-outcomes generally considering that some of these women are
compelled to observe culturally approved activities, even when such problem undermines their safety. It
has been observed that most women are beginning to emphasize the limiting capacity of their motherhood
activities in relation to childbearing.Grimshaw (1986), for instance, pointed out that motherhood has
often been ideologically constructed in ways that have served to legitimize the dependence of women on
men. Her position that motherhood annihilates women and should therefore for sometime be totally
rejected re-echoes the position of most feminists that being a mother not only obliterate one's freedom but
also a means to capitulate to patriarchy. But going by the African value that places premium on children,
the emphasized limitation of motherhood is clearly contradictory. Moreover, the status of women in most
societies of Africa is confirmed by their fertility and especially in having male children. Motherhood thus
becomes an agonizing experience for women that have only female children and those that are infertile,
in places where male-child syndrome is emphasized (Nwokocha, 2007).
Methodology
Study Location
The Egun
(Ogu)
One of the major settlers of the Ogu in Lagos State is Badagry. A town which is noted for being a one-
time transit camp of slaves captured from the interior and transported to Europe. This settlement is one of
the major tourist centres in the state. It is noted as the museums of relics and artifact relating to the Trans-
Atlantic slave trade in Nigeria. More importantly, the town is noted for being the first settlement in
Nigeria where Christianity was preached in the nineteen century, and the Bible translated into Yoruba
language. The town houses the first storey building in Nigeria and can boast of many kilometers of
aquatic splendor. The Egun (Ogu) speaking people are descendants of those who migrated from Whidah,
Allada, Weme which are now part of the Republic of Benin but were all geographically and politically
one with Egun (Ogu) speaking people found before and after 1900 in Nigeria. Some of the migrations
were induced by need for new waters for fishing, good farmland and largely because of the Dahomian
war of the 18th century. In terms of spatial distribution, the Ogu occupy about 15% of the state population
and present a distinct ethnic group. Places like Badagry, Igbogbele, Rapoji, Agbojetho, Kweme, Aivoji,
Iweseme towns and villages; Ajara (14 groups), Ikoga and Ajido towns, etc, are today in Badagry local
government area and are a division of Lagos State. Linguistically, they sub-ethnic groups of the larger
Egun (Ogu) speaking people of the Benin Republic, Formerly Dahomey.
According to Mesawaku et al (2000) “the Egun (Ogu) speaking people found their way to Badagry and
Adjoining settlements because of the need for security as early as the 15 th century, as a result, they travel
along the coastal area for shelter on daily basis. Also encouraging the development of some village
settlement was the opportunity for salt production. It is on record that Bapo village in Igbogbele beach
was a famous salt factory for large production of salt. The Yoruba traveled from far and wide to Badagry
in search of this essential product in the 18th century and during the second world war of 1939. Besides
salt making the Ogu speaking people tap wine and also involve in Gari production and coconut
processing. The people are dynamic and are today found in both the public and private sectors
management both at home and abroad”. The Egun (Ogu) speaking people are socio- politically organized
and the institution of Aholu represents one of the achievements of the Egun (Ogu) in political
centralization. Until the turn of the twentieth century, the people are into fishing, coconut processing,
trading, salt production and a little farming. In the era of the Trans-Atlantic route which says “Badagry
soon became a significant slave market in the world at large”. Traditionally, the Ogu are very religious
and ritualistic and every traditional Ogu community has sacred shrines.
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It is also a common thing to find Egun (Ogu) speaking man respecting and adoring his ancestor’s cultural
heritage. Malimowski (1957) in his contribution to culture says Culture represents a complex whole, which
includes knowledge, beliefs arts, custom and habit…
The Egun (Ogu) speaking people prefer in their quantum cultures Zangbeto. Zangbeto is highly regarded
and respected in Badagry and its neighbouring communities. Zangbeto may be considered as a deity,
youth masquerade or a myth used in sustaining the law and order of the society. Zangbeto remained the
traditional town police among the Egun (Ogu). One other significant thing among the Egun (Ogu)
speaking people is variety of dialects, for instance, there is the Thevi, Whla, Seto, Toli, etc. which are
common in parts of Badagry, Lagos and Mauto in Ogun State.
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Kuckholm (1951) says culture holds a distinctive value for the society; the view of this foremost writer
explains the position of the Egun (Ogu) speaking people concerning the value attached to and the efforts
at sustaining their culture, hence every aspect of their culture is jealously guarded. The various shrines
and divinities perform different roles in the development of the community. It is against this background
that one can understand why the town represents the seat of politics and economic powers for a large
number of Ogu and many Awori. The town up till 1968 served as the Divisional Headquarters, thus
maintaining its territory from Seme Border to Orile in Ajegunle as a local government headquarters.
