Salinan Terjemahan APPETI 4
Salinan Terjemahan APPETI 4
Sebuah tinjauan tentang pengaruh ayah pada perilaku makan anak dan asupan
Harap mengutip artikel ini sebagai: Rahill S., Kennedy A. & Kearney J., Tinjauan tentang pengaruh ayah terhadap
perilaku makan dan asupan makanan anak., Appetite (2019 ), doi: https://doi.org/10.1016/ j.appet.2019.104540.
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Penulis Nama dan afiliasi: Stephanie Rahill1, Dr Aileen Kennedy1, Professor John
Kearney1
1
Sekolah Ilmu Biologi dan Kesehatan, Universitas Teknologi Dublin, Kampus Kota, Dublin,
Irlandia
2 Keluarga adalah sistem interaktif yang kompleks, berisi banyak individu dalam rangkaian 3
konteks, yang secara kolektif mempengaruhi hasil perkembangan anak (Mei, Chai dan 4 Burrows,
2017). Definisi keluarga telah berkembang selama bertahun-tahun karena perubahan komposisi 5
rumah tangga dan pengaturan tempat tinggal. Pada akhir 1940-an, George Murdock mendefinisikan
6 keluarga sebagai “. . . orang dewasa dari kedua jenis kelamin setidaknya dua di antaranya
mempertahankan 7 hubungan seksual yang disetujui secara sosial dan satu atau lebih anak yang
dimiliki atau diadopsi dari 8 orang dewasa yang kumpul kebo secara seksual ”(Murdock, 1949).
Sedangkan definisi terbaru lebih digeneralisasikan: "Sebuah keluarga 9 'inti' dibentuk ketika dua
orang (dari kedua jenis kelamin) memilih untuk hidup bersama sebagaisudah menikah
10 pasangan yang, dalam kemitraan terdaftar, atau serikat suka sama suka, baik mereka atau tidak.
beranak; Sebelas orang tua tunggal dengan anak-anak juga merupakan satu kesatuan keluarga,
sedangkan orang yang tinggal sendiri tidak, 12 juga tidak kelompok orang yang tidak terkait yang
memilih untuk berbagi rumah bersama ”(eurostat, 2017). 13 Namun, meskipun definisi keluarga
menguraikan komposisi unit keluarga, 14 tidak secara eksplisit menyatakan apa peran setiap anggota
keluarga. Khususnya dari 15 anggota dewasa, yang harus dipahami untuk menentukan bagaimana
17 Peran ayah dalam keluarga telah berkembang secara dramatis selama satu abad terakhir. Para
ayah yang berusia 18 tahun semakin menghabiskan lebih banyak waktu dengan anak-anak mereka
karena pekerjaan ibu yang tinggi 19 (Bianchi, 2000). Peningkatan dalam pekerjaan ibu telah
menghasilkan peningkatan tanggung jawab pengasuhan 20 ayah, yang dapat secara positif
mempengaruhi anak-anak dan keluarga (Pleck dan 21 Masciadrelli, 2004). Dengan ayah memiliki
lebih banyak tanggung jawab pengasuhan, keterlibatan ayah dalam mengasuh anak dan pola
pengasuhan bersama telah tumbuh (Feinberg, 2003). Sehingga peran ibu dan ayah yang dulunya 23
'tradisional' telah berkembang menjadi kedua orang tua yang memiliki tanggung jawab bersama atau
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25 Studi menunjukkan bahwa kualitas hubungan co-parenting memiliki pengaruh independen 26
pada pengaruh ibu / ayah pada perkembangan anak (May, Chai dan Burrows, 2017; 27 Morgan et
al., 2017). Namun, pergeseran peran dan tanggung jawab ini masih belum sepenuhnya beralih ke
penelitian atau intervensi perubahan perilaku. Morgan et al., (2017) melakukan 29 tinjauan
sistematis uji coba kontrol acak (RCT) menilai intervensi perilaku 30 untuk mengobati atau
mencegah obesitas (Morgan et al., 2017). Temuan mengungkapkan bahwa dalam RCT yang hanya
membutuhkan satu orang tua untuk berpartisipasi, ayah hanya mewakili 6% dari orang tua (Morgan
et al., 32 2017). Selanjutnya, dalam RCT di mana kedua orang tua dapat berpartisipasi, 92% tidak 33
melaporkan temuan dari ayah (Morgan et al., 2017). Tinjauan serupa dilakukan oleh 34 Davison et
al. (2018), dengan temuan dari tinjauan sistematis ini menyoroti kurangnya 35 partisipasi ayah
dalam intervensi, terutama pada anak-anak yang lebih kecil, dan menyarankan bahwa teori 36 yang
berfokus pada keluarga sebagai satu kesatuan dapat membantu mendukung partisipasi ayah (Davison
et al., 37 2018).
Perspektif teori sistem keluarga menyiratkan bahwa perkembangan perilaku makan anak dapat
dipengaruhi oleh interaksi individu anak dengan 40 anggota keluarga lainnya dan hubungan antara
anggota keluarga lainnya (Minuchin, 1985; Pulley et al., 41 2014). Bukti hingga saat ini
menunjukkan bahwa ada perbedaan minimal antara kemampuan ibu dan ayah 42 dalam mengasuh
anak, atau cenderung pada kebutuhan fisik mereka, kecuali untuk menyusui 43 (Spinney, 2011).
Meskipun penelitian tentang keterlibatan dan pengaruh ayah dalam 44 domain pemberian makan
anak telah diteliti, sejauh ini penelitian tersebut belum dilakukan pada 45 ibu. Oleh karena itu, tujuan
dari tinjauan naratif ini adalah: 1) untuk mengkaji peran dan tanggung jawab ayah dalam pemberian
makan anak dan faktor-faktor yang berhubungan dengan tanggung jawab ayah dalam pemberian
makan anak; 2) untuk menetapkan bagaimana model ayah, pola makan ayah, dan 48 praktik
pemberian makan ayah berhubungan dengan perilaku makan anak dan asupan makanan; dan 3) ke
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49 mengeksplorasi peran persepsi ibu tentang peran makan ayah, serta bagaimana perilaku ibu dan
51 Tujuan tinjauan ini diilustrasikan secara lebih rinci pada Gambar 1. Bagian yang menjelaskan
tujuan pertama dan kedua diwakili oleh latar belakang kuning, jingga dan biru, sehingga banyak
faktor yang merupakan komponen dari individu ayah, rumah tangga. , dan 54 kehidupan masyarakat
(biru) mempengaruhi peran / tanggung jawab ayah (oranye) dan perilaku selama 55 waktu makan
(kuning), yang secara kolektif dapat mempengaruhi asupan makanan anak. Tujuan ketiga 56
diwakili oleh latar belakang hijau, oranye dan kuning. Pertama, mengikuti 57 panah hijau searah,
persepsi dan perilaku ibu (hijau) mempengaruhi 58 peran ayah (oranye) dan perilaku selama waktu
makan (kuning). Kedua, panah hijau dua arah 59 menunjukkan bahwa ada hubungan potensial
antara faktor ibu dan ayah yang 60 secara kolektif dapat mempengaruhi asupan makanan anak. Oleh
karena itu, untuk mengembangkan intervensi yang 61 mempromosikan keterlibatan ibu dan ayah,
penting untuk membentuk pemahaman tentang 62 peran dan tanggung jawab kedua orang tua dalam
memberi makan anak mereka dan pada akhirnya mengidentifikasi 63 perbedaan dalam bagaimana
perilaku setiap orang tua dapat mempengaruhi makanan anak mereka. pemasukan.
