82 85 PB

ISSN: 2087-2119
Volume 8 Nomor 2, Desember 2017
DAFTAR ISI
POVERTY DEBATES IN THE DEWAN RAKYAT

OF THE MALAYSIAN PARLIAMENT
Nazli Aziz.................................................................................................................................... 89-99
THE LIFE OF MUSLIM INDONESIAN STUDENTS IN GERMANY:

CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES
Gilang Maulana Majid ............................................................................................................ 101-113
THE EUROPEAN UNION’S ROLE AS AN INTERNATIONAL ACTOR

IN THE ACEH MONITORING MISSION
Indriana Kartini......................................................................................................................... 115-123
GERAKAN MASYARAKAT ADAT SAMI DAN KONTESTASI

SUMBER DAYA ALAM
Manggala Ismanto ....................................................................................................................... 125-136
AGAMA KHONGHUCU DAN BUDDHA DALAM LINTASAN SEJARAH KOREA

Zaenal Abidin Eko Putro dan Cahyo Pamungkas ................................................................ 137-153
RESEARCH SUMMARY
CRISIS, GROWTH AND CHANGES IN SUB SAHARA AFRICA:
EVIDENCE FROM KENYA
Ahmad Helmy Fuady, Erwiza, Muzzar Kresna and Saiful Hakam ......................................... 155-161
TINJAUAN BUKU
CHINA BELT ROAD INITIATIVE: PEMBANGUNAN INFRASTRUKTUR
DAN PERLUASAN HEGEMONI EKONOMI TIONGKOK DI DUNIA
Paulus Rudolf Yuniarto............................................................................................................... 163-168
i
ISSN: 2087-2119
___________________________________________________________________________
DDC: 361.6
Nazli Aziz
PERDEBATAN KEMISKINAN DI DEWAN PERWAKILAN RAKYAT
PARLEMEN MALAYSIA
Jurnal Kajian Wilayah, Vol. 8 (2) Desember 2017: 89-99
ABSTRAK
Artikel ini menyajikan prediksi perdebatan tentang isu kemiskinan di Malaysia yang diungkapkan
di Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, Parlemen Malaysia. Dengan menggunakan teknik penelitian kualitatif,
fokus utamanya adalah masih adanya isu kemiskinan di Malaysia yang disematkan dalam Pernyataan
Resmi (Hansard) Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat. Namun demikian, menganalisis isu kemiskinan secara
kualitatif akan mengundang keabsahan, dan bersifat ambigu serta terbuka terhadap tantangan. Terlepas
dari keberhasilan pemberantasan kemiskinan di Malaysia, masalah kemiskinan selalu diperdebatkan
hampir di setiap sidang parlemen di Dewan Rakyat. Jika Malaysia berhasil memberantas kemiskinan,
mengapa anggota parlemen masih memperdebatkan isu kemiskinan di Dewan Rakyat sampai sekarang?
Untuk memahami masalah ini, catatan Pernyataan Resmi, Hansard, Dewan Rakyat (1990-2012)
digunakan untuk menggambarkan komposisi isu kemiskinan di daerah perkotaan dan pedesaan di
Malaysia secara kualitatif. Kajian-kajian sebelumnya mengenai kemiskinan di Malaysia dievaluasi
kembali dengan meninjau kembali perdebatan yang dikutip dari Pernyataan Resmi, Hansard, Dewan
Perwakilan Rakyat. Tujuan utamanya adalah untuk memahami apakah ada dan sejauh mana pengentasan
kemiskinan menguntungkan masyarakat dan menyebar ke seluruh wilayah di Malaysia.
Kata kunci: Parlemen Malaysia, Hansard (pernyataan resmi), Anggota Parlemen, Dewan Perwakilan
Rakyat, pengentasan kemiskinan.
___________________________________________________________________________
DDC: 305.6
Gilang Maulana Majid
KEHIDUPAN PELAJAR MUSLIM INDONESIA DI JERMAN:
TANTANGAN DAN PELUANG
ABSTRAK
Imigrasi orang-orang yang melekat pada agama tertentu di negara yang mana sebagian besar
penduduknya tidak memeluk agama yang sama selalu menjadi topik yang menarik untuk dieksplor,
terutama ketika menyangkut wacana mobilitas siswa di dunia pendidikan tinggi. Banyak faktor harus
diperhitungkan sebelum seseorang membuat keputusan ke negara mana untuk melanjutkan studi.
Sebagai umat Islam yang mematuhi nilai-nilai agamanya, setiap faktor yang mendukung kesalehan
seseorang akan dipertimbangkan. Studi ini mengeksplorasi kehidupan pelajar Indonesia Muslim yang
iii
belajar di Jerman. Studi ini berangkat dari motivasi belajar, konsep push dan pull factor yang kemudian
diperkaya dengan perspektif agama. Temuan penelitian menunjukkan bahwa meskipun ada tantangan
yang dihadapi para siswa ini sebagai seorang Muslim, namun masih ada peluang menarik yang mereka
alami ketika tinggal di Jerman yang kemudian dianggap sangat penting dalam kaitannya dengan
keislaman mereka. Menyadari pentingnya wacana semacam ini bagi para imigran Indonesia, baik itu
mahasiswa maupun non-pelajar, maka perlu penelitian lebih lanjut dengan topik yang sama.
Kata kunci: Mahasiswa Muslim Indonesia, Jerman, push-pull factor, pendidikan tinggi, haji
___________________________________________________________________________
DDC: 324.1
Indriana Kartini
PERAN UNI EROPA SEBAGAI AKTOR INTERNASIONAL DALAM MISI
MONITORING ACEH
ABSTRAK
Keterlibatan Uni Eropa (UE) dalam Aceh Monitoring Mission (AMM) merupakan
salah satu cerita sukses dalam penyelesaian konflik secara damai. Dalam misi ini, UE mampu
menunjukkan kepada dunia bahwa mereka merupakan salah satu aktor signifikan dalam politik
internasional. Harus diakui bahwa UE merepresentasikan uncertain image (gambaran yang
kurang jelas) dalam politik internasional yang tingkatannya tidak dapat disejajarkan dengan
negara-bangsa. Artikel ini menganalisis apakah UE memainkan peran signifikan sebagai
aktor internasional dalam proses perdamaian di Aceh melalui pendalaman terhadap kerja
AMM. Dengan memandang UE sebagai entitas yang terlibat dalam isu-isu khusus dan dengan
menekankan pada kehadiran UE di kancah internasional melalui keterlibatannya dalam AMM,
maka dapat disimpulkan bahwa UE memainkan peran siginifikan sebagai aktor internasional.
Kata kunci: Uni Eropa, aktor internasional, Aceh Monitoring Mission (AMM), Gerakan Aceh
Merdeka (GAM)
_________________________________________________________________________________
DDC: 305.8
Manggala Ismanto
SUMBER DAYA ALAM
ABSTRAK
Agenda utama dalam gerakan adat atau indigenous movement adalah memperjuangkan hak
politik dan budaya komunitas etnis yang menjadi minoritas sesuai dengan keunikan historis serta praktik
budaya yang mereka miliki. Seperti yang dikatakan oleh Kymlicka, bahwa hak-hak minoritas juga
harus diperjuangkan karena mereka berada pada sistem yang diatur oleh mayoritas yang berpretensi
menghasilkan ketidakadilan. Gerakan Masyarakat Adat Sami di Norwegia merupakan bentuk
perjuangan panjang untuk memperoleh hak secara mandiri untuk mengelola sumber daya alam. Saat ini
masyarakat Sami berjuang untuk mempertahankan keunikan identitas budaya dan praktik hidup yang
telah dimiliki secara turun-temurun. Tulisan ini ingin melihat pembentukan gerakan masyarakat adat
Sami di Norwegia serta praktik gerakan sosial yang dilakukan untuk menuntut perubahan sosial terkait
dengan self-governance dan otonomi pengelolaan sumber daya alam.
Kata kunci: Gerakan Masyarakat Adat, Sami, identitas, otonomi, pengelolaan sumber daya alam
iv | Jurnal Kajian Wilayah, Vol.8 No.2, 2017