Generally, the Egun (Ogu) and the Awori speaking people of Badagry are peaceful and good neighbors to
their visitors.
The Study Population.
The study population comprises of ever pregnant women and their spouses who have ever used either
traditional birth attendant or maternal health institutions. It should also be mention at this juncture that in
addition to the ever pregnant women and spouses, both the midwives and traditional birth attendants were
equally interviewed so as to be able to complement the data collected from the main respondents who are
ever pregnant women in the study area.
Sampling Size and Sampling Procedures.
The sample size for this exploratory study is 120. Cross sections of reproductive age (ever pregnant
women) among Ogu community were selected to be included in the samples using a multi-stage sampling
technique. First and foremost, a comprehensive list of both modern antenatal centers (both public and
private hospitals) and traditional birth attendant centers were collated. One public hospital (General
Hospital), four registered private hospitals and four traditional birth attendant institutions were identified.
Next was the selection of the hospitals and the traditional birth attendant centers included in the study.
Two traditional birth attendant centers and two hospitals (one public and one private) in Badagry which
have the highest patronage of pregnant women are purposively selected thereby given a total of four
maternal health institutions in Ogu community of Badagry area of Lagos State.
Respondents included in the sample size were randomly selected. A total of 120 respondents were
included in the interview. In addition, four key informants which include midwives and traditional birth
attendants were interviewed using an in-depth method.
Research Instrument and data collection method
Triangulation method of data collection was adopted. While the main instrument used for data collection
was the structured questionnaire, qualitative method, specifically in-depth interview method was
employed to elicit additional relevant information that would help us to complement the quantitative
information earlier collected from respondents through structured questionnaire from the key informants.
The questionnaires were designed in such a manner that it contained both opened and closed ended
questions on the various issues that can help us to collect enough information on the subject matter.
Unstructured questionnaire was used for the in-depth interview among the key informants.
Method of data analysis
In this section, both the quantitative and qualitative data collected were analysed. An attempt is made to
highlight and cross tabulate some of the socio-demographic and background characteristics of the
respondents by gender from the analysis of the quantitative data collected.
The uni-variate analysis involves the use of simple statistics to examine the distribution of respondents
according to some socio-cultural demographic and economic characteristics. Frequency distribution was
employed with a view to highlighting how varied the respondents were according to individual
characteristics. Through the use of percentages, the univariate analysis was able to provide preliminary
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answers to some of our research questions. At the bi-variate level of analysis, there was a simultaneous
examination of two variables using cross tabulations. Put differently, chi-square statistical analysis was
use for the test of hypotheses.
Socio-Demographic Characteristics of Respondents
This section discusses the various socio- demographic variables of the respondents. This is done using
simple percentage distribution’s table as shown below:
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Table 1 above presents the Socio-demographic characteristics of respondents. The table reveals that the
female respondents were more than their male counterparts with 78.3% and 21.7% respectively. On the
marital status of the respondents, the table reveals that most of them are married with 92 respondents
representing 79.3% of the sample population. This was followed by those who are single which
accounted for 12 respondents representing 10.3%, while the divorced respondents were 10 representing
6.4% of the study population. The widowed respondents were just two representing 1.7% of the total
population studied. It should be mention at this juncture that the people who claimed single status may
not be unconnected with the fact that they are still living in their Parents/Guardians/extended family
houses. However, this category was found to have had one child or more, while some are currently
pregnant, although outside wedlock.
On the age of the respondents, the table further revealed that, respondents between the ages of 15 – 24
years were 8 representing 6.7% of the population studied, 24 representing 20% of the respondents were
between 34 - 44 years, 40 representing 33.3 % of the respondents were 45 years and above. The
implication of the above table is that majority of the respondents belong to ages between 35 years and 44
years of age. On the educational qualification of the respondents, the analysis shows that, most of the
respondents have an average educational background, in which 50 respondents representing 41.7% of the
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population had SSCE qualification, (secondary school education), 42 representing 35 % of the
respondents had primary school education, 20 representing 16.7% had first degree qualification
(B.Sc/B.A/B.ED etc), while 8 representing 6.7% had no education qualification at all. It should be
mentioned at this juncture also, that, this low educational qualification among the Ogu people may not be
unconnected with their low socio-economic background.
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Furthermore, the table also revealed occupational status of the respondents, 38 representing 31.7% of the
respondents are civil servants, 64 representing 53.3% are into one business or the other, while 18
representing 15% of the respondents are artisan. As earlier noticed above, the low educational
qualification may also be accounting for the low representation of the Ogu people in the formal sector of
the economy, hence, majority of them are self employed in the informal sector of the economy as
indicated above. On the religion affiliation of the respondents, most of the respondents are Christians
representing 63.2% of the entire respondents; Islam respondents’ represents 19.3% and 20 representing
17.5% of the respondents belong to other religion.