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64 2. Metodologi
65 Pencarian literatur untuk artikel ilmiah peer-review yang relevan dilakukan menggunakan
Science 66 Direct, PubMed, dan Google Scholar antara Juli hingga Desember 2018. "Batasi bahasa
Inggris 67" dan "hapus duplikat" diterapkan ke semua pencarian. Kombinasi dari beberapa dari 68
istilah pencarian utama berikut (tidak eksklusif) digunakan untuk pencarian individu, dengan hanya
69 kata spesifik yang digunakan dalam kaitannya dengan setiap bagian dari tinjauan ini: ayah / ayah
/ ayah, 70 menyusui, peran, tanggung jawab, ayah / praktik pemberian makan ibu / orang tua, 71
waktu makan keluarga, konsumsi makanan, kemiripan, asupan makanan / makanan, perilaku makan
anak, 72 ibu / ibu, perbandingan. Misalnya, pencarian tentang peran ayah dalam pemberian makan
anak 73 akan berisi hal-hal berikut (ayah ATAU ayah ATAU ayah) DAN (peran ATAU tanggung
jawab ATAU keterlibatan 74) DAN (pemberian makan anak ATAU praktik pemberian makan ATAU
waktu makan keluarga). Selain itu, 75 studi lebih lanjut diidentifikasi dari daftar referensi studi yang
disertakan.
76 Kriteria inklusi: Artikel dipertimbangkan jika tersedia dalam teks lengkap di jurnal review 77
sejawat dan dalam bahasa Inggris, hingga Desember 2018. Baik studi kuantitatif dan 78 kualitatif
disertakan dalam tinjauan naratif ini. Rentang usia penelitian termasuk 79 tahun dari lahir hingga 18
tahun. Tabel dibuat untuk memberikan gambaran umum dari 80 studi yang dibahas di setiap bagian.
Namun, beberapa penelitian digunakan di lebih dari satu penelitian dan 81 oleh karena itu
dimasukkan ke dalam tabel berdasarkan saat pertama kali muncul dalam literatur.
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82 3. Hasil
83 Sejalan dengan tujuan tinjauan naratif ini, bagian hasil dibagi menjadi tiga 84 topik menyeluruh,
yang kesemuanya merupakan komponen penting dalam keterlibatan ayah dalam 85 pemberian
makan anak: tanggung jawab ayah dan peran dalam anak makanan; perilaku ayah selama 86 waktu
makan; dan persepsi dan perilaku ibu dalam konteks tanggung jawab dan praktik pemberian makan
dari ayah. Dalam masing-masing dari tiga bagian, topik keseluruhan 88 diuraikan, yang mengarah
pada pembuatan sub-bagian. Oleh karena itu, 89 hasil disajikan dengan garis besar dan ringkasan
studi yang disertakan, diikuti dengan tabel untuk tiga 90 bagian, yang mencakup informasi yang
92 Hasil studi menyelidiki ayahtanggung jawab yang dirasakan dan peran pada anak makan 93
disajikan pada Tabel1.Peran seorang ayah dalam mengasuh anaknya lebih banyak didefinisikan
secara longgar oleh masyarakat daripada peran seorang ibu, dengan persepsi ayah tentang perannya
sebagai pendorong potensial dari 95 perilakunya (Tamis-Lemonda dan Cabrera, 1999; Parke, 2008).
Jenis interaksi yang dimiliki ibu dan ayah 96 dengan anak mereka cenderung unik tetapi mungkin
juga kontras satu sama lain, sehingga perilaku ayah dapat berkontribusi pada perkembangan anak
dalam 98 cara alternatif dari ibu anak (Doherty , Kouneski dan Erickson, 1998; Pulley et 99 al.,
2014). Oleh karena itu, untuk memahami bagaimana peran ayah dalam pemberian makan anak
memengaruhi
perkembangan 100 anak, kita perlu mengeksplorasi perkembangan peran dan tanggung jawabnya 101
dari masa bayi hingga masa kanak-kanak. Selain mengeksplorasi tingkat keterlibatan dan tanggung
jawab ayah 102 dan menetapkan faktor-faktor yang mungkin berkontribusi pada tingkat keterlibatan
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104 3.1.1 Peran Ayah dalam Enam BulanKehidupan Anak
Pertama105 Pertama, penting untuk mempertimbangkan dasar-dasar peran orang tua karena hal ini
dapat 106 membantu memahami bagaimana peran berkembang sepanjang kehidupan anak dari lahir
hingga dewasa. 107 Di seluruh dunia, salah satu dari banyak keputusan yang dihadapi orang tua baru
adalah apakah akan menyusui atau susu formula 108 memberi makan bayi mereka yang baru lahir,
dengan ibu secara alami memiliki hak suara, menurut 75-109 80% ayah (Kenosi et al., 2011 ;
Bennett, McCartney dan Kearney, 2016; Hansen, Tesch 110 dan Ayton, 2018). Oleh karena itu, sejak
awal, ayah adalah pengambil keputusan sekunder tentang asupan makanan paling awal bagi anak
mereka, yang mungkin dapat memengaruhi pengambilan keputusan praktik pemberian makan mereka
di masa depan. Ada perbedaan tanggung jawab pemberian makan antara ibu 113 dan ayah tergantung
pada apakah bayi disusui atau diberi susu formula. 114 rutinitas pemberian makan untuk bayi yang
diberi susu formula memiliki kesempatan untuk dibagi antara kedua orang tua, dengan pembagian
tanggung jawab 115 antara orang tua yang lebih sulit dengan bayi yang disusui, bahkan dengan
ketersediaan 116 pompa ASI. Oleh karena itu, peran ayah dari bayi yang disusui, dalam hal
pemberian makan, pada akhirnya adalah sebagai orang pendukung. Peran sebagai orang pendukung
sangat penting, dengan 118 bukti yang menunjukkan bahwa dukungan ayah untuk pasangan
menyusui mereka merupakan 119 komponen penting dalam memastikan pengalaman menyusui yang
positif bagi ibu dan anak 120 (Rempel dan Rempel, 2011; Brown dan Davies , 2014). Secara
keseluruhan, meskipun demikian, seringkali 121 dilaporkan oleh ayah bahwa menyusui dapat
membuat ayah merasa tersisih atau tidak penting dalam kehidupan 122 anak dan menghilangkan
waktu ikatan dengan anak mereka (Rempel dan Rempel, 2011; 123 Bennett, McCartney dan Kearney,
2016 ). Secara keseluruhan, jelas bahwa peran ayah dari 124 bayi yang disusui berbeda dengan peran
ayah dari bayi yang diberi susu formula, dalam hal memiliki 125 pilihan apakah akan terlibat secara
fisik atau tidak. Penelitian perlu menetapkan apakah peran 126 ayah terhadap bayi yang disusui
selama pemberian makanan pendamping ASI dan masa kanak-kanak selanjutnya berbeda dengan
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128 3.1.2 Peran ayah dalam memberi makan anak di atas usia enam bulan
129 Baik studi kuantitatif maupun kualitatif telah memperoleh pemahaman tentang peran ayah dalam
130 pemberian makan anak. Namun, mengingat sifat studi kualitatif, mereka telah memberikan lebih
banyak 131 informasi yang diberikan tanggapan subjektif deskriptif. Studi kuantitatif sampai saat ini
telah 132 menggunakan subskala tanggung jawab yang dirasakan dari Kuesioner Makan Anak (CFQ)
(KM 133 Mallan et al., 2014; Kimberley M Mallan et al., 2014; Vollmer, Adamsons, Foster, et al.,
134 2015b) dan The Role of The Father Questionnaire (ROFQ) (KM Mallan et al., 2014; 135
Vollmer, Adamsons, Foster, et al., 2015b). ROFQ selanjutnya diadaptasi oleh Vollmer dan 136
rekannya menjadi Role of The Father at Mealtimes Questionnaire (ROFMQ) 137 (Vollmer,
Adamsons, Foster, et al., 2015b). ROFQ menilai keyakinan ayah tentang 138 sikap umum dan
keterlibatan mereka dalam pengasuhan anak dan oleh karena itu sulit untuk memahami keterlibatan
ayah dalam memberi makan saat menggunakan kuesioner ini secara mandiri. 140 Namun, kedua studi
yang menggunakan alat ini telah mengeksplorasi skor rata-rata ROFQ di 141 aspek pemberian makan
anak. Menurut judul makalah oleh (KM Mallan et al., 2014) dan 142 analisis selanjutnya yang
dilakukan, 'frekuensi makan dengan anak' adalah variabel dependen 143 dan dengan demikian
menunjukkan bahwa ini adalah sejauh mana peran ayah pada anak. makanan. Rata-rata skor 144
subskala dari ROFQ dan ROFMQ diperiksa dalam kaitannya dengan 145 tanggung jawab yang
dirasakan ayah dan praktik pemberian makan ayah, dengan hanya keterlibatan selama 146 waktu
makan yang secara signifikan terkait (Vollmer, Adamsons, Foster, et al., 2015b). Temuan di 147
dalam kaitannya dengan praktik pemberian makan ayah memberikan lebih banyak wawasan tentang
peran perilaku ayah selama 148 waktu makan, sehingga keterlibatan yang lebih tinggi dikaitkan
dengan laporan yang lebih rendah untuk mengontrol 149 praktik pemberian makan, dengan Vollmer
dan rekannya menyarankan bahwa keterlibatan ayah yang tinggi 150 mungkin melindungi anak.