________________________________________________________________________________
DDC: 305.6
Zaenal Abidin Eko Putro dan Cahyo Pamungkas
AGAMA KHONGHUCU DAN BUDDHA DALAM LINTASAN
SEJARAH KOREA
ABSTRAK
Masyarakat Korea Selatan merupakan masyarakat yang heterogen dari sisi agama. Agama
Khonghucu dan Agama Buddha telah berkembang di Korea sejak berabad lampau. Agama Khonghucu
sangat mengandung unsur-unsur filsafat pemikiran, politik, dan kebudayaan yang berakar dan
berpengaruh ke dalam pembentukan etika dan identitas bangsa Korea. Agama Buddha juga berperan
dalam pembentukan dasar-dasar identitas dan kebudayaan Korea. Selain Agama Kristen, Islam dan
Katholik, agama setempat atau shamanisme juga tetap dipeluk sebagian masyarakat Korea Selatan.
Artikel ini bertujuan untuk menjawab pertanyaan bagaimanakah situasi kehidupan beragama di Korea
Selatan dan bagaimanakah kedudukan Agama Khonghucu dan Buddha dalam sejarah perjalanan bangsa
Korea. Tulisan yang dihasilkan dari penelitian literatur ini ini juga dimaksudkan untuk mendeskripsikan
bagaimanakah kondisi Agama Khonghucu dan Buddha di Korea pada masa kini dan bagaimana perannya
dalam membentuk kebudayaan dan identitas nasional Bangsa Korea.
Kata kunci: Agama Khonghucu, Agama Buddha, shamanisme, teks-teks Xu she, dan budaya massa.
__________________________________________________________________________________
DDC: 330.9
Ahmad Helmy Fuady, Erwiza, Muzzar Kresna dan Saiful Hakam
RESEARCH SUMMARY CRISIS, GROWTH AND CHANGES IN SUB SAHARA
AFRICA: EVIDENCE FROM KENYA
ABSTRAK
Sejak 2008, perekonomian dunia telah dibayangi oleh tekanan krisis keuangan global. Dengan
hubungan global yang relatif kuat, sulit bagi Kenya untuk sepenuhnya keluar dari krisis tersebut. Kenya
juga mengalami krisis pangan, krisis politik pasca pemilu dan krisis keamanan. Namun, ekonomi Kenya,
sejak awal tahun 2000an, terus bertumbuh tanpa banyak terpengaruh oleh krisis. Dengan pendekatan
sejarah dan ekonomi, penelitian ini berangkat dari keingintahuan yang sederhana tentang bagaimana
perkembangan ekonomi Kenya selama krisis. Studi ini meneliti tiga sektor yang bertahan hidup dan
berkembang selama masa krisis, yaitu sektor pertanian (teh, kopi dan bunga potong), infrastruktur,
dan teknologi keuangan. Selain itu, studi ini juga menggambarkan peningkatan peran China dalam
perekonomian Kenya, ketika negara-negara donor lainnya berada dalam krisis.
Kata kunci: Krisis, sektor pertanian, pembangunan infrastruktur, teknologi keuangan, China
__________________________________________________________________________________
DDC: 327.1
Paulus Rudolf Yuniarto
TINJAUAN BUKU
CHINA BELT ROAD INITIATIVE: PEMBANGUNAN INFRASTRUKTUR DAN
PERLUASAN HEGEMONI EKONOMI TIONGKOK DI DUNIA
Abstrak | v
ISSN: 2087-2119
___________________________________________________________________________
DDC: 361.6
Nazli Aziz
POVERTY DEBATES IN THE DEWAN RAKYAT OF THE MALAYSIAN PARLIAMENT
ABSTRACT
This article highlights the nature of parliamentary debates in the Dewan Rakyat (House of
Representatives) of the Malaysian Parliament related to the poverty issues in Malaysia. Using qualitative
research technique, it focuses on the untold story of poverty in Malaysia that buried in the Dewan Rakyat
Hansard. Analysing poverty issues qualitatively, however, can be ambiguous and open to challenge.
Despite the success story of poverty eradication in Malaysia, poverty issues have always been debated
in almost every parliament proceeding in the Dewan Rakyat. If Malaysia is so successful in eradicating
poverty, why the Members of Parliament (MPs) are still debating the issue in the Dewan Rakyat to
date? To understand this issue, it uses Hansard records of the Dewan Rakyat (1990-2012) to narrate
the multifaceted of poverty issues in both rural and urban consistencies in Malaysia, qualitatively. It
re-evaluates the previous works on poverty in Malaysia by examining the debates extracted from the
Dewan Rakyat Hansard. The aim is to understand whether and to what extent the poverty eradication
agendas have benefited communities and spilled over throughout the constituencies in Malaysia.
Keywords: The Malaysian Parliament, Hansard, members of parliament, Dewan Rakyat; poverty
eradication.
___________________________________________________________________________
DDC: 305.6
ABSTRACT
Immigration of people attached to a certain religion in a country where most of the population
do not embrace the same religion has always been an interesting topic to explore, especially when
it is regarding the discourse of student mobility in higher education world. A lot of factors must be
taken into account before one makes a decision on which country to continue the study. As Muslims
adhere to certain religious values, any factor that supports one’s piousity would be ideally weighed.
This study explores the life of Muslim Indonesian students studying in Germany. Departing from the
vii
study motivation, the concept of push and pull factor is then enriched with religious perspectives. The
research findings show that even though there are challenges that these students face as a Muslim, there
is still an interesting opportunity that they have experienced when residing in Germany and later deem
most significant in relation to their Islamicity. Realizing the importance of this kind of discourse for
Indonesian immigrants, be it student or non-student, a suggestion of further research under the same
topic is emphasized.
Keywords: Germany, hajj, higher education, Muslim Indonesian Student, push-pull factor
__________________________________________________________________________________
DDC: 324.1
Indriana Kartini
THE EUROPEAN UNION’S ROLE AS AN INTERNATIONAL ACTOR IN THE ACEH
MONITORING MISSION
ABSTRACT
The European Union (EU) involvement in the Aceh Monitoring Mission (AMM) was one of the
successful story in the peaceful conflict settlement. In this mission, the EU has been able to show the
world that it is one of significant actor in international politics. Admittedly, the EU represents uncertain
image in international politics as if it can not be seen at the same level of sovereign-states. This article
examines whether the EU played a significant role as an international actor in the peace process in Aceh
through an indepth-look at the work of the AMM. By viewing the EU as an evolving entity which engaged
in particular issues and by addressing its international presence in the context of its involvement in the
AMM, it can be concluded the EU has played significant role as an international actor.
Keywords: the European Union, international actor, the Aceh Monitoring Mission (AMM), Gerakan
Aceh Merdeka (GAM)
___________________________________________________________________________
DDC: 305.8
Manggala Ismanto
SAMI INDIGENOUS MOVEMENT AND NATURAL RESOURCE’S CONTESTATION
ABSTRACT
The main agenda of the indigenous movement is fighting for political and cultural rights of
ethnic minority communities in accordance with unique historical and cultural practices that they have.
As Kymlicka said, minority rights must also be fought because they are on a system that is governed
by the majority who pretend to produce injustice. Sami Indigenous Movement in Norway is a form
of a long struggle to obtain the right independently to manage natural resources. Currently Sami
struggling to maintain the uniqueness of the cultural identity and living practices that have been owned
for generations. This paper would like to see the establishment of indigenous peoples’ movement Sami
in Norway as well as the practice of social movements committed to demanding social change related to
self-governance and autonomy of management of natural resources.
Keywords: Indigenous movement, Sami people, identity, otonomy, natural resource management
___________________________________________________________________________
viii | Jurnal Kajian Wilayah, Vol.8 No.2, 2017

___________________________________________________________________________
DDC: 305.6
Zaenal Abidin Eko Putro and Cahyo Pamungkas
KONFUCIANISM AND BUDHISM IN THE HISTORY OF KOREA
ABSTRACT
South Korean society has a plural society with its different religious background. Khonghucu
(Confucianism) and Buddhism have grown in the country for the last several centuries. Khonghucu
teaches philosophy and thingking about politics and culture which form identity and ethic of Korean
society. Likewise, Buddhism has a role in establishing basic identity and culture of Korean society.
Other religions such as Catholic, Islam, Protestant, and shamanism are also followed by Korean. This
article tries to respond the question about religious environment among Korean society, especially the
question for the ground of Confucianism and Buddhism in Korean history. This article is resulted from
a desk literature research which also aims at describing the current development of Confucianism and
Buddhism and their role in forming culture as well as identity of Korean people.
Keywords: Confucianism, Buddhism, shamanism, Xu she scripture, and mass culture.

________________________________________________________________________________
DDC: 330.9
Ahmad Helmy Fuady, Erwiza, Muzzar Kresna and Saiful Hakam
RESEARCH SUMMARY CRISIS, GROWTH AND CHANGES IN SUB SAHARA AFRICA:
EVIDENCE FROM KENYA
ABSTRACT
Since 2008, the world economy has been overshadowed by a heavy pressure from the global
financial crisis. With a relatively strong global relationship, it is difficult for Kenya to fully escape the
global financial crisis. Kenya has also gone through a food crisis, the post-election political crisis and
the security crisis. In fact, the Kenyan economy, since the early 2000s, continues to grow without much
affected by the crises. With history and economics approach, this study departs from a simple curiosity,
to know how Kenya’s economic development is during the crises. This study examines three sectors
that survive and thrive during times of crisis, namely agricultural sector (tea, coffee and cut flowers),
infrastructure, and financial technology. In addition, this study also describes the increasing role of
China in the Kenyan economy, when other donor countries are in crisis.
Keywords: Crisis, agricultural sector, infrastructure development, financial technology, China

___________________________________________________________________________
DDC: 327.1
BOOK REVIEW
BELT ROAD INITIATIVE: A CHINESE INFRASTRUCTURE DEVELOPMENT AND
STRENGTHENING ECONOMIC HEGEMONY IN THE WORLD
Abstrak | ix
POVERTY DEBATES IN THE DEWAN RAKYAT OF THE MALAYSIAN
PARLIAMENT
PERDEBATAN KEMISKINAN DI DEWAN PERWAKILAN RAKYAT