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Source: Author’s Field Survey, 2011
Table 2 shows that 102 respondents representing 86.4% of the sampled population were of the opinion
that the headship of the household significantly determined pregnancy outcome in the study area.
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The significant of the above distributions is that majority of our respondents are experienced married
couples and this goes a long way to help in providing basic information needed for the success of this
research. 12 respondents representing 10.2% of our respondents claimed not sure whether household
headship affect pregnancy outcome, hence, they responded “No” to the question. It should also be
mentioned at this juncture that these people are either living by themselves or in the family house or
living with friends, although they have had one or more children outside wedlock.
On the economic status of the respondents, 26 representing 21.7% of our total respondents acknowledged
that their income/economic status is a determinant factor in the number of children they have while 94
representing 78.3% said that it is not a major factor in determining the number of children they have. The
above finding has been corroborated by one of the key-informants interviewed on the issue when she
said:
“rara, omo bibi, ko kan oro owo osu tabi oro aje. Ni temi mo ti bi omo meta, ni bayi mo sin tun
ngbero lati bi omo kan si. E yi ko ni ohun kan lati se pelu owo osu tabi oro aje rara”
Meaning -
“No, childbearing has nothing to do with ones income or economic status. For instance, I have
had three children already and I intend to have one more. This does not have anything to do
with my income. It is simply the number of children I want to have”.
Another key informant, who is considered to be an experienced old woman, also submitted
that: “ti a ba ni ki afi omo bibi le oro owo osu tabi oro aje, ko si enikeni ti yio fe bi omo rara”
Meaning –
“If we have to base child bearing on income or economic status, no one will be prepared to
have children at all”.
On the question of culture and pregnancy outcome, 98 representing 83.1% of our respondents do not
agree that, there are cultural practices that can have negative effect on pregnancy outcomes, while about
20 respondents representing 16.9% of our sampled population confirmed that some cultural practices
have the tendency of affecting pregnancy negatively if they are not carried out as prescribed by the
ancestors. This position was supported by one of the key informant when she narrated her family
tradition regarding cultural practices during pregnancy. She said:
In my paternal family, there is a ritual that every pregnant woman in my family must undergo when the
pregnancy is 7 months old. Such pregnant woman will get a big new “clay pot” while a ritualist provides other
items which include “Ewe ifin”, “ewe iko”, etc. These items are soaked in the clay pot with water for a day. On the
second day, the ritualist and the pregnant woman are left in a room before the shrine. During the ritual, the
pregnant woman will put on a small light clothes with the big clay pot positioned between her and the ritualist
who is holding a sharp knife in his hand. The ritualist will then tied round the pregnant woman body from her
head to toes with the soaked leaves, while the ritualist make some incantations and the woman repeat after him.
Meaning:
“I saw death, I ran, I saw sickness, I ran, I had a safe delivery”
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After she had said this, the ritualist who has been holding a knife now used the knife to cut the rope and
leaves tied to free the woman. After the initial exercise, the woman is instructed to knock and wait for a
reply. The ritualist then asked “who are you?”, she will then respond by mentioning her names. The
ritualist then asked her to open the door after which she will be asked to pack the dirt (the rope, leaves,
etc) and put back inside the clay pot, while she continues to repeat the incantations –
“Mo ru oyun yi, mo ru re, mo bi oyun yi, mo bi re”
Meaning,
“I carried my pregnancy safely, and I had a safe delivery”
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After the whole exercise, the woman goes home with the pot and birth with the water and the contents
inside it for a period of seven days without additional water. According to the key informant, failure to
perform this ritual by any pregnant woman in the family stand the risk of negative pregnancy outcomes
and may either loose her life or deliver through caesarian operation.
On the decision making in the family, 118 respondents representing 98.3% of the total sample population
agreed that men played significant role during their wife’s pregnancy. However, 2 respondents
representing 1.7% expressed contrary opinion on the role of men and decision making in the family on
pregnancy outcome. One of our male key-informants shares his view on this question. He says:
“Although, my wife and I share the house chores, but when she is pregnant I do most of the work
because, I am a christian and I know the implication of stress on pregnant women. So I clean the
house, bath the children and take them to school. My wife only does the cooking. And at time we
switch duties but I take my children to school always”.
When the question on the lifestyle was asked, particularly, emphasis on alcohol consumption during
pregnancy, 98 respondents representing 84.5% of the sample population declined the use of alcohol
during pregnancy while only 18 of them representing 15.5% confirmed they consume alcohol during
pregnancy. The distributions of respondents above may not be unconnected with religious inclination. For
instance, majority of the people who declined answer claimed to either be Christian or Muslim whose
religion practices do not allow the for the consumption of alcohol. However, those who confessed they
consumed alcohol during pregnancy claimed traditional religion practice and were of opinion that
nothing is absolutely wrong in taking it most especially when it is used to soak herbs.