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152 Persepsi tanggung jawab subskala (CFQ) digunakan dalam tiga studi kuantitatif (K. 153 M.
Mallan et al., 2014; Kimberley M Mallan et al., 2014; Vollmer, Adamsons, Foster, et al., 154 2015b )
dan memberikan indikasi yang jelas tentang tingkat tanggung jawab ayah pada tiga 155 komponen
penting dalam menyiapkan makanan: mengatur makanan anak mereka, menentukan 156 porsi anak
mereka dan memutuskan jenis makanan yang disajikan. Persiapan makan adalah komponen besar
dari 157 tanggung jawab memberi makan anak, yang dapat melibatkan banyak waktu dan
keterampilan, tergantung pada jenis 158 makanan yang disiapkan. Namun, sayangnya, data dari studi
160 Temuan dari dua studi kualitatif agak menguraikan hal ini, dengan ayah dalam 161 studi ini
melaporkan bahwa berbagi peran melibatkan memasak dan berbelanja bahan makanan dengan 162
pasangan mereka (Khandpur, Charles dan Davison, 2016; Walsh et al., 2017). Selain itu, 163 jumlah
ayah yang sama melaporkan membagi tugas memberi makan anak dengan ibu anak, misalnya 164,
beberapa ayah melaporkan bahwa pasangan mereka bertanggung jawab untuk memasak sementara
165 mereka bertanggung jawab atas peraturan seputar waktu makan (Khandpur, Charles dan Davison,
2016 ). Temuan 166 dari studi kualitatif menunjukkan bahwa beberapa peran pemberian makan anak
dibagi di antara orang tua, dengan 167 beberapa peran berbeda yang jelas untuk kedua orang tua
168 Menggali dan mendefinisikan peran ayah dalam konteks memberi makan anak memungkinkan
kita untuk memahami 169 bagaimana persepsi dan perilaku ayah dapat memengaruhi asupan
makanan anak. Namun, 170 menentukan seberapa sering ayah menjalankan peran memberi makan
anak mereka harus dieksplorasi karena tingkat tanggung jawab mereka 171 juga dapat mempengaruhi
172 3.1.3 Tingkat tanggung jawab ayah dalam memberi makan anak
173 Ibu merasa mereka memiliki tanggung jawab yang lebih besar dalam memberi makan anak
mereka (Daniels et al., 2013), 174 dengan penelitian yang menunjukkan bahwa ayah memiliki
persepsi tanggung jawab yang jauh lebih rendah daripada 175 ibu (Blissett, Meyer dan Haycraft,
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176 Hanya lima studi sampai saat ini yang mencoba untuk mengukur dan memahami tingkat
tanggung jawab ayah 177, yang meliputi dua studi kuantitatif (KM Mallan et al., 2014; Guerrero et
178 al., 2016) dan tiga studi kualitatif (Horodynski dan Arndt, 2005 ; Khandpur, Charles dan 179
Davison, 2016; Walsh dkk., 2017). Temuan dari penelitian kuantitatif menunjukkan bahwa 180 ayah
memiliki tanggung jawab tertentu dalam memberi makan anak. Lebih dari setengah ayah (~ 50%)
daripra
anak-anaksekolah 181 dilaporkan bertanggung jawab setidaknya setengah dari waktu untuk mengatur
makanan dan 182 memutuskan kualitas dan kuantitas makanan yang ditawarkan kepada anak mereka
selama waktu makan (KM 183 Mallan et al., 2014). Dengan hanya sebagian kecil ayah (10-16%)
yang melaporkan bahwa 184 jarang bertanggung jawab untuk memberi makan anak mereka (KM
Mallan et al., 2014). Selain itu, 185 temuan dari penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa persepsi ayah
yang lebih tinggi dan sikap yang positif terhadap peran mereka sebagai ayah dikaitkan dengan lebih
banyak waktu makan per 187 minggu dengan anak mereka (KM Mallan et al., 2014). Temuan ini
didukung oleh 188 kelompok longitudinal kuantitatif ayah anak prasekolah Amerika (n = 2441), yang
189 menemukan bahwa 43% ayah memiliki pengaruh besar pada nutrisi anak mereka dan hampir 190
50% ayah melaporkan setiap hari. keterlibatan dalam menyiapkan makanan untuk anak mereka dan
192 Meskipun studi kualitatif memperoleh wawasan lebih jauh tentang persepsi dan sikap ayah 193
terhadap peran mereka dalam memberi makan anak, studi kualitatif juga menghitung tingkat tanggung
jawab yang dirasakan ayah berdasarkan tanggapan. Namun, penghitungan tingkat tanggung jawab
perlu 195 dilakukan dengan hati-hati karena ukuran sampel yang rendah dalam tiga studi (n <37)
(Horodynski 196 dan Arndt, 2005; Khandpur, Charles dan Davison, 2016; Walsh et al., 2017).
Khandpur dan 197 rekannya menemukan bahwa 62% (n = 23) ayah melaporkan berbagi tanggung
jawab dengan pasangan mereka 198 sehubungan dengan asupan makanan anak mereka, dengan 16%
ayah melaporkan tanggung jawab tunggal dan 199 sisanya 22% melaporkan bahwa pasangan mereka
semata-mata. bertanggung jawab (Khandpur, Charles dan 200 Davison, 2016). Horodynski dkk.
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201 dikonsumsi makan dengan anak-anak mereka setidaknya sekali sehari, dengan semua ayah
melaporkan bahwa mereka 202 berpartisipasi dalam kegiatan anak baik setiap hari atau akhir pekan,
yang meliputi persiapan 203 makanan, memasak, dan memberi makan (Horodynski dan Arndt, 2005).
Temuan dari studi oleh 204 Walsh et al. (2017) menunjukkan bahwa mayoritas ayah (n = 16/20)
berbagi tanggung jawab 205 dengan pasangannya terkait dengan perilaku diet anak-anak mereka
(Walsh et al., 206 2017). Secara keseluruhan, penelitian kuantitatif dan kualitatif menunjukkan bahwa
mayoritas ayah 207 memiliki semacam tanggung jawab dalam memberi makan anak mereka.
Selanjutnya, kita perlu memantapkan dan mengeksplorasi faktor-faktor yang mempengaruhi peran
210 3.1.4 Faktor yang terkait dengan tanggung jawab dan peran ayah dalam memberi makan anak
211 Penelitian terbatas telah dilakukan dalam domain pemberian makan untuk menetapkan faktor
yang terkait 212 dengan tanggung jawab yang dirasakan dan / atau peran ayah, dengan hanya dua
penelitian kuantitatif Australia 213 yang membahas topik ini secara langsung (KM Mallan et al.,
2014; Kimberley M Mallan et al., 214 2014). Kedua studi tersebut dilakukan oleh Mallan dan rekan,
dengan tujuan dari satu studi 215 (Kimberley M Mallan et al., 2014) untuk mengidentifikasi
karakteristik anak dan ayah 216 yang terkait dengan tanggung jawab yang dirasakan ayah (CFQ).