PARLEMEN MALAYSIA
Nazli Aziz
Universitas Malaysia Terengganu1
Email: nazli_aziz@umt.edu.my
Diterima: 08-08-2017 Direvisi: 14-09-2017 Disetujui: 02-11-2017
ABSTRAK
Artikel ini menyajikan prediksi perdebatan tentang isu kemiskinan di Malaysia yang diungkapkan di Dewan
Perwakilan Rakyat, Parlemen Malaysia. Dengan menggunakan teknik penelitian kualitatif, fokus utamanya
adalah masih adanya isu kemiskinan di Malaysia yang disematkan dalam Pernyataan Resmi (Hansard) Dewan
Perwakilan Rakyat. Namun demikian, menganalisis isu kemiskinan secara kualitatif akan mengundang keabsahan,
dan bersifat ambigu serta terbuka terhadap tantangan. Terlepas dari keberhasilan pemberantasan kemiskinan di
Malaysia, masalah kemiskinan selalu diperdebatkan hampir di setiap sidang parlemen di Dewan Rakyat. Jika
Malaysia berhasil memberantas kemiskinan, mengapa anggota parlemen masih memperdebatkan isu kemiskinan
di Dewan Rakyat sampai sekarang? Untuk memahami masalah ini, catatan Pernyataan Resmi, Hansard, Dewan
Rakyat (1990-2012) digunakan untuk menggambarkan komposisi isu kemiskinan di daerah perkotaan dan pedesaan
di Malaysia secara kualitatif. Kajian-kajian sebelumnya mengenai kemiskinan di Malaysia dievaluasi kembali
dengan meninjau kembali perdebatan yang dikutip dari Pernyataan Resmi, Hansard, Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat.
Tujuan utamanya adalah untuk memahami apakah ada dan sejauh mana pengentasan kemiskinan menguntungkan
masyarakat dan menyebar ke seluruh wilayah di Malaysia.
Kata kunci: Parlemen Malaysia, Hansard (pernyataan resmi), anggota parlemen, Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat,
pengentasan kemiskinan.
ABSTRACT
This article highlights the nature of parliamentary debates in the Dewan Rakyat (House of Representatives) of the
Malaysian Parliament related to the poverty issues in Malaysia. Using qualitative research technique, it focuses
on the untold story of poverty in Malaysia that buried in the Dewan Rakyat Hansard. Analysing poverty issues
qualitatively, however, can be ambiguous and open to challenge. Despite the success story of poverty eradication in
Malaysia, poverty issues have always been debated in almost every parliament proceeding in the Dewan Rakyat. If
Malaysia is so successful in eradicating poverty, why the Members of Parliament (MPs) are still debating the issue
in the Dewan Rakyat to date? To understand this issue, it uses Hansard records of the Dewan Rakyat (1990-2012)
to narrate the multifaceted of poverty issues in both rural and urban consistencies in Malaysia, qualitatively. It re-
evaluates the previous works on poverty in Malaysia by examining the debates extracted from the Dewan Rakyat
Hansard. The aim is to understand whether and to what extent the poverty eradication agendas have benefited
communities and spilled over throughout the constituencies in Malaysia.
Keywords: The Malaysian Parliament, Hansard, members of parliament, Dewan Rakyat; poverty eradication.
1 This article is mostly based on the proceeding, entitled “Poverty Eradication: A View from the Malaysian Parliament” of Persidangan
Transformasi Sosial Kebangsaan (The National Conference on Social Transformation), 27-28 Nov. 2013, organised by Universiti
Malaysia Sabah. Author is a senior lecturer at School of Social and Economic Development as well an associate fellow both at Institute
of Oceanography and Environment (INOS), and Kenyir Research Institute (IPK), Universiti Malaysia Terengganu (UMT). He can be
reached at nazli_aziz@umt.edu.my
Nazli Aziz | Poverty Debates in89

the Dewan Rakyat of the Malaysian Farliament | 89
INTRODUCTION clouding the analysis. As I will highlight in details
below, I use the Dewan Rakyat Hansard of the
There are many scholarly works have
Malaysian Parliament (1990-2012) to capture
been published on poverty in Malaysia to date.
“insights”, “complexity of social behavior” and
Malaysia is considered as one of the most
“unknown quality” (Gerring, 2007, 4-7) of data
successful stories of poverty eradication in the
gathered. Integrating inferences and interpreting
world after the affirmative action of the New
the puzzle of the story is important in any case
Economic Policy (NEP) (1970-1990) was
studies to produce a coherent case empirically.
introduced by the second Prime Minister, Abdul
As the only elected representatives in Malaysia,
Razak. Using quantitative methods, scholars
understanding MP’s views are crucial who have
show the reduction of poverty in Malaysia
“situated knowledge” (Mitrom, 2003, 72) in
statistically. While data and statistics provided
providing unique and research-worthy insights
by the state agencies help us to understand the
into the parliament affairs. Through a narrative
success of the poverty eradication, I highlight the
focused on the MP debates in the Dewan Rakyat,
untold story of poverty that has been raised in the
I seek to understand the nature poverty issues in
Malaysia Parliament in this article qualitatively.
the Malaysian politics. Contrary to the existing
Scholarly literatures and data by the works that examine poverty and quota using
various state agencies in Malaysia inform quantitative data, I revitalise and refresh the
us little about the poverty debates in the discussion by triangulating verbatim data of
Malaysian Parliament. By analysing the Dewan Members of Parliments’ debates, extracted from
Rakyat (House of Representatives) Hansard2 to the Hansard.
understand poverty issues, I explore the extent to
Poverty eradication has always been on
which the Members of Parliament (MPs) use the
the federal government agenda in Malaysia,
Malaysian Parliament to express their concerns to
with programmes to eradicate poverty and rural
government. My focus is the narrative debates on
development undertaken using a top-down
poverty issues and politics in the Dewan Rakyat.
approach. Often, citizen input on development is
I analyse the Dewan Rakyat Hansard within the
ignored by the government. Poverty eradication
time framework of the 8th parliament to the
and the quota system for Bumiputera (son-of-the
12th parliament (1990-2012). Since the 1990s,
soil) within the scope of different affirmative
Malaysia has experienced a rapid economic
action policies (in particular the NEP) have
growth and urbanisation which contributed to
been vital in uplifting the economic status of the
reduce of the poverty level. I question whether
working class group in Malaysia. Existing works
and to what extent the data and statistics represent
show that the different views of scholars about
the “reality” of poverty in Malaysia after the New
the Malaysian government’s top-down approach
Economic Policy (NEP) ended in 1990.
in addressing the poverty issues. Whether they
agree or disagree with government mechanisms
METHODOLOGY to eradicate poverty, the similarity in their
arguments is that Malaysia is a success story in
I revitalize and refresh the discussion on
terms of poverty eradication and restructuring
poverty in Malaysia by employing qualitative
economic inequality between ethnic groups.
technique of archival research. This article is an
Specifically this success has been directly
exploratory examination of poverty using the
associated with the quota system in education,
debates in the Dewan Rakyat as a case study.
public sector and public equity for a particular
I use the words whether and to what extent to
ethnic, namely the Malays, using institutionalised
avoid subconscious assumptions and perceptions
mechanisms.
2
Hansard is a parliament report that contains the parliament Interestingly, Smits (2009) argues that
debates in verbatim during the parliament sitting. The Malaysian
Parliament Hansard contains the Yang di-Pertuan Agong’s (the the institutionalised mechanisms used by many
monarch and head of the state of Malaysia) speech, bills and governments to address poverty have become
acts tabled; the attendance of MPs; questions and answers of the source of controversial debates since the
the parliament sittings; MPs votes and so forth.
90 | Jurnal Kajian Wilayah, Vol. 8 No.2, 2017