On the availability of health institutions in the area, the entire 120 respondents confirmed that at least,
one or more health institutions is/are located very close to their neighbourhoods. In a similar vein, all the
entire 120 respondents agreed that cultural practices and beliefs system allow the use of maternal health
facilities. However, this is a matter of choice by individuals, either to go for the modern antenatal or
patronize the traditional birth attendants. It should be observed here that the choice made by individuals
is not without some cultural influence. The question on whether our respondents had experienced any
pregnancy outcomes was asked. 110 representing 98.2% of the respondents confirmed that they have
experienced one pregnancy outcomes or another. While 80 representing 67.8% of the respondents
claimed to have experienced maternal and infant survival. 20 representing 16.9% of the respondents
claimed to have experienced maternal survival but infant mortality. 16 representing 13.6% of our
respondent had experienced maternal survival and infant mortality. 2 representing 1.7% of the respondent
had experienced maternal and infant mortality. In spite of the confession made by our respondents on
their experiences of maternal and infant survival, effort was made to find out whether they have had one
forms of pre-mature birth (abortion) or the other, surprisingly, 118 of the respondents have had one forms
of abortion or the other. The sociological significant of the above revelations is that, people tend to
defend their cultural practices so that it would not look as if it constitute negative influence on the life
style of the people. Hence, the people believe and claim that from their cultural point of view, there are
more successful pregnancy outcomes than the negative pregnancy outcomes among the Ogu community
of Badagry of Lagos State, Nigeria.
Effort was made to ask our respondents whether they practice family planning as a measure of safety or
not. 26 representing 26.5% of the total respondents confessed they practice family planning method to
regulate and control family population and also for economic reasons. However, majority of the
respondents, about 72 representing 73.5% of the respondents said they are not practicing any forms of
family planning method. Some of the reasons adduced for not practicing family planning method include
that it is either against their religion, culture, or lack of finance. This finding may have accounted for very
large families among the Ogu people of Badagry.
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Test of Hypotheses
In this section, the two hypotheses earlier proposed for the study were tested, using chi-square statistical
method of analysis.
Hypothesis 1: “There is significant relationship between pregnancy outcomes and socio-cultural factors”.
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Socio-cultural practices and pregnancy Which one of the pregnancy outcomes have you
outcome experienced?
Socio-cultural practices Survival of Survival of mother Survival of mother
mother and and infant but later and death of child Total
child infant mortality (Still birth)
Traditional Concussions 6 2 0 8
Rituals 2 0 0 2
Belief in Oro 0 2 0 2
Others 4 0 2 6
Total 12 4 2 18
a. 11 cells (91. 7%) have expected count less than 5. The minimum expected count
is .22. Thus, X2 calculated = 13.000a
Degree of Freedom (df) = (c-1) (r-1)
= (4-1) (3-1)
= 3x2 = 6
Where a = 0.05 (level of significant)
(X2) t = 12.592
Therefore, 13.000a is greater than the tabulated. 12.592
Interpretation of findings
Since the chi-square calculated value (x2) of 13.000a is greater than the chi-square table value (x2) t of
12.592, we reject the null hypothesis which says there is no significant relationship between socio-
cultural factors and pregnancy outcomes and accept the alternative hypothesis that says there is
significant relationship between pregnancy outcomes and socio-cultural factors.
Hypothesis 2: “There is significant relationship between pregnancy outcomes and use of maternal health
facilities”.
Table of respondents showing cross tabulation of method of delivery use by
pregnancy outcome
What method of Which one have you experienced in any of the following pregnancy outcomes?
delivery system Survival of Survival of mother Survival of Mortality of
does woman use mother and and infant, and mother and mother and
when pregnant? child survival of mother death of child Total
but infant mortality child
Maternal health 32 16 8 0 56
facilities
Traditional Birth 6 0 8 0 14
System
Both 42 4 0 2 48
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Total 80 20 16 2 118
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ii. Parents and young adult of child bearing age are advised to scrutinize their culture very well in other to
jettison the aspect of the culture that could pose problem or cause negative effect on pregnancy outcome,
while the aspect that could yield positive effect should be embraced.
iii. While still embracing people’s culture the people of Ogu should endeavour to make use of the available
health facilities in their community in order to have safe delivery among many pregnant women in Ogu
community.
iv. Government, NGOs and Philanthropists should embark on poverty alleviation programs and projects in the
area in order to help boost the socio-economic status of the people in the area.
v. Government should endeavour to provide more health delivery services at affordable prices to the people in
order to encourage them to patronize modern maternity and antenatal services than as they currently
patronize traditional birth atendants.
vi. Government should scrutinize the various existing traditional birth attendants’ centres to make sure they
are carry out in a more descent and professional environment.
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