Tujuan pertama dari penelitian lain (K. 217 M. Mallan et al., 2014) adalah untuk menggambarkan
tanggung jawab yang dirasakan dan tingkat keterlibatan 218 ayah, dengan tujuan kedua untuk
menyelidiki prediktor seberapa sering 219 ayah makan makanan dengan anak mereka. Kedua studi
dilakukan dengan menggunakan kohort yang sama dari 220 ayah Australia dari anak-anak prasekolah
berusia 2 hingga 5 tahun (n = 436). Temuan menunjukkan bahwa 221 peran ayah dalam domain
memberi makan sangat dipengaruhi oleh jumlah jam yang mereka habiskan untuk bekerja, dengan
ayah yang menghabiskan lebih banyak waktu untuk bekerja memiliki tanggung jawab yang dirasakan
secara signifikan lebih rendah dalam memberi makan anak mereka (Kimberley M Mallan et al.,
2014). Selain 224 jam kerja, memiliki anak yang lebih tua, status sosial-ekonomi yang lebih tinggi,
dan kepedulian terhadap berat badan 225 anak mereka semua secara signifikan terkait dengan
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226 tanggung jawab untuk makan, sementara jenis kelamin anak, usia ayah, ayah BMI, dan tingkat
pendidikan 227 tidak berhubungan secara signifikan (Kimberley M Mallan et al., 2014). Penelitian ini
berkontribusi 228 pada penelitian terbatas yang telah dilakukan untuk mengetahui pengaruh SES
terhadap 229 peran ayah dalam memberi makan anaknya dan akibatnya, praktik pemberian makan
dimanfaatkan oleh 230 ayah (Kimberley M Mallan et al., 2014). Temuan dari (KM Mallan et al.,
2014) juga 231 menemukan bahwa ayah yang menghabiskan lebih banyak waktu dalam pekerjaan
berbayar melaporkan lebih sedikit makan / minggu dengan 232 anak mereka. Sementara tingkat yang
lebih tinggi dari rasa tanggung jawab dan lebih terlibat serta melibatkan 233 ayah (ROFQ skor tinggi)
melaporkan makan lebih banyak / minggu dengan anak mereka (KM Mallan et 234 al., 2014). Umur
dan jenis kelamin anak, serta umur ayah, IMT dan pendidikan tidak 235 berhubungan dengan
frekuensi makan / minggu dengan anaknya (KM Mallan et al., 2014). 236 Meskipun bukan tujuan
utama dari studi kualitatif oleh Walsh et al. (2017), yang 237 mewawancarai dua puluh ayah Australia
anak-anak prasekolah, analisis tema menurut pendidikan / pekerjaan ayah 238 mengungkapkan tidak
ada perbedaan substansial dalam pandangan ayah, 239 dalam hal tanggung jawab bersama, teladan,
dan pengetahuan, untuk menyebutkan sedikit (Walsh et al., 240 2017). Secara keseluruhan, mengingat
temuan yang tidak konsisten dalam hal SES dan tingkat pendidikan dalam kaitannya dengan tanggung
jawab dan peran ayah 241, dan seperti yang disarankan dalam tinjauan sistematis oleh Khandpur et
242 al. (2014); studi perlu merekrut ayah dari beragam etnis / ras, sosial ekonomi, dan 243 latar
belakang geografis (Khandpur et al., 2014). Sebagai kesimpulan, temuan dari studi 244 ini
menunjukkan bahwa serangkaian faktor ayah dan anak memengaruhi tingkat tanggung jawab ayah.
245 Waktu makan keluarga adalah peluang utama agar peran dan tanggung jawab berkembang dan
berkembang. Oleh karena itu, perlu untuk menetapkan perilaku ayah selama waktu makan, yang
11
248 3.2 Perilaku ayah selama waktu makan
249 Tabel 2a merangkum studi yang mengeksplorasi bagaimana ayah dapat memengaruhi asupan
makanan anak 250 selama waktu makan dalam hal model ayah dan kemiripan antara asupan makanan
ayah dan 251 anak mereka, sementara Tabel 2b merangkum studi yang berfokus pada 252 praktik
pemberian makan ayah. Waktu makan keluarga dan pentingnya waktu makan adalah tema yang
berulang dalam studi kualitatif yang menyelidiki peran ayah dalam memberi makan anak mereka.
Walsh dkk. 254 (2017) menemukan bahwa ayah Australia anak-anak prasekolah percaya bahwa waktu
makan adalah 255 bagian penting dari "jalinan sosial keluarga", yang memungkinkan mereka untuk
saling berbagi 256 dan mengembangkan tradisi keluarga (Walsh et al., 2017). Demikian pula dalam
studi kualitatif oleh 257 Horodynski et al. (2005) ayah percaya bahwa interaksi orang tua dengan
anak mereka selama 258 waktu makan adalah tanggung jawab dan mayoritas ayah merasa bahwa 259
rutinitas dan ritual makan itu penting (Horodynski dan Arndt, 2005). Dalam studi ini, rutinitas waktu
makan dan 260 ritual didefinisikan sebagai “aktivitas yang mencakup dan mengatur pemilihan,
persiapan, 261 dan makan makanan” (Horodynski dan Arndt, 2005). Waktu makan keluarga memberi
262 kesempatan kepada orang tua untuk terlibat dan berinteraksi dengan anak mereka dalam
lingkungan yang berpusat pada makanan, yang memungkinkan 263 transfer pengetahuan dan sikap
ayah terhadap makanan melalui model ayah dan 264 praktik pemberian makan ayah. Untuk tujuan
tinjauan pemodelan paternal ini dan kemiripan 265 keluarga dari asupan makanan akan dibahas secara
terpisah karena literatur saat ini mengungkapkan bahwa 266 meskipun pola makan orang tua dan anak
mereka terkait, ada bukti yang berkembang yang menyarankan 267 bahwa pola makan orang tua dan
pemodelan orang tua adalah dua konstruksi yang berbeda (Harris dan Ramsey, 268 2015; Larsen,
makan orang tua mereka sebagai 'norma' yang dapat memengaruhi asupan makanan mereka
sehingga anak-anak 272 mengadopsi perilaku makan orang tua mereka (Bandura, 1977). Oleh
konsumsi jangka panjang 274 anak-anak dalam hal pilihan makanan dan kuantitas yang dikonsumsi
(Herman dan 275 Polivy, 2005; Larsen, Roel CJ Hermans, et al ., 2015). Model orang tua terjadi
ketika 276 orang tua dengan sengaja mendemonstrasikan pilihan makanan sehat dan perilaku makan
untuk mendorong 277 perilaku serupa pada anak; atau orang tua secara tidak sengaja menunjukkan
278 perilaku makan yang tidak sehat di depan anak (Vaughn et al., 2016). Dalam literatur saat ini,
banyak 279 studi telah berfokus pada pengaruh pemodelan yang disengaja dari kebiasaan sehat,
karena lebih sulit untuk menilai pemodelan peran yang tidak sehat karena kurangnya kesadaran akan
perilaku ini dan 281 kemungkinan bias respons yang lebih besar (Vaughn et al., 2016). Tinjauan
sistematis dan analisis meta 282 oleh Yee et al., (2017) mengungkapkan ada hubungan positif yang
kuat antara 283 model orang tua dan pola konsumsi makanan sehat dan tidak sehat anak mereka 284
(Yee et al., 2017). Namun, kita harus mempertimbangkan bahwa dalam tinjauan ini 285 pertama,
pemodelan orang tua juga mencakup perilaku konsumsi makanan orang tua sendiri 286 (Yee et al.,
2017). Kedua, dari delapan belas studi yang dimasukkan dalam meta-analisis 287 (hanya makanan
sehat yang menjadi panutan), lima studi memasukkan ayah tetapi mereka hanya mewakili 288
proporsi kecil dari keseluruhan ukuran sampel (Brown dan Ogden, 2004; Cooke et al. ., 2004; 289
Wardle, Carnell dan Cooke, 2005; Reinaerts et al., 2007; Goldman, Radnitz dan McGrath, 290 2012),
dengan hanya satu studi yang hanya berfokus pada ayah (Harris dan Ramsey, 2015). Selain 291,
hanya satu dari lima studi yang mengeksplorasi hubungan antara role model dan 292 konsumsi
makanan tidak sehat (Yee et al., 2017) memiliki sampel kecil ayah (n = 15) (Brown 293 dan Ogden,
2004).