1980s because it may undermine democracy. The Dewan Rakyat Hansard, to some
Britain, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand, extent, illustrates the resistance amongst the
have established their own welfare policies MPs of both government and opposition to the
that have taken into account their own political executive agendas. In the poverty issues, MPs
and cultural background for the purposes of become the mediators between the constituents
supporting low income families. To Smits, none and government to channel the poverty issues
of the programmes have met targets to eradicate in the parliament. The Dewan Rakyat Hansard
poverty. Under economic rationalism based on shows a level of resistance amongst the MPs to
neo-liberal perspectives, led by the American be the rubber stamp for the federal government
and then followed by the western European from both the government and opposition MPs
governments since the 1990s have reformed their because ministers and bureaucrats in Putrajaya
welfare programmes to encourage the recipients have little contact with the community at large.
to actively look for jobs and enter the labour This is a point of difference for this article, and
markets, gradually implementing the bottom-up contradicts the monotonous argument that MPs
mechanisms. Their footsteps have been followed functions are merely as rubber stamp in the
by Australia, Canada, and New Zealand in which Dewan Rakyat. Often, to validate the argument of
the role of governments in providing welfare rubber stamp culture in the Malaysian Parliament,
support has been reduced to promote individual the sources that are referred to by the authors are
responsibility. based on government practices via executive
power, the Malaysian Constitution, Statute Paper,
THE DEWAN RAKYAT HANSARD Parliament Standing Orders and Parliament Order
Papers. Because of the “novelty” of Constitution
AND POVERTY ISSUES
and other governance documents related to
Poverty issues matter in Malaysia’s parliamentary affairs, often the conclusion made
politics. The existing scholarly work only used becomes too legalistic without “human soul” or
the official statistics of government agencies to sufficient consideration of the complex human
examine the poverty eradication in Malaysia relationships that are given voice during the
(Sloane-White, Beaulieu 2010; Van Dodge process. However, the “conflicting interests”
2012; Lange 2009). The exclusion of Hansard between personal views and party obligations
records has left the reality of poverty debates are captured and unveiled through the analysis
in parliament unnoticed. Hansard records are
of Hansard.
under-utilised in the examination of poverty and
decision-making in Malaysia. Interestingly, the The Dewan Rakyat Hansard, thus, does
Dewan Rakyat Hansard records offer a significant greater justice for the reluctant MPs who
source of data that reveal how the Malaysian MPs have been forced to accommodate, rather than
articulate their thoughts in the poverty debates. voluntarily embrace legislation that may appear
The Dewan Rakyat Hansard is a vital to be simply function of the rubber stamp culture
source to investigate the MPs’ concerns on in the Malaysian Parliament. If the study only
poverty in Malaysia. The Hansard records concentrates on MP votes in the Malaysian
provide the “raw emotion and feeling” of MPs Parliament, it does not reveal much of the
when debating poverty issues. The Dewan Rakyat process involved and thus may not necessarily
Hansard shows whether the MPs are standing for reflect the outcome made by the legislative
political party or citizens when raising poverty body. The Dewan Rakyat Hansard enlightens us
issues in the Malaysian Parliament. The contents as to why the MPs raised the poverty issues and
of the Dewan Rakyat Hansard enlighten us to the purposes for them being raised morally and
understand MPs’ stands on poverty and public politically.
policy from inside the parliament prior to
decision-making in Malaysia.
Nazli Aziz | Poverty Debates in the Dewan Rakyat of the Malaysian Farliament | 91
DEBATES ON POVERTY MPs perceived as new problems in Malaysia,
such as the increasing gap between the poor and
NEP has contributed significant impacts
rich amongst the citizens, and the growing and
in combating poverty in Malaysia. Based on
increasing relative poverty amongst citizens in
the official government statistics, Malaysia has
the first decade of the 21st century.
experienced a significant poverty reduction
from 49.3% (1970) to 29.2% (1980) to 16.5% Furthermore, some MPs perceived that
(1990), and to 5.7% (2004) (Rahimah, 2012, 38). affirmative action also contributed to the
According to the Ministry of Women, Family Bumiputera being unproductive and lacking
and Community Development, the number of competitiveness, as well as the abuse of public
hardcore families were decreased to 44,463 in procurements, projects and loans. MPs believed
August 2010. It shows a significant reduction that these problems occurred because the
of 10,515 families in two years. The Deputy government allowed cronyism and nepotism
Prime Minister had informed the Dewan Rakyat during the implementation of the NEP and this
that there were 54,977 hard core poor families has continued as a culture amongst the elite up
in Malaysia in the parliament sitting on 14 May until the present time. What MPs perceived is
2008 (Najib Razak, DR.14.05.2008). Most of the also supported by existing scholarly literatures
recipients of e-kasih were from the poor states on this subject. Scholars have argued that the
such as Sabah, Sarawak, Kelantan, Kedah and implementation of the NEP has been abused
Terengganu. Sabah and Sarawak remained as the by the politicians and has indeed fostered
two poorest states within the federal up to 2012. cronyism and nepotism in Malaysia (Gomez,
However, a few MPs challenged the validity of 1990, 1991, 1996; Gomez & Jomo, 1999). The
data related to the hardcore poverty provided gap between the rich and the poor Malays has
by the state agencies. For example, the Kuala also certainly been widened and contributed to
Lipis MP, Mohamad Shahrum Osman doubted greater economic inequality amongst the ethnic
the validity of the hardcore poverty statistics that groups (Ho, 2003; Jomo, 1994), and nourished
were provided by the government. He claimed a complacent attitude amongst some Malays and
that there were two different statistics provided by thus made them less competitive in developing
the Economic Planning Unit (EPU) and Ministry survival skills (Gomez & Jomo, 1999; Mahathir,
of Rural and Regional Development (MoRRD) 2011; Plate, 2011).
(Mohamad Shahrum Osman, DR.18.02.2009). Data from Hansard indicate that debates
Despite of a few affirmative actions that about affirmative action are concentrated on the
have been introduced by the federal government privileges given to the Bumiputera under Article
after 1990, the NEP remained as the focal point of 153. This article has been used to justify the
debates in the Dewan Rakyat. The NEP outcomes strategy to increase Bumiputera equity. Ibrahim
and their consequences were still being debated in Ali, the Pasir Mas MP, questioned the rationales
parliament, two decades after the policy officially of the New Economic Model (NEM)3 as he
ended in 1990. For example, Khalid Abdul believed that they were not sufficient to protect
Samad, the Shah Alam MP, asked the government Malay privileges as stated in Article 153 of the
in 2010 to explain the reasons why the NEP failed Constitution (Ibrahim Ali, DR.14.12.2010).
to meet its objectives (Khalid Abdul Samad, Ibrahim Ali, an independent MP and the President
DR.14.12.2010). The polemics have centered on of Perkasa (an ethnic Malay NGO), was against
a new need for a policy approach that is inclusive
due to many of the perceived consequences and 3
NEM (2011-2020) was introduced by Najib Razak, under the
1Malaysia programme. Under the 1Malaysia concept, NEM is
flaws that have arisen from the implementation subjected to the Economic Transformation Programme (ETP)
of the NEP. The NEP has been debated because and the Government Transformation Programme (GTP). The
of the government’s failure to reach targets NEM main objective is to generate economic growth faster
if Malaysia is to be a high income developed state in which
to eradicate poverty and increase Bumiputera Mahathir, UMNO and Perkasa (an NGO) have considered
equity. The interviews and Hansard data establish would weakening the Malay preferential treatment. The NEM
the notion that the NEP has contributed to what was announced in parliament in 2010 during the Budget 2011
presentation.

the idea of dropping 30 per cent Bumiputera data validity and the actual state agency that is
equity ownership as proposed in the NEM. He responsible and accountable for decision-making,
was one of the MPs that have advocated for tasks and resources. The multiple state agencies
quota allocations for Bumiputera remaining that are involved in a given government program
in the NEM. Strong opposition from UMNO also, to some extent, has created difficulties
and Perkasa has made the National Economic to MPs in the execution of their tasks. Nancy
Advisory Council (NEAC) to amend the original Shukri, the Batang Sadong MP, raised the issue
version of the NEM to protect the Malays’ related to the effectiveness of the 1AZAM
interests. However, opposition MPs argued that it program since it involved different ministries and
was about time that Article 153 was re-examined. multiple state agencies at federal and state levels
For example, (Nancy Shukri, DR.09.12.2010). For example
One of the pillars in the Constitution is the the ministries and government agencies involved
privileges of the Malays and Bumiputera. [But in poverty eradication are the Prime Minister’s
I’m questioning] the method used here. We Office, the Economic Planning Unit (EPU),
use the Malay and Bumiputera privileges only the Ministry of Finance (MoF), the Ministry of
to enrich a few leaders and give a very small Women, Family and Community Development
portion to the ordinary citizens. Therefore, it
(MoWFCD), the Ministry of Rural and Regional
is acceptable for us to study article 153 again
Development (MoRRD), the Ministry of Housing
(Anwar Ibrahim, DR.19.2.2009).
and Local Government (MoHLG), Majlis
Perundingan Ekonomi Melayu (MAPEM),
Another problem is the competing and
Majlis Perundingan Ekonomi Negara (MAPEN),
overlapping tasks between different ministries.4
YBK, Amanah Ikhtiar and so forth.
This has contributed to a situation where
responsibilities and policies often overlapped. Hansard data indicate that often the one-off
These ministries are responsible to inform the administrative service expenses are bigger than
parliament about the programs that they oversee. the total amount of aids channeled to citizens.
This has also caused confusion especially on For example, Zuraida Kamaruddin, the Ampang
MP, asked the government to explain the
4
An example involving bureaucracy and red-tape is the
reasons why the one-off administrative service
1AZAM programme of e-Kasih to eradicate hardcore poverty expenses of the welfare department was bigger
by 2010. e-Kasih is a government programme to register poor than the assistance provided. She argued that
households nationwide. e-Kasih’s target is the poor family,
single or sick elderly person, ill family members that need the government should reduce the red-tape, and
treatment, disabled persons, and so forth. Under e-Kasih, the overlapping and unnecessary bureaucracy, to
government has created a few platforms to facilitate or/and improve the delivery system and the resources
create jobs for citizens through the 1AZAM programme. The
1AZAM programme can be divided into four sub-programmes available to providing welfare to citizens. In
which are the AZAM Kerja (labour sector), the AZAM Tani the Auditor General‘s Report 2009, low income
(agriculture sector), the AZAM Niaga (business sector), individuals in Tawau, Sabah, had to wait for
and the AZAM Khidmat (services sector). The Ministry of
Women, Family and Community Development is responsible two to eight months to get the assistance from
for co-ordinating the 1AZAM programmes of e-Kasih that government agencies. Zuraida claimed that the
are conducted by the different ministries and government
agencies such as the Ministry of Human Resources for AZAM
government took from 17 to 500 days to channel
Kerja, the Ministry of Agriculture and Agro-Based Industry the allocation of RM2.4 million to the deserving
for AZAM Tani, the Amanah Ikhtiar Malaysia for AZAM recipients (Zuraida Kamaruddin, DR.8.12.2010).
Niaga and AZAM Khidmat. Meanwhile, in East Malaysia, the
state governments appointed their own agencies. In Sarawak Questions also raised by MPs regarding the
the agencies responsible for the 1AZAM programme are the
methods employed by Putrajaya to empower the
Department of Agriculture, the Bintulu Development Authority,
the Sarawak Bumiputera Development Unit, the Sarawak poor groups. Abdul Hadi Awang, the Marang MP,
Timber Industry Development, FAMA, LKIM, GIAT MARA questioned the methods used by the government
and the Sarawak Labour Department. In Sabah, the agencies
involved are Sabah Usaha Maju Foundation, the Department
in implementing some policies to enhance the
of Agriculture Sabah, the Sabah Fishermen Cooperation, the socio-economic status of poor citizens. He argued
Sabah Rural Development Cooperation, the Department of that budget allocation was not good enough if
Fisheries Sabah, and the Department of Women Affairs Sabah
(Hen Seai Kie, DR.09.12.2010).
the body that managed a particular program
failed to deliver it. He claimed that MAPEN had created housing problems which has contributed
not carried out their duties effectively and the to the emergence of relative poverty in today’s
modus operandi of MAPEN was different from Malaysia, even if absolute poverty has been
what had been agreed upon during the policy- dramatically reduced.
making process. Hadi claimed that the initial
modus operandi involved and engaged different ACCROSS THE DEVIDE:
stakeholders such as state agencies, opposition THE VOICE OF DEWAN RAKYAT
parties, academicians and NGOs (Abdul Hadi
Awang, DR.30.04.2008). The poverty eradication programmes have
always been a top-down approach in Malaysia.
The competing and overlapping tasks by Although Malaysia is a federal state, Putrajaya
various state agencies of the different ministries (previously Kuala Lumpur) has always played a
were perceived by MPs as a mechanism for the vital role to govern the poverty issues. Between
politicians to get more government projects 1990 and 2012, there were two programmes that
through the government programs. Wan Azizah had been established by the federal government
Wan Ismail, the Permatang Pauh MP, agreed that to eradicate poverty that directly impacted
the NEP had contributed to the development and upon hardcore families in Malaysia. The two
reduction of poverty in Malaysia. She, however, programmes were the Development Program for
urged the government to re-examine any policy the Hard core Poor or Program Pembangunan
resemblance to the NEP as they had become a Rakyat Termiskin (PPRT) and e-Kasih. Prior to
factor that had nourished cronyism, manipulation, the 21st century, generally the aid given under
and the self-serving abuse of power amongst the this program was in the form of one-off-aid, and
elite politicians. She argued that it was about time did not contribute to value-added activities or
that the affirmative action policies included all proper vocational training. However, the strategy
marginalised citizens in Malaysia. has been since changed through the provision
[This] is very unfortunate for Bumiputera of better technical skills and vocational training
when only a minority of the rich [Bumiputera] support, in order to ensure the sustainability
urge [the NEP] to continue. What we must of recipients ‘abilities to cope and adopt with
care about is the future of the majority of
Bumiputera – Malays in villages, Kadazan,
the changes in life-style and surroundings as
Murut, Iban, Bidayuh and others in remote Malaysia continues to develop.
rural areas and along the coast. Any new In April 2008, Muhammed Muhamad
approach to tackle poverty has to take into Taib, the Minister of the MoRRD, informed
account the poor and marginalised Chinese Dewan Rakyat that Putrajaya was focused on
and Indians as well (Wan Azizah Wan Ismail,
six core strategies to tackle poverty eradication
DR.05.05.2008).
in rural constituencies. The first strategy focused
on upgrading the quality of basic infrastructure,
Under the NEP, the government focus
and social utilities and amenities such as the
for poverty eradication was mainly in the rural
road system, alternative roads for villages, water
constituencies, especially from the 1970s through
and electrical supplies. The second focused on
the 1980s. Since the 1990s, the focus has shifted to
eradicating hard core poverty via development
include the urban constituencies as well because
schemes for people and mega agricultural
of the rapid industrialisation and urbanisation
projects of the agropolitan. Third, intensifying
that was highly concentrated in the major urban
the human capital development for rural citizens
areas such as Klang Valley, Penang and Johor.
through vocational training and along with the
The rapid industrialisation and urbanisation has
fourth, integration of development programmes
driven the steady internal migration of the rural
for isolated and underdeveloped villages were
nitizens to urban constituencies. The population
both key strategies for increasing value-added
concentration and the high cost of living in the
activities within the program. The fifth strategy
major urban areas like Kuala Lumpur/Klang
was to narrow the digital gap between the rural
Valley, Johor Bahru and George Town has

and urban areas by providing infrastructure and or detect isolated cases [which have been
info-structure such as information technology overlooked under e-kasih] that need assistance.
(IT) centres in villages and rural districts, while All MPs that I interviewed, regardless of whether
the sixth and final strategies were to develop they were Barisan Nasional (BN) or PR or in
industry based on the agropolitan project the urban or rural constituencies, have worked
(Mohammed Muhamad Taib, DR.30.04.2008). with the Welfare Department to focus on poverty
eradication in Malaysia within the PPRT and
The six core strategies were the
e-Kasih programs.
continuation of previous government strategies in
responding to citizens’ demands by intensifying In principle, MPs agreed that the battle
the development of basic infrastructure, utilities, to eradicate poverty should not be politicized.
rural information and communications technology They agreed that those who qualified must be
(ICT) programmes, and so forth (Muhammed helped, regardless of their ethnic background and
Mohammad Taib, DR.20.05.2008). The MoRRD political affiliations. There should not be special
claimed that providing basic infrastructure and preferences for one particular ethnic group and
amenities to rural areas was on track as the political allegiance. MPs provided the list of the
supply coverage for treated water in the rural needy families/individuals to the state agencies.
areas in the Peninsular was 97 per cent, while However, they did not have the power to make the
it was 63 per cent in Sabah and 62 per cent in final decision or to ensure that the target groups
Sarawak. The supply of electricity to rural areas actually receive the help from the agencies as
in the Peninsular was 99 per cent, in Sabah it was claimed by key informants, Zuraida Kamaruddin,
76.26 per cent and in Sarawak 84.08 per cent. the Ampang MP; Fong Po Kuan, the Batu Gajah
Finally, the coverage of roads that were sealed MP; and Siti Zailah Mohd Yusoff, the Rantau
roads (excluding highways) in rural areas in the Panjang MP.
Peninsular was 95 per cent, in Sabah 40 per cent,
In the early 1990’s, the Bukit Mertajam
and in Sarawak this figure was 34 per cent in 2007
MP, Chian Hen Kai, claimed that the government
(Muhammed Mohammad Taib, DR.20.05.2008).
practiced favouritism based on party alliances in
It has become the duty for MPs to selecting the recipients of poverty programme
disseminate information about state programs aids. He claimed that Bumiputera who earned
on combating poverty in Malaysia to citizens RM5000 had received assistance while some
and providing the lists of poor citizens to the who had earned only RM300 were denied. He,
government agencies. MPs have been one of therefore, urged the government to reconsider
the backbones to trace and give feedback to and change the policy to ensure that only the
the government agencies. MPs helped their deserving individuals received help, to ensure
constituents by providing lists of the needy political allegiance was not a factor (Chian Hen
to the federal government. MPs’ offices have Kai, DR.02.01.1991).
been responsible for combating poverty with
Although the government denied any
programs such as the PPRT, e-Kasih and the
political influence in the process of providing
Projek Cari (the Search Project) that target a
assistance to the poor, findings from interviews,
wide range of welfare dependents, including poor
on the contrary, reveal that most MPs perceived
families, single or sick elderly persons, stateless
that poverty assistance delivery and coverage,
children, ill family members who need treatment,
to some extent, was actually influenced by
disabled persons who have not registered with
political allegiance. Interview data indicate that
the Department of Welfare, depleted households,
there is a strong consensus amongst opposition
and households without basic necessities. Zuraida
MPs that the government gives priority to the
Kamaruddin, the Ampang MP, provided a good
BN constituencies. MPs from the opposition
example of the above. For example, through
felt that it was always about the government
Projek Cari, Zuraida claimed that she cooperated
constituencies and the opposition constituencies.
with the state agencies at federal level to search
Potential recipients are often scrutinised first
out and notify the marginalized individuals
before receiving assistance. The opposition MPs Badawi (2003-2009) who allowed parliament to
also claimed that opposition party members often be more “transparent and independent”. During
did not get help from the government agencies Mahathir tenure as the Prime Minister (1981-
even though they are supposed to be non-partisan. 2003), Hansard data indicate that in parliament,
Furthermore, all opposition MPs suggested that as expected, the cabinet tended to use the Dewan
the poverty eradication policy had been abused Rakyat to brief and inform MPs what the federal
by UMNO elite for its own vested interests. government has done and how successful the
poverty eradication programs were, rather than
Raja Ahmad Zainuddin Raja Omar, the
re-evaluate and advocate the discussed programs.
Larut MP, is an example of how an MP urged
Depending on the MP’s political party affiliation,
political allegiance as a must criteria to decide
generally MPs had tendency to echo the cabinet’s
on the allocation of government resources to
agenda if they were government MPs, and
citizens. He suggested that the government
criticised it if they were opposition MPs.
should carry out studies to ensure that opposition
supporters amongst the low income groups did Prior to 2008, Hansard data suggest that
not get assistance under the PPRT project. He often MPs echoed government explanations
expressed his frustration in the Dewan Rakyat during parliamentary sittings. For example, Che
because the poor families who supported the Ibrahim Mustaffa, the Sungai Petani MP, simply
opposition were amongst the recipients of the praised the government by repeating what the
PPRT program (Raja Ahmad Zainuddin Raja government had delivered through the budget.
Omar, DR.23.02.2000). However, the Deputy Che Ibrahim Mustaffa said the government had
MoRRD, G. Palanivel explained that poverty done a great job by repeating what the minister
eradication did not take political allegiance into had informed the parliament about, such as
account (G. Palanivel, DR.23.02.2000). RM6 billion allocations for poverty eradication
programme in rural districts: RM80 million for
The opposition MPs’ claim that only their the subsidy scheme for paddy fertilisers, RM12
constituencies had been discriminated against by million for fishermen and farmers, RM416
the government is arguably inaccurate. Hansard million for new settlements, restructuring land
indicate that the government constituencies use and replanting the rubber trees, RM346
in East Malaysia were also fighting to get million for water supply, and RM16 million for
better treatment from the federal government. electricity supply in rural districts (Che Ibrahim
This argument is based on the consistency of Mustaffa, DR.02.01.1991).
pledges and statements of frustration made by
the government MPs of Sabah and Sarawak in The questions asked by MPs were rather
parliament. The Sabah and Sarawak MPs claimed standard during parliamentary sittings. MPs
that there was always a tendency for the federal asked what the government had done to tackle
government to be deliberately selective and poverty and to lessen citizens’ burden when
biased in providing assistance to combat poverty, the oil price was increasing globally (Razali
whether this was a regional or ethnic bias. Ibrahim, DR.30.04.2008). This type of question
is often answered by cabinet ministers using a
standard format, such as making reference to the
POVERTY DEBATES: government reviewing mid-term budget of the
THE “EVOLUTION” Malaysia Plan. For example, when the oil price
Prior to Malaysia’s 12th General Election reached US$120 per barrel on the international
(2008), based on data extracted from the market in 2008, the cabinet informed the Dewan
Hansard, the Dewan Rakyat was functioning Rakyat that the government would undertake
more as a venue for government briefing their a mid-term review of the 9MP. Parliament
agenda and success rather than debating the approved RM4 billion under the scope of people
national issues. However, the debate cultures oriented budget to subsidize basic needs such as
had changed gradually since then, especially rice, flour, cooking oil and so forth as well as
under the fifth Prime Minister, Abdullah Ahmad construction materials to ensure the upgrading