294 Terbukti dengan kurangnya studi yang termasuk dalam tinjauan sistematis / meta-analisis oleh
(Yee et 295 al., 2017), hingga saat ini hanya dua studi yang secara langsung menilai pemodelan
ayah, dengan keduanya menggunakan 296 Kuesioner Praktik Pemberian Makan Komprehensif
(CFPQ ) (Harris dan Ramsey, 2015; 297 Watterworth et al., 2017). Penelitian oleh Harris & Ramsey
anak-anak 299 berusia 3 sampai 13 tahun -old dan menemukan bahwa model ayah yang dilaporkan
tidak terkait dengan 300 asupan buah, sayuran atau minuman yang dimaniskan oleh anak-anak
(Harris dan Ramsey, 2015). 301 Studi oleh Watterworth et al., (2017) yang memiliki sampel 44
keluarga Kanada dengan setidaknya 302 anak usia prasekolah, menemukan bahwa model ayah
dikaitkan dengan skor risiko gizi 303 anak yang lebih rendah (Watterworth et al., 2017). Namun,
perbandingan tidak dapat dibuat 304 antara studi-studi ini, karena variabel hasil diet anak-anak
berbeda dan rentang usia di setiap studi juga tidak dapat dibandingkan.
306 Tiga studi kualitatif sampai saat ini telah mengeksplorasi persepsi ayah tentang pemodelan peran
dan pentingnya (Khandpur et al., 2016; Fielding-Singh, 2017; Walsh et al., 2017). Para ayah dalam
studi kualitatif 308 yang dilakukan oleh Walsh dan rekannya percaya bahwa mereka memiliki
tanggung jawab sebagai model peran pertama bagi anak mereka dalam hal perilaku makan yang
sehat. Namun, mereka merasa ada 310 informasi yang kurang untuk memandu mereka dan bahwa
informasi yang andal harus lebih mudah diakses 311 (Walsh et al., 2017). Mayoritas ayah dalam
penelitian ini percaya bahwa ada banyak 312 kesempatan untuk memberi contoh dan memengaruhi
perilaku makan anak-anak mereka, baik melalui perkataan maupun tindakan mereka di sekitar waktu
makan (Walsh et al., 2017). Lebih dari 35% ayah dalam penelitian kualitatif 314 oleh Khandpur et al.,
(2016b) melaporkan menggunakan model peran untuk mendorong 315 anak mereka yang berusia 2
hingga 10 tahun untuk mengonsumsi makanan yang seimbang (Khandpur et al., 2016). 316 Temuan
dari studi kualitatif oleh Fielding-Singh (2017) menunjukkan bahwa 317 ayah Amerika dari remaja
merasa bahwa itu bukan tanggung jawab mereka untuk memasak atau menyediakan makanan sehat
untuk 318 anak mereka; sebaliknya, bagi para ayah, makanan melalui drive-through dan makanan
olahan adalah solusi umum 319 ketika dihadapkan pada tugas-tugas yang berhubungan dengan
makanan (Fielding-Singh, 2017). Kurangnya tanggung jawab memberi makan 320 pada ayah remaja
dapat dikaitkan dengan usia anak mereka dan kemampuan potensial mereka untuk menyiapkan dan
kecil percaya bahwa peran 323 pemodelan penting untuk mempromosikan perilaku makan yang
sehat, namun, temuan menunjukkan bahwa 324 ayah perlu lebih sadar akan perilaku mereka di
sekitar makanan karena mereka dapat mempromosikan 325 anak mereka. asupan makanan sehat dan
tidak sehat. Despite these findings, it is also necessary 326 to examine the dietary intake between
fathers and their child, because as previously stated 327 paternal modelling can transfer eating
behaviours from parent to child and is not always 328 intentional (Vaughn et al., 2016).
329 3.2.2 The association between father and child dietary intake
330 Several studies to date have attempted to establish family resemblance in the dietary intake 331
patterns, including both parents and at least one child. Findings from a systematic review and 332
meta-analysis revealed that there are weak to moderate associations between parents and 333
children's dietary intake (Wang et al., 2011). Although there has been no systematic review 334 or
meta-analysis conducted with studies containing fathers only, two longitudinal studies 335 (Guerrero
et al., 2016; Walsh et al., 2016), seven cross-sectional studies (Hall et al., 2011; 336 Zuercher,
Wagstaff and Kranz, 2011; Lloyd et al., 2014; Harris and Ramsey, 2015; Vollmer, 337 Adamsons,
Gorin, et al., 2015; Walsh et al., 2015; Hebestreit et al., 2017), and one 338 randomised-control trial
(Williams et al., 2018) have investigated the potentially similarities 339 between father's and their
child's dietary intake. The two longitudinal studies have only 340 investigated the influence of fathers'
behaviours on pre-school aged children's dietary intake. 341 The large American longitudinal study
(n=2441) by Guerroro et al., (2016) found that 342 children had a lower odds ratio of consuming
sugar-sweetened beverages (SSB) at 4 years of 343 age if their fathers consumed breakfast more
frequently with them when they were 2-years 344 old (Guerrero et al., 2016). Whereas, fathers who
reported eating out more often with their 345 child had children who were more likely to eat fast food
and consume SSB (Guerrero et al., 346 2016). The other longitudinal study by Walsh et al., (2016)
of fruit and sweet snacks were positively associated with their child's intake of these foods 349
between 20 months and 5 years of age (Walsh et al., 2016). In addition, a father's intake 350 when the
child was 20 months old was positively associated with a change in their child's 351 sweet snack and
SSB intake at both 3.5 and 5 years of age, along with an increase in their 352 child's fruit intake at 3.5
353 The cross-sectional studies included had a low to large sample size ranging from 50 to 566 354
fathers, with two studies focusing on preschool-aged children (Vollmer, Adamsons, Gorin, et 355 al.,
2015; Walsh et al., 2015), two on primary school-aged children (Hall et al., 2011; Lloyd 356 et al.,
2014), two on both age groups (Zuercher, Wagstaff and Kranz, 2011; Harris and 357 Ramsey, 2015)
and one study in children aged six to sixteen years old (Hebestreit et al., 358 2017). The studies were
conducted in primarily Australian (Hall et al., 2011; Lloyd et al., 359 2014; Walsh et al., 2015) or
American (Zuercher, Wagstaff and Kranz, 2011; Harris and 360 Ramsey, 2015; Vollmer, Adamsons,
Gorin, et al., 2015) samples of fathers, with one study 361 conducted in a European sample of fathers
(Hebestreit et al., 2017). Findings from cross 362 sectional studies revealed that fathers' intake of fruit
(Hall et al., 2011; Zuercher, Wagstaff 363 and Kranz, 2011; Harris and Ramsey, 2015; Vollmer,
Adamsons, Gorin, et al., 2015; Walsh 364 et al., 2015) and vegetables (Zuercher, Wagstaff and Kranz,
2011; Harris and Ramsey, 2015; 365 Vollmer, Adamsons, Gorin, et al., 2015; Walsh et al., 2015) were
moderately to strongly 366 positively associated with their child's intake of these food groups, with
both positive (Hall et 367 al., 2011; Walsh et al., 2015) and inverse (Harris and Ramsey, 2015)
associations observed 368 with a child's and fathers' intakes of energy-dense foods.
369 Alternative methods to identify family resemblance have been conducted in cross-sectional 370
studies in recent years to look beyond food group resemblance and take into consideration 371 energy
16
372 Kranz, 2011), and dietary patterns (Hebestreit et al., 2017). Lloyd et al., (2014) found a 373
significant bivariate association between paternal and child percentage energy from core 374 foods (ie
foods providing essential nutrients for health) (Lloyd et al., 2014). The study by 375 Zuercher et al.,
(2011) found significant correlations between fathers' and children's nutrient 376 intake and if a
father's intake was on course to meet their recommended nutrient intake, this 377 doubled the odds
for their child's diets to also meet recommendations (Zuercher, Wagstaff 378 and Kranz, 2011).