of infrastructure projects in rural constituencies the Cinderella in the federation. Analysis based
and the construction of low-cost flats for poor on Hansard records show that often the MPs
citizens were not affected (Abdullah Badawi, from East Malaysia were skeptical about cabinet
DR.30.04.2008). This trend, however, has answers in parliament.
changed since the 12th Parliament. In the first
Abdul Ghapur Salleh of Kalabakan was one
sitting of the first term of the 12th Parliamentary
of the BN MPs that had consistently advocated
debates, issues of poverty and up-graded quality
and disputed the government programmes
of life dominated the concerns of opposition MPs
on poverty eradication in the Dewan Rakyat.
of DAP, PAS and PKR.
Frustrated with the rhetoric, he suggested that
In between 1990 and 2013, poverty issues the cabinet should visit the poor constituencies
in East Malaysia, especially in Sabah, were in Malaysia rather than rely on data provided
constantly highlighted by MPs in parliament. by officials. He claimed that poverty in Sabah
Their concerns were focused on the problems was at 24 per cent of its population and 800 per
related to the lack of infrastructure, or facilities cent higher than poverty at the national level
for better living conditions and activities to (Abdul Ghapur Salleh, DR.12.05.2008). The
boost the economy. Meanwhile, the MPs of Deputy Minister at the Prime Minister’s Office,
Semenanjung (Peninsular Malaysia) had moved S.K. Devamany informed parliament that the
toward discussing a new type of poverty, which government only provided assistance to poor
is relative poverty. This kind of poverty has risen families and responded to citizens’ demands
because of the rapid urbanisation process and the based on data and statistics provided by the
global impacts on the Malaysian economy of state agencies (S.K.Devamany, DR.12.05.2008).
certain types of increased trade opening. MPs felt However, as argued by MPs of East Malaysia,
that hard core poverty was not a major issue in statistics did not always portray the actual
many constituencies in the Peninsular, but it was situation (Bung Mokhtar Radin, DR18.02.2009;
in rural Sabah and Sarawak. However, these MPs Lau Ngau Siew, DR21.02.2000). The Batang
perceived that the high level of income inequality Sadong MP urged Putrajaya to pay closer
was becoming a significant problem, especially attention to her constituency as the reality was
in the urban constituencies. worse than what statistical data suggested (Nancy
Shukri, DR.07.05.2008).
Rather different than the BN MPs
from Semenanjung, Hansard data reveal that The common answer given by the minister
the government MPs of Sabah and Sarawak in the Dewan Rakyat is that the government
have taken a different tone when questioning always allocates a bigger budget to Sabah and
government programs and policies. Their Sarawak than other states in the Peninsular. For
behavior in questioning the government’s example, the Minister of Integration, Culture,
promises to citizens is actually inclined towards Arts and Heritage, Mohd Shafie Apdal denied that
and similar to that of the opposition MPs in East Malaysia had been sidelined from the major
parliament. For example, the Tanjung Manis development by Putrajaya. Shafie stated that both
MP, Norah Abdul Rahman, questioned the Sabah and Sarawak had been allocated a bigger
federal government’s perception about the status budget in the 9MP compared to the 8MP. The
and significance of East Malaysia. She felt the allocation for Sabah, which was RM15.7 billion
federal government had ignored East Malaysia or 7.8% in the 9MP against RM13.2 billion
in terms of economic development (Norah Abdul in the previous 8MP, was the highest amongst
Rahman, DR.05.05.2008). She was not alone as the 13 states in Malaysia. Meanwhile, Sarawak
the MPs of Kinabatangan, Kalabakan, Gaya and received RM13.4 billion or 6.7% in the 9MP
Batang Sadong were amongst the most active compared to RM12.8 billion in the 8MP. Mohd
legislators who advocated citizens’ concerns, Shafie explained to the parliament that RM189
demands and frustrations in the parliament. MPs million was allocated for Sabah to tackle poverty
from Sabah and Sarawak felt that East Malaysia amongst the Bumiputera with emphasis given
had been sidelined and the East Malaysia was to Orang Sungai, Rungus, Bisayah, Suluk and
Sulu. Meanwhile RM139 million was allocated Gomez, E. T. (1996). The 1995 Malaysian General
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particular amongst the Bidayuh, Kenyah, Kayan, Singapore: ISEAS.
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KEHIDUPAN PELAJAR MUSLIM INDONESIA DI JERMAN:

TANTANGAN DAN PELUANG

Goethe University of Frankfurt
Email: gilangmm20@gmail.com
ABSTRAK
Imigrasi orang-orang yang melekat pada agama tertentu di negara yang mana sebagian besar penduduknya
tidak memeluk agama yang sama selalu menjadi topik yang menarik untuk dieksplor, terutama ketika menyangkut
wacana mobilitas siswa di dunia pendidikan tinggi. Banyak faktor harus diperhitungkan sebelum seseorang
membuat keputusan ke negara mana untuk melanjutkan studi. Sebagai umat Islam yang mematuhi nilai-nilai
agamanya, setiap faktor yang mendukung kesalehan seseorang akan dipertimbangkan. Studi ini mengeksplorasi
kehidupan pelajar Indonesia Muslim yang belajar di Jerman. Studi ini berangkat dari motivasi belajar, konsep
push dan pull factor yang kemudian diperkaya dengan perspektif agama. Temuan penelitian menunjukkan bahwa
meskipun ada tantangan yang dihadapi para siswa ini sebagai seorang Muslim, namun masih ada peluang
menarik yang mereka alami ketika tinggal di Jerman yang kemudian dianggap sangat penting dalam kaitannya
dengan keislaman mereka. Menyadari pentingnya wacana semacam ini bagi para imigran Indonesia, baik itu
mahasiswa maupun non-pelajar, maka perlu penelitian lebih lanjut dengan topik yang sama.
Kata kunci: Mahasiswa Muslim Indonesia, Jerman, push-pull factor, pendidikan tinggi, haji
ABSTRACT
Immigration of people attached to a certain religion in a country where most of the population do not embrace
the same religion has always been an interesting topic to explore, especially when it is regarding the discourse
of student mobility in higher education world. A lot of factors must be taken into account before one makes a
decision on which country to continue the study. As Muslims adhere to certain religious values, any factor that
supports one’s piousity would be ideally weighed. This study explores the life of Muslim Indonesian students
studying in Germany. Departing from the study motivation, the concept of push and pull factor is then enriched
with religious perspectives. The research findings show that even though there are challenges that these students
face as a Muslim, there is still an interesting opportunity that they have experienced when residing in Germany
and later deem most significant in relation to their Islamicity. Realizing the importance of this kind of discourse
for Indonesian immigrants, be it student or non-student, a suggestion of further research under the same topic is
emphasized.
Keywords: Germany, hajj, higher education, Muslim Indonesian student, push-pull factor
101
INTRODUCTION might be varied as today there are more ways to
reach Germany besides self-funding scheme, i.e.
Immigration has been a major factor that scholarship4 – making the opportunity to study
shapes the Muslim population in Germany today. abroad becomes more open.
The first Muslims to come to Germany in large
numbers were the guest workers from Turkey The question drawn from the description
who started to arrive in the 1960s (Keller, 2017). above is what will happen to the Muslim
The peak of the migration was between 1971 Indonesian students that undergo the change of
and 1973 during which around half a million status from being part of the Muslim-majority
of Turkish labours came (Kilinc, 2014, 5). In society in Indonesia to become members of
1973, following the economic recession, the Muslim-minority community in Germany. How
recruitment was banned but at the same period, do they then make their adjustment process in the
the government introduced family reunification new country? What kind of challenges do they
law allowing Turkish immigrants to bring their face? More importantly, what kind of experiences
spouses and non-adult children (Oner, 2014, do they find in Germany that might not be found
72). Therefore, Turkish immigrants are currently in Indonesia but are worthy to share? After all, to
considered the largest minority group in Germany what extent will they still recommend Germany
constituting 2.4% of the total population; to their Muslim colleagues in Indonesia – who are
while German makes up 91.5 % (CIA World in search of country destination for study – among
Factbook, 2018). In terms of religion, Germany other Muslim-minority countries?
is a Muslim-minority country with only 4.4% of Taking the results of interviews made
the total population embracing Islam– compared with five Muslim Indonesian students as the
to the adherents of Roman Catholic that make source of empirical data, this article departs from
up 29% and Protestant that have 27% (CIA the common motivation that they have when
World Factbook, 20181). In fact, 50.6% of those choosing Germany as their destination country
Muslims are of Turkey origin (Keller, 2017). for study. Then their life as a Muslim in Germany
Interestingly, dating back again in the will be explored to see if Germany has special
early 1970s, Indonesians were the second largest condition that could be another point of attraction
group of foreign students in Germany after the for Muslims to decide the country as their study
Turkish (Welcker, 2016, 9). Although 87,2% of destination. This article attempts to contribute
the total population in Indonesia are Muslim to existing literature on push and pull factor of
(CIA World Factbook, 20182), Welcker (2016, a country as a study destination by employing
16) wrote that Christians make up less than 60% Muslims’ point of view in the discussion. The
of total Indonesian immigrants in Germany3. findings found in this research can serve as a
Their presence could be explained by the fact reference for any Muslim Indonesian student
that, in the past, it is mainly Indonesians with before selecting a study destination country.
sufficient financial means who were able to come Divided into three broad sections, the first
to Germany for study and these often have been section of this article contains the theoretical and
Christian Chinese-Indonesians (Welcker, 2016). methodological framework of the study providing
In 2015, there are 3,626 Indonesian students a review of related literature and the data
studying in Germany (DAAD, cited from Lestari collection process. The second section presents
2016). Within this number, it is believed that the the findings and discussion of the study. While
disparity of the religious belief of the students the last section carries out a brief conclusion and
suggestion for future study having the same topic.
1
Estimation in 2015
2
Estimation in 2010
4
DAAD (German Academic Exchange Service), offers a vast
3
Unfortunately, Welcker does not put the exact year of the number and types of funding opportunities and programs to
statistics in his writing. Also, there is no accurate figure. It was foreign students so that they can study, research, and gain
based on an interview with Deutsch Indonesische Gesellschaft practical experience in Germany (Comp, 2010: 197). Popular
(Indonesian Community in Germany, DIG) Cologne in 2015. scholarships given by Indonesian government are LPDP,
However, this rather intriguing finding is still included here. Beasiswa Unggulan, and DIKTI (Arta 2016).

THEORETICAL AND and the final factor is related to social links as
METHODOLOGICAL FRAMEWORK in whether there has been friends or families
that have the experience of living or studying in
Theoretical Framework the destination country (Mazzarol and Soutar,
2002, 83). The concept of pull factor here will be
Two main concepts are highlighted in this
applied in the discussion section to see any aspect
research, those are the discourse of push-pull
that makes Germany more attractive as a study
factor and third space. Those concepts suit the
destination in the point of view of a Muslim.
discussion about study abroad program very well
since they cover both pre- and post-departure Furthermore, once students are finally
phase of the students. A lot of consideration abroad, they will find exposures that might not
must be taken even before a decision on where be found in their country of origin. For Muslim
to study is made. The kind of goals that they students who move from a country where the
want to achieve in the future becomes part of religion is the majority, like Indonesia, to a
the reasons of why the students should study Muslim-minority country, in this case Germany,
overseas and not remain in their country of the change of that status will enhance their
origin. To elaborate the process of selecting a understanding because of the new experiences
study destination, Mazzarol and Soutar (2002, they find in the new space. This kind of space
83) break it down into three stages. The first stage is, based on Bill Ashcroft, also referred as “a
involves the identification of the students’ “push” transcultural space, a ‘contact zone,’ . . . that
factor – referring to the condition in their country space in which cultural identity develops “
of origin that triggers them to study abroad, for (2009, 108, cited from Ghasemi, 2017, 25).
instance, the lack of quality that universities in When having such space, students can have more
the country of origin offer (Mazzarol and Soutar, reflection on themselves that later allows them to
2002). In the second stage, the students identify have greater chance to undergo self-development
the “pull” factor within the destination country, process (Carlson et al., 2016). Bhabha suggested
meaning they search for the factors that make the that this happened because people have the
country more attractive than another (Mazzarol opportunity to take new positionings between
and Soutar, 2002). After being finished with the themselves and the other (1994, cited from Zubair
search stage, they choose an institution as the et al., 2017, 19) which later, to put it in the context
final step (Mazzarol and Soutar 2002; Sasson, of Muslim students, results in the stimulation
2017, 182). of their intellectual and religious development
Mazzarol and Soutar (2002, 83) elaborate (Carlson et al., 2016, 57). The post-departure
the second stage further into six “pull” factors that phase encountered by the Muslim students is
could influence students’ decision on selecting the then evaluated to learn whether the experiences
study destination. The first factor deals with the in the destination country are worth sharing or
students’ level of knowledge and awareness of the not. The discussion about third space will be
destination country that is much influenced by the directly related to the topic of the performance
availability of information about the destination of Hajj – an experience in which all participants
country (Mazzarol and Soutar, 2002, 83). The in this study deem as the most valuable one – by
second is any personal recommendation about the exploring the narration given by the students
destination country received from other people; and see how they make meanings of the Hajj
while the third is about cost issues, be it financial pilgrimage.
costs or social costs as in the case of racial
discrimination (Mazzarol and Soutar, 2002, 83). Methodological Framework
Environment such as physical climate or lifestyle
Primary and secondary data are used in
in the destination country becomes the fourth
this research. While the secondary data were
factor to influence (Mazzarol and Soutar, 2002,
collected from sources such as government
83). The fifth factor is geographic proximity of
publications, websites, journal articles and
the destination country to the country of origin;
Gilang Maulana Majid | The Life of Muslim Indonesian Students in Germany ... | 103
book chapters, the primary data were gathered University of Hamburg and performed
through a series of interviews and a utilization Hajj in 2017.
of simple questionnaire. Bearing the above • Participant 4: a 31-year-old doctorate
research questions and theoretical framework in student studying at Goethe University
mind, open-ended and in-depth interviews were of Frankfurt and performed Hajj in
considered the most suitable approach to explore 2017.
the experiences of each participant. A list of • Participant 5: a 38-year-old doctorate
semi-structured questions was prepared before student studying at RWTH Aachen and
the interviews but rather as a guidance that could performed Hajj in 2016.
be visited once a question was done answered
by the participants. Questions focused on the:
challenges, difficulties, and positive experiences Four interviews were made using online
when living in Germany; the Hajj experience of phone call and one was via direct meeting.
the participants; and the extent of their personal They lasted between 15 and 45 minutes, were
recommendation for any Indonesian Muslim not audio-recorded but the answers were
student intending to study abroad after taking the written down during interview. To ensure that
opportunity to perform the Hajj from Germany all participants approve the way the data are
into consideration. presented, this article was distributed to them
first before being submitted.
The technique of simple random sampling
was employed within the population of ‘Muslim In addition to the qualitative interviewing
Indonesians who were active students enrolled at method above, a small portion of quantitative
a university in Germany and have had performed approach is also applied in this research in form
the Hajj during their study’. As a result, five of a simple questionnaire to enrich the collection
students are set as samples in this study, but their of data. The questionnaire was developed using
names are kept anonymous to give them more Google Forms with only three questions to fill.
freedom when answering the given questions. The first question is an open-ended question
The contacts of four participants were collected asking about “the students’ motivation for
from the database of the former Hajj performers studying in Germany”; while the second and
that Indonesian Hajj service provider in Germany, third question are modelled after the five-point
FORKOM5, has, while one was from the author’s Likert scale that was used to measure the level of
personal acquaintance. All of them are students agreement or disagreement of the participant for
in STEM (Science, Technology, Engineering and the following statements: a) Living in Germany
Matematics) fields. They are, as a Muslim is not difficult and b) The easiness of
performing the Hajj from Germany can be taken
• Participant 1: a 24-year-old female
into consideration by any Indonesian who wants
bachelor student studying at Humboldt
to continue their study in a Muslim-minority
University of Berlin and performed
country. In the one-to-five scale, point 1 stands
Hajj in 2016.
for ‘strongly disagree’ and point 5 is for ‘strongly
• Participant 2: a 24-year-old female
agree’. Quantitative element added here is only
bachelor student studying at Julius
with an intention to complement the qualitative
Liebig University of Giessen and
data gathered from the interviews so that the
performed Hajj in 2016.
author could avoid subjectivity when assessing the
• Participant 3: a 26-year-old male
degree of the attitude of the participants towards
master student studying at Hafencity
two statements above that were also asked during
the interview. Although the quantitative data were
5
FORKOM (Forum for Communication of Muslim Indonesian
Community in Germany) was founded in Karlsruhe in 1994 as an
not analysed statistically due to the small number
initiative from some Indonesian Muslim students. Not only does it of the participants involved, pointing out the
bridge communication between Islamic lectures acrossGermany, but attitude of the participants toward two statements
it also facilitates people intending to perform Hajj and Umrah during
their residency in Germany as it has cooperation with a Turkish above using numbers that represent their level of
travel agent, Balcok agreement or disagreement helps the author to