Finally, in terms of dietary patterns a large (n=566) cross-sectional 379 European study found that
children's “Sweet & Fat” dietary pattern was associated with 380 fathers' “Sweet & Fat” dietary
patterns when they shared at least one meal a day with them 381 (Hebestreit et al., 2017). In addition,
the same dietary pattern correlation was evident 382 between children and their fathers when soft
drinks were available in the home (Hebestreit et 383 al., 2017). The RCT called Healthy Dads,
Healthy Kids was implemented in Southern 384 Australian in 93 overweight or obese fathers with
primary school-aged children to help 385 fathers achieve their weight loss goals and educate them on
how to be a role model of 386 positive health behaviours for their children (Williams et al., 2018).
Findings from 3 months 387 post-RCT suggest that there was significant correlations between
changes in fathers' and their 388 child's intakes of carbohydrates, fruits, vegetarian sources of protein
and the frequency of 389 meals eaten with vegetables (Williams et al., 2018).
390 It should be noted that when evaluating these type of studies, it is important to take into 391
consideration the reporter-bias of the child's dietary intake. Findings from a recent study 392 revealed
that there were significant parent-respondent interactions, such that there was a 393 stronger
parent-child association with the diet of parent reporting child's intake than the other 394 parent
(Vepsäläinen et al., 2018). In relation to the seven studies discussed, it is difficult to 395 determine if
reporter-bias influences these observed findings; as the child's intake was 396 reported by mothers in
three studies (both studies by Walsh and colleagues use the same
17
397 sample cohort) (Hall et al., 2011; Walsh et al., 2015; Williams et al., 2018), by fathers in two 398
studies (Harris and Ramsey, 2015; Vollmer, Adamsons, Gorin, et al., 2015), unclear in three 399
studies (Lloyd et al., 2014; Guerrero et al., 2016; Hebestreit et al., 2017), and one study also 400
unclear for younger children (<6 years old) but self-reported by older children (Zuercher, 401
402 Overall, current research illustrates the positive and negative influence of paternal intake on 403
child's food preference and subsequent food intake. Future studies should promote children's 404
self-reported dietary intake (in children ≥ 8 years old (Burrows et al., 2013)) or use more 405
advanced methods of dietary assessment (eg biochemical sample analysis) to eliminate 406 reporter's
bias. All of the longitudinal studies reported in this review were in younger 407 children (<
5-years-old) and therefore it is difficult to determine if observed father-child 408 correlations track
into later childhood when the child becomes more autonomous and is 409 subjected to numerous
social and environmental factors. In addition, more research is 410 required to determine the potential
mechanisms that explain the associations between parent 411 and a child's dietary intakes.
412 Family mealtimes also allow fathers to enforce rules around food and to encourage children 413
to consume their dinner through paternal feeding practices. Therefore, it is important to 414 establish
the association between paternal feeding practices and children's eating behaviours 415 and dietary
intake.
417 Parenting practices relate to the behaviours or actions of parents for child-rearing purposes 418
that may impact their child's beliefs, behaviours, and attitudes (Vaughn et al., 2016). 419 Parenting
behaviours can be domain-specific and parenting practices can vary based on the 420 context in which
18
421 feeding practices (Vaughn et al., 2016). Within the last two decades, there has been an 422
increase in the quantity of research on paternal feeding practices and their association with 423
various child outcomes. To understand these associations, the child and paternal 424 characteristics
the studies exploring this association are primarily cross-sectional quantitative 427 studies, except for
one longitudinal study (Matton et al., 2013). Four studies found no 428 differences in paternal feeding
practices based on child's gender (Blissett, Meyer and 429 Haycraft, 2006; EL Haycraft and JM
Blissett, 2008a; Payne, Galloway and Webb, 2011; 430 Haycraft and Blissett, 2012), with three
studies illustrating that fathers reported more pressure 431 to eat with their sons than their daughters
(Orrell-Valente et al., 2007; Loth et al., 2013; 432 Pulley et al., 2014). Findings from the longitudinal
study suggest that more paternal 433 monitoring led a reduction in overeating in only boys over the 6
month follow-up period, 434 with these results marginally significant (Matton et al., 2013). In terms
of a child's age, 435 fathers of older children reported more feeding responsibilities (Kimberley M
Mallan et al., 436 2014) and restriction if concerned about their child's weight (Musher-Eizenman et
al., 2009; 437 Payne, Galloway and Webb, 2011) than fathers of younger children. However, two
studies 438 found no association between a child's age and paternal controlling feeding practices 439
(Blissett, Meyer and Haycraft, 2006; Haycraft and Blissett, 2012). The review by Khandpur 440 et al.,
(2014) stated that there are inconsistent findings in terms of a child's gender and that 441 fathers
report using food to regulate emotions in younger children more so than older children 442
(Khandpur et al., 2014). Therefore, more longitudinal research is required to establish how 443 the
temporality and stability of paternal feeding practices change as children get older.
444 In terms of paternal characteristics, five studies in the review by Khandpur et al., (2014) 445
focused on paternal weight status or father's perception of his weight status (Khandpur et al.,
19
446 2014). Findings from these studies suggest that higher body dissatisfaction was associated 447
with higher paternal reports of monitoring with their sons (Blissett, Meyer and Haycraft, 448 2006)
and higher reports of pressure to eat with both their sons and daughters (Blissett and 449 Haycraft,
2011). Only one cross-sectional observational study to date has shown an 450 association between
fathers self-reported BMI and paternal use of pressure to eat during 451 feeding (EL Haycraft and JM
Blissett, 2008b), with three other cross-sectional studies 452 finding no associations (Blissett, Meyer
and Haycraft, 2006; Musher-Eizenman et al., 2009; 453 Kimberley M Mallan et al., 2014). Only two
quantitative cross-sectional studies have 454 examined a possible association between paternal
socio-economic status (SES) and paternal 455 feeding practices, with one study suggesting that
fathers from lower SES use more pressure 456 to eat with their children (Kimberley M Mallan et al.,
2014), while the study found no 457 significant associations between SES and paternal controlling
feeding practices (Haycraft and 458 Blissett, 2012). A qualitative study by Khandpur and colleagues
have also explored the 459 influence of fathers' education level and residency status on paternal
feeding practices 460 (Khandpur et al., 2016). Twenty individual feeding practices were identified
within this 461 sample of American fathers, with fathers with higher education levels reporting more
feeding 462 on schedule (75% vs. 50%), modelling eating practices (50% vs. 29%) and using a
distraction 463 to feed (37% vs. 4%) than fathers with lower education levels (Khandpur et al., 2016).
464 Whereas fathers with lower education levels reported higher levels of letting their child 465
dictate food preferences (92% vs. 37%) and using food to bond with their children (29% vs. 466 6%)
467 3.2.3.2 Paternal feeding practices and children's eating behaviours 468 Limited research has
been conducted to establish the association between paternal feeding 469 practices and children's
eating behaviours, with the majority of research conducted in 470 mother-child dyads. However, there
20
471 (Haycraft and Blissett, 2012; Vollmer, Adamsons, Foster, et al., 2015a; Powell et al., 2017; 472
Harris et al., 2018b) and one longitudinal (Matton et al., 2013) quantitative study conducted 473 to
explore this research question. The four cross-sectional studies included fathers of 474 preschool
children (Haycraft and Blissett, 2012; Vollmer, Adamsons, Foster, et al., 2015a; 475 Powell et al.,
2017; Harris et al., 2018b) and the longitudinal study included fathers of 476 school-aged children
(Matton et al., 2013). Studies suggest that paternal reports of restriction 477 and pressure to eat are
associated with higher levels of avoidant eating (Haycraft and Blissett, 478 2012; Vollmer, Adamsons,
Foster, et al., 2015a; Harris et al., 2018b) and decreased ability of 479 the child to self-regulate in the
context of eating (Powell et al., 2017). In contrast Vollmer 480 and colleagues found that paternal
restriction was associated with higher food approach 481 eating behaviours and pressure to eat was
associated with lower food approach eating 482 behaviours (Vollmer, Adamsons, Foster, et al.,
2015a). Finally, as previously mentioned, 483 Matton et al., (2014) found that more paternal
monitoring led a reduction in overeating in 484 only boys over a 6 month follow-up period (Matton et
al., 2013), with Haycraft & Blissett 485 finding that higher paternal monitoring was associated with
decreased emotional under-eating 486 in all children (Haycraft and Blissett, 2012). No qualitative
studies to date have explicitly 487 investigated fathers' behaviours around mealtimes in relation to
their child's eating 488 behaviours. Therefore, more research is required to understand fathers'
attitudes and beliefs 489 in relation to their child's eating behaviours, such as how they respond to
them, while 490 longitudinal studies would allow us to examine the direction of the relationship.
492 Following on from this, we need to establish direct associations between paternal feeding 493
practices and child's dietary intake. As illustrated by the systematic review and meta-analysis 494 by
Yee et al., (2017) there is a large body of research investigating the association between 495 parental
feeding practices and their child's 'healthy' and 'unhealthy' dietary intake. However,
21
496 unfortunately, the majority of studies do not include fathers at all or if fathers are included in 497
the study, they only represent a small proportion of the sample and the results report mothers 498 and
fathers collectively (Yee et al., 2017). To date, only three cross-sectional studies directly 499 explored
the association between paternal feeding practices and a measure of their preschool 500 child's dietary
intake (Vollmer, Adamsons, Gorin, et al., 2015; Lora et al., 2016; 501 Watterworth et al., 2017).
Vollmer and colleagues found no significant association between 502 paternal feeding practices and
their child's dietary quality score (Vollmer, Adamsons, Gorin, 503 et al., 2015). The study by
Watterworth and colleagues used a child's nutrition risk score as 504 an outcome measure of the
child's dietary intake and found that a father's use of coercive 505 feeding practices were associated
with a higher children's nutrition risk score (Watterworth et 506 al., 2017). With fathers' reports of
role modelling, involving children in meal preparation and 507 providing a healthy home, associated
with a reduced children's nutritional risk score in 508 preschool Canadian children (Watterworth et
al., 2017). The cross-sectional study by Lora et 509 al., (2017) found that paternal use of food as a
reward or to calm the child was associated 510 with increased SSB intake in Hispanic but not African
American preschool children (Lora et 511 al., 2016). Therefore, no clear conclusion can be made
given the range of outcome variables 512 used to assess children's dietary intakes. While the potential
long-term influence needs to 513 establish by recruiting a sample of older children or ideally
514 It should also be noted that two longitudinal studies have explored associations between 515
parenting styles and their child's food intake, with parenting styles representing the emotional 516
condition of the parent-child relationship (Alsharairi and Somerset, 2015). The study by 517
Alsharairi & Somerset (2015) found that fathers, who reported a permissive parenting style 518 when
child was aged 4 to 5-years-old, had children with higher odds of consuming >1 portion 519 of fruit
and vegetable two years later, compared to fathers who reported a disengaged 520 parenting style
22
521 parenting style when child was aged 4 to 5-years-old, had children with higher odds of 522
consuming >1 portion of fruit and vegetable two years later (in girls only) and four years later 523 (in
boys only), compared to fathers who reported a disengaged parenting style (Alsharairi and 524
Somerset, 2015). The longitudinal study by Berge and colleagues in American adolescents 525 found
that paternal permissive feeding style predicted their daughter's fruit and vegetable 526 intake five
years later when compared to authoritarian fathers (Berge et al., 2010). More 527 research is required
to establish how the emotional climate in relation to feeding can 528 influence paternal feedings
529 Overall, findings suggest that fathers play an important role in the development of eating 530
behaviours. The context and type of paternal behaviour around mealtimes can determine 531 whether
paternal presence and influence will have a positive or negative influence on a 532 child's eating
behaviours and dietary intake. However, as research predominately focuses on 533 mothers in relation
to child feeding, this review needs to address maternal perceptions of 534 fathers feeding
responsibilities and explore the differences in maternal and paternal 535 behaviours during family
mealtimes.
23
536 3.3 Maternal perceptions and behaviours in the context of paternal feeding responsibilities
538 Mothers are predominately the primary caregiver and according to Townsend are referred to 539
as the 'default parent' (Townsend, 2002). This statement is supported by most studies and 540
interventions that include children as they primarily include mothers as the primary care 541 giver
(Morgan et al., 2017; Davison et al., 2018). As research suggests that mothers are more 542
responsible for feeding their children than fathers, it is necessary to understand their 543 perceptions
in relation to their partners' involvement in feeding their child as this may give 544 insight to the
factors influencing the roles and responsibilities of fathers (Blissett, Meyer and 545 Haycraft, 2006;
Pulley et al., 2014; Ek et al., 2016; Harris et al., 2018a). In addition, 546 children's dietary intake
can be influenced by their mothers' and fathers' attitudes and 547 behaviours, and therefore the
associations between mothers' and fathers' behaviours during 548 mealtimes need to be examined
collectively to determine if similarities or differences exist.
549 3.3.1 Maternal perceptions of fathers feeding roles & responsibilities 550 To establish how
mothers perceive fathers' role in feeding, we need to determine how 551 mothers view their
responsibilities in comparison to fathers. Two qualitative studies 552 addressed this question in
mothers of preschool children (Tanner, Petersen and Fraser, 2014) 553 and adolescents
(Fielding-Singh, 2017). Findings from Tanner and colleagues suggest that all 554 the women (n=24
mothers, n=6 social care providers) participating in the study viewed 555 themselves the primary, or
in some cases the only person responsible for managing their 556 family's diet (Tanner, Petersen and
Fraser, 2014). Women in this study said fathers lack of 557 cooking skills were the most common
reason for fathers not preparing or cooking meals, with 558 many mothers believing they had to cook
in order to provide 'fresh' and healthy family 559 meals. However, the women interviewed were
accepting of their partners lack of 560 involvement, as although fathers were often willing to cook,
24
561 superior cook and in addition had a greater interest in cooking than fathers (Tanner, Petersen 562
and Fraser, 2014). The study by Fielding-Singh (2017) consisted of in-depth interviews of 563
American middle- and upper-class families, with at least one parent and one adolescent 564
interviewed (Fielding-Singh, 2017). Findings suggest that mothers were concerned about 565 fathers
detachment or disinterest in a healthy diet, with mothers worried about fathers 566 modelling of
unhealthy dietary behaviours to adolescents, and fathers feeding adolescents 567 unhealthy foods
(Fielding-Singh, 2017). Mothers in this study did not see food-work or 568 healthy eating as part of
their partners' duties and only a few mothers thought that the 569 unequitable division of labour
570 In terms of general paternal roles, studies have found that maternal perception of a father's 571
responsibility as a carer for their child is a strong predictor of father involvement, regardless 572 of a
father's perception of his role (Grossman, Pollack and Golding, 1988; McBride and 573 Rane, 1997;
McBride et al., 2005). Limited research within a feeding context has been 574 conducted and
therefore it is not fully understood how this psychological concept may 575 influence paternal feeding
practices. A quantitative study in American fathers (n=150) 576 somewhat investigated this concept,
with a father's perception of his partner's views of both 577 his role as a father in general and during
mealtimes not differing from his own perceptions 578 (Vollmer, Adamsons, Foster, et al., 2015b).
These findings suggest that fathers believe that 579 their partner identifies the father as an important
figure within the family and during 580 mealtimes. However, as stated by Vollmer and colleagues in
the limitations of the study, it is 581 difficult to determine if fathers reported their partner's
perceptions of the role of the father 582 accurately and ideally the father's partner should have
584 It is necessary to explore parental perceptions of feeding roles, as they can influence parental 585
behaviours during mealtimes and can be directly interpreted by children. Therefore, the
25
586 similarities or differences between mothers and fathers behaviours during mealtimes need to 587
be examined and subsequently how their behaviours are associated with their child's eating 588
589 3.3.2 The influence of maternal behaviours during family mealtimes in comparison to
591 There is some conflicting evidence within the literature in terms of which parent has the 592
greatest influence on a child's diet, with some studies reporting greater mother-child 593 correlations
(Oliveria et al., 1992; Beydoun and Wang, 2009; Vanhala et al., 2011; Robinson 594 et al., 2015;
Vepsäläinen et al., 2018) and others reporting greater father-child correlations 595 (Vauthier et al.,
1996; Thorsdottir et al., 2006) for food and nutrient intake. The studies that 596 found greater
mother-child dietary associations were generally more recent, and were larger 597 cross-sectional
studies with a larger age range (1-18 years old) (Beydoun and Wang, 2009; 598 Vanhala et al., 2011;
Robinson et al., 2015; Bogl et al., 2017; Vepsäläinen et al., 2018) 599 compared to those who
reported greater father-child correlations (Vauthier et al., 1996; 600 Thorsdottir et al., 2006).
However, in the majority of studies, it is unclear whether the mother 601 or father reported their
child's dietary intake, which may result in reporters-bias and parent 602 respondent interactions, such
that there may be a stronger parent-child association with the 603 diet of parent reporting the child's
605 In terms of parental feeding practices findings from the comprehensive review by Khandpur 606
et al., (2014) illustrate that nine out of twelve studies found significant differences between 607 the
meal-time feeding practices of mothers and fathers, which will be elaborated on below 608
(Khandpur et al., 2014). The three studies that found no significant differences were cross
609 sectional in design and had small sample sizes (two had 23 fathers and one had 107 fathers) 610
(EL Haycraft and JM Blissett, 2008b,a, Blissett and Haycraft, 2011). Khandpur et al.,
26
611 (2014) suggest that in comparison to mothers, fathers reported lower levels of monitoring 612
(Blissett, Meyer and Haycraft, 2006; Blissett and Haycraft, 2008) and frequency of meals 613 with
their child (Haycraft and Blissett, 2012). Fathers were also less likely to monitor 614 children's snack
food intake (Zhang and McIntosh, 2011), place limit on snack foods or 615 ensure availability of fruit
and vegetables (Hendy et al., 2009). In contrast, fathers had a 616 higher level of control in the
amount of food consumed by the child (Hendy et al., 2009), 617 restrictive feeding practices
(Musher-Eizenman et al., 2009) and greater use of pressure to eat 618 (Hendy et al., 2009; Loth et al.,
2013; Tschann et al., 2013) than mothers. While the 619 observational study by Orrell-Valente et al.,
(2007) found that fathers were less likely to use 620 neutral prompts, reasoning, or praise and used
fewer feeding strategies in general per meal 621 than mothers (Orrell-Valente et al., 2007).
622 The studies that have been conducted in the years after Khandpur and colleagues 623
comprehensive review in 2014 also illustrate conflicting evidence between maternal and 624 paternal
feeding practices. The six cross-sectional quantitative studies are primarily in 625 parents of
preschool-aged children (Adamson and Blight, 2014; Powell, Frankel and 626 Hernandez, 2017; Pratt
et al., 2017; Harris et al., 2018b; Jansen et al., 2018). Half of the 627 studies conducted with both
parents (Adamson and Blight, 2014; Pulley et al., 2014; Harris et 628 al., 2018b; Jansen et al., 2018)
and half using the same measurement tool to assess parental 629 feeding practices (Feeding Practices
and Structure Questionnaire) (Powell, Frankel and 630 Hernandez, 2017; Harris et al., 2018b; Jansen
et al., 2018). Out of the six studies, three were 631 in Australian samples (Adamson and Blight, 2014;
Harris et al., 2018b; Jansen et al., 2018) 632 and three were in American samples (Pulley et al., 2014;
Powell, Frankel and Hernandez, 633 2017; Pratt et al., 2017). One study found no significant
difference between mothers and 634 fathers and how they respond to mealtime issues (Adamson and
Blight, 2014). While another 635 study assessed the parental feeding practices of 77 American
27
636 years) and found that fathers reported greater pressure to eat with their children than mothers 637
did, with no differences reported between mothers and fathers use of restrictive feeding 638 practices
(Pulley et al., 2014). Two studies conducted secondary analyses on the same study 639 sample: Mums
and Dads (MAD) for mealtimes (Harris et al., 2018b; Jansen et al., 2018). The 640 study by Jansen
and colleagues included all mothers (n=279) and fathers (n=335) from the 641 MAD for mealtimes
study (Jansen et al., 2018), whereas Harris and colleagues only included 642 mother-father pairs
(n=208) (Harris et al., 2018b). Both studies found that fathers endorsed 643 using food as a reward
for good behaviour more so than mothers (Harris et al., 2018b; Jansen 644 et al., 2018), with no
significant difference observed between mother and father reports of 645 persuasive feeding and
reward for eating (Harris et al., 2018b). In contrast, Jansen and 646 colleagues found that fathers
reported more reward for eating and less covert restriction and 647 structured meal timing than
mothers (Jansen et al., 2018). Differences may exist between 648 studies due to the set of subjects
selected within the sample. Similarly, Powell et al., (2017) 649 found that fathers endorse using food
as a reward for good behaviour more so than mothers 650 (Powell, Frankel and Hernandez, 2017),
and Pratt et al., (2017) also found that fathers used 651 more coercive food parenting strategies and
less structure-based parenting strategies than 652 mothers (Pratt et al., 2017).
653 Findings from two qualitative studies support those from quantitative studies (Tanner, 654
Petersen and Fraser, 2014; Khandpur, Charles and Davison, 2016). Tanner and colleagues 655 suggest
that mothers believe that fathers were 'tougher' or 'harder' with their children than 656 they were and
displayed a more authoritarian role in relation to feeding routines, especially 657 when the father
expressed concern over their child's weight (Tanner, Petersen and Fraser, 658 2014). Khandpur and
colleagues conducted a study investigating fathers perceptions on 659 feeding practices and
responsibilities utilised by them and their partners (Khandpur, Charles 660 and Davison, 2016).
28
661 cooperative food parenting practices with their partner, whereas 40% stated that there were 662
conflicting food parenting practices. Fathers reported that conflict arose around access to 663
energy-dense foods and introducing variety to the diet. Dissimilarities in practices were due 664 to
differences in parental eating habits and feeding philosophies as well as concern for their 665 child's
health/weight, which fathers reported often resulted in the child refusing to eat 666 (Khandpur,
667 Overall, it is clear that there are some differences between maternal and paternal feeding 668
practices. In general, it appears that fathers utilise more coercive feeding practices, which 669
suggests they adopt a more authoritarian figure during mealtimes than mothers. In addition, 670
further research is required to establish both the individual and common predictors of 671 maternal
672 4. Conclusion
673 The literature to date suggests that while mothers still view themselves as the primary 674
caregiver, fathers have some form of responsibility in some aspect of feeding their child, 675 from
deciding food availability in the home (grocery shopping) to interacting with their child 676 during
mealtimes. However, as with research in mother-child dyads, the interactions during 677 mealtimes
between fathers and their children can both positively and negatively influence 678 children's
long-term eating behaviour. These interactions include the types of foods fathers 679 choose to eat in
the presence of their children, which can consequently encourage role 680 modelling and influence
children to adopt a similar eating patterns to their fathers if they 681 frequently engage in mealtimes
with one another. Another interaction during mealtimes and a 682 recurrent theme in the literature is
fathers' greater use of coercive feeding practices in 683 comparison to mothers and its association
with food avoidant eating behaviours in children. 684 Overall, research to date highlights the
importance of including fathers in research relating to 685 children's dietary intakes. Studies to date
29
686 attitude and behaviour in relation to child feeding and have significantly contributed to the 687
literature. However, future research needs to investigate family meals as a broader construct 688 and
include children from infancy to adolescence. The entire family context needs to be taken 689 into
consideration, with both quantitative and qualitative studies necessary to gain a fuller 690
understanding of the differential influence on children's dietary intake from the numerous 691
693 This work was supported by the Department of Agriculture Food and Marine, under the 694
National Development Plan 2000–2006. Department of Agriculture Food and Marine had no 695 role
697 Authorship
698 S. Rahill was involved in compiling the relevant articles and writing the narrative review. A. 699
31
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64