come up with clearer data representation. After cost issues can also become another factor that
all, the findings will be analysed by categorizing influence students’ decision when selecting a
the given answers based on the broader theme study destination (Mazzarol and Soutar, 2012,
each answer belongs to and applying the 83), and in here, financial costs are taken
theoretical framework mentioned above. Also, into consideration by the three participants.
it is important to realize that due to the small Meanwhile, Participant 1 stated that she did
number of participants, the results of this study not choose Germany but rather followed her
cannot be generalised. father who had to bring his family with him by
reason of continuing his study in the country.
Though the pull factor might not come from the
DISCUSSION internal side of the student, but the social links
Participants’ (Common) Motivation for factor, “related to whether a student has family
Studying in Germany living in the destination country” (Mazzarol and
Soutar, 2012, 83), happenned to be the reason of
Almost every academic discipline in Participant 1 studying in Germany. On another
Germany has a long and outstanding tradition occasion, Participant 2 interestingly mentioned
of success. In addition to that, Luget (2014) the presence of Turkish immigrants as another
mentions two reasons keeping Germany factor that motivates her to choose Germany
attractive as a destination country for study: as destination country. The implication of this
first, excellent higher education staff members relates to her religious factor, which is the fourth
and infrastructure, and, second, no tuition factor according to Mazzarol and Soutar namely
fees at public universities. Based on the data environment (2012, 83). She believed that their
gathered, four of five participants in this study presense could support her religious life as a
have their motivation resonated with the first Muslim that requires her to follow the lifestyle
reason. While Participant 2 said it as “very good that goes along with the Islamic values. In short,
education quality”, Participant 3, 4, 5 testified each participant in this study has their own
for the advancement of technology as the pull concern when it comes to motivation for studying
factor that attracts them to coming to Germany in Germany, be it educational, economic, social,
to which Participant 3 specifically praised its or religious factor.
advancement of the field of renewable energy
and modern geomatics. In this part, the pull factor
The Life of Muslim Indonesia Students
mentioned is about knowledge and awareness
in Germany
of the destination country, meaning that the
participants were aware of the reputation for the Mosques and halal food – two things
quality of the education in Germany (Mazzarol mentioned in the interviews – are the easiness
and Soutar, 2012, 83). that most Muslims living in Germany today can
Furthermore, Participant 3, combined enjoy as the early immigrants already paved
with the statement of Participant 4, referred the way for them. As explained by Participant 4
Germany’s economic development as another who had the experience living in Spain, France,
consideration when deciding it as their study and the United Kingdom when doing his master,
destination. This is true as Germany ranks fourth living in Germany – in this case, Frankfurt – as a
in both world’s rankings of Human Development Muslim is considerably easier compared to those
Index and Gross Domestic Product (UNDP, three previous countries because of the large
2018; World Bank, 2016). This strong economy number of Turkish immigrants present in the
guarantees the students to enjoy the free tuition city. “Back in the United Kingdom and France,
fee available at the public universities. “The cost I was in cities that have less access to mosques
for studying in Germany is not as expensive as and halal food. I think it is not easy to find a city
other [first] countries,” Participant 2 supported that is more Muslim-friendly than Frankfurt,”
this after making comparison to Singapore he added. Participant 5 supported the view that
and Australia. As presented in the first section, living in Germany as a Muslim is regarded easier
as sometimes he still can pray five times a day at new country (Black et al. 1991 cited from Yijälä,
mosque since in Aachen, there are at least five 2012, 762). In this occasion, Muslim Indonesian
big mosques that are always busy during the students should equip themselves with some
prayer times. However, still, being compared information about the availability of halal food
to the situation that one finds in Indonesia, in in the potential city where they are going to study.
Participant 4’s words, “where one can spot In fact, this strategy was applied by Participant
mosques by walking (at least in the Island of 2 where she researched about the availability of
Java)”, finding a place to pray is somehow quite the Muslim Indonesian community in Hannover
a challenge. Participant 3 also recounted that first – a city where she had a test before entering
when he was at the campus and there was no the university – prior to her arrival in Germany.
mosque nearby, the students prayed under the The community that she had contacted before
stair. “Even when it was for the Friday prayer, the departure then helped her by showing the
Muslim students from different background locations of mosques that exist in the city. In that
would gather under the stair and then the Turkish way, she can have some knowledge on where
student usually started to take the lead by giving to pray or stay active in any kind of Islamic
a lecture before the prayer.” As a PhD student, activities and reduce the level of uncertainty to
for Participant 4, praying when being at the succeed her religious needs. After all, this sub-
campus could also mean performing the prayer section provides any Indonesian Muslim student
in an office where he shared with his non-Muslim who wants to study abroad with an information
colleague. As he recounted, “sometimes you dealing with the challenges that one might face
need to ask for permission to your colleague first when studying in Germany and learn how the
before praying. Though, to my experience so far, participants here handled the situation.
none of my four previous colleagues ever had a
problem with me praying in the office”. It is also Hajj: A Momentous Experience
quite often to have a prayer room that is not only
for Muslim as Participant 1 shared her experience For Muslims, Mecca is the holiest spot
of “praying in a ruheraum (relaxation room) that on earth in that those, who have the means
is used by all religion”. both financially and physically, receive the
obligation to visit at least once for Hajj as the
Regarding food, the participants living in
completion of five Pillars of Islam 7. There
big cities such as Frankfurt, Berlin, and Hamburg
stands the Ka’aba – a point on the globe towards
basically do not experience any difficulty in
which Muslims around the world face during all
finding the halal6 eatery or butchery since they
their salat (prayer) (Kadir, 2008, 61). The Hajj
can easily spot many halal shops owned by
(major pilgrimage) occurs in the month of Dhul
Muslim immigrants. Kadir mentions what main
Hijjah, the twelfth month of the Islamic lunar
features that need to be met when identifying
calendar (BBC, 2009), while the Umrah (minor
whether a food is halal or not, that is “one, the
pilgrimage) can be performed at any time of the
halal animal, like chicken, sheep and cattle, has
year. During the Hajj period, there are more than
to be slaughtered in the Islamic way as prescribed
two million Muslims gather8 while outside the
by God, and, two, the food should be acquired
period, thousands of Muslims perform the Umrah
through halal means” (2008, 103). Nevertheless,
everyday (Kadir, 2008, 59). The importance of
Participant 3 noticed that the condition in smaller
performing the pilgrimage for Muslims is written
cities in Germany might be different as they have
on Hughes’s work as
less halal shops. Therefore, one should “make
anticipatory adjustments to reduce uncertainty Among devotees the prevalent, strongly
before actually entering the new environment” held belief is that a pilgrimage to a sacred
(Black et al. 1991 cited from Yijälä, 2012, 762).
Anticipatory adjustment here refers to any 7
The five Pillars of Islam are Faith (witness), Prayer, Charity,
preparation that one makes before moving to the Fasting, and the Hajj (Pilgrimage). See Edgar 2002.
8
The average of total pilgrims from 2007 to 2016 is 2,393,635
6
Permissible under Islamic law (Kadir, 2008, 93) (General Authority for Statistics, KAS, 2018)

centre brings religious merit on the Day of of registration from the bureau. “I registered in
Judgement. … It is believed that every step February 2016 and the deadline was in March.”
taken in the direction of pilgrimage to Mecca
washes out a mortal sin (1975, 136, cited When asked about tips on choosing a travel
from Werbner, 2015, 34). agent as the Hajj organizer, participant 5 testified
for the advantage of taking a bureau offering
Hence, it is not surprising that all Muslims guidance in Indonesian language and compared
regardless of their age would try their best to it with the situation that his colleagues – that
afford going to pilgrimage, more specifically, are also awardees of the same scholarship with
the Hajj. him – encountered.
However, as the status of Indonesia is the “My colleagues in the UK and Japan also
largest Muslim population in the world – with a performed the Hajj. However, I would feel
total of 222 million Muslims (Muslim Pro, 2018) insecure if I were them since they needed to
organize everything by themselves. While
– the Ministry of Religious Affairs already has
the bureau I chose accompanied us with an
its long waiting lists for any Indonesian wanting Indonesian guide ready waiting for us in
to register themselves for the Hajj. According to Saudi Arabia.”
the website of Kemenag, the shortest waiting time
for the regular Hajj found to be for the residents Participant 2 also suggestted any
of the regency of Southwest Maluku in which the Indonesian wanting to perform the Hajj to
new registrant can depart in 2022 at the earliest choose the bureau she used over other agencies
(2018). The longest waiting time is for any new for two reasons. First, for the single women, it
registrant in the Sidrap and Bantaeng regency, is very recommended to use the service of the
South Sulawesi, that needs to wait until 2054 for bureau because they will find them the Mahram9.
the departure (2018). Meanwhile, the quotas in “I do not think that Turkish or Arabian travel
big provinces such as DKI Jakarta, Central Java agency can find an Indonesian a mahram for the
and East Java are already booked until 2035, Hajj pilgrimage.” The second is also about the
2038, and 2040 respectively (2018). language reason. She told that her colleagues
In contrast to the situation that Muslim – though they are spouses – they used another
Indonesians face when applying for the Hajj travel agency that did not provide them a guide
from the country, the findings found in this with Indonesian language proficiency. As a result,
research show that these Muslim Indonesian when performing the Hajj, they went from one
students take the benefit of their status as student place to another by themselves. “Sure, the travel
in a Muslim-minority country. “In Germany, the agency I used charged a little more expensive
quota provided is still not fully filled, thus I was fees, but the assistance was really worth it.”
still able to apply for the Hajj only one month As another suggestion, Participant 3
before the departure. It is impossible to have such emphasized that the Indonesian students should
situation in Indonesia,” said participant 4 that try to afford to perform the Hajj while they
made the decision only a few months before the are young and able. “It was my savings from
embarkation. He said that at that time the quotas working part-time for a year.” Participant 2 also
at some travel agencies were already full, but had to save the money she got from working
he kept looking for any available option until part-time for three years. “At first I only wanted
finally he found one. “I am quite sure that as to perform the Umrah. But, a colleague asked
long as the requirements are complete, and the why I did not save the money for the Hajj instead.
quota is available, even if it is only two weeks Since the cost was reasonable10, I then chose to
before the departure, the bureau would still be
likely to proceed”. Different from participant
9
A mahram is an adult of sound mind whom she is forever
forbidden to marry because of blood ties or for a permissible
4 that organized the Hajj using Arabian Travel reason. His presence is required so that he can look after and
Agency, participant 3 used the same travel agency protect the woman. Otherwise, the woman is not permitter to
travel without a mahram (Salih al-Munajjid 2011).
as the rest of the participants in 2016 but he
registered only a month before the closing date 10
In 2016, the cost was around 4,800 Euros or around
wait a little longer.” Being seen from the age responsibility to become a better Muslim with the
perspective, this is of course a matter that is status of Hajj labelled on them. More expectation
worth considering since, according to Kemenag is given, as experienced by Participant 3 who is
(2008), the age range of 41-50 years old is when getting more invitation after returning from the
most Indonesians apply for the Hajj; and 51-59 pilgrimage being asked to share his knowledge
years old comes second. 31-40 years old, the age for the Indonesian community in Hamburg.
range where two participants of this study belong, “Through the talks, I encourage the older people
ranks the third; while the age range of the rest to perform the Hajj sooner.” Participant 4 echoes
of the participants, 21-30 years old, comprises this view by stating that he feels relieved because
only 5.3% of the total applicants. Seeing that the he has completed all the five pillars of Islam in
waiting time for these applicants ranges from five which the Hajj might be a special case since
up to thirty-five years, an opportunity to perform it starts to become obligatory for those who
the Hajj while studying abroad might be another are financially able. Finally, an expectation to
pull factor to be considered for any Muslim visit Mecca again is what was mentioned by
student when digging for information about a Participant 2 and 3 that regard the pilgrimage
destination country. as an exceptional marker in relation to their
identity as a Muslim. As Participant 2 explained,
What makes the discourse about Hajj more
“I know about the Prophet Muhammad p.b.u.h.
interesting is because of the effect brought by the
before but have never felt so close to him until
performance itself in which one could then reflect
I visited the Mecca and really felt the loss.”
on his/her religiosity following the completion
While, Participant 3 keeps being reminded of
of the ritual. Tawaf – the act of going around
the journey anytime he hears prayer call and
the Ka’aba seven times in an anti-clockwise
prays in group. In short, the Hajj experience
direction which becomes first act of the pilgrim
successfully leads the performers to enjoy a
upon arrival in Mecca and the final act before
different level of religiousity that might imply to
leaving it (Kadir, 2008, 67) – is one of the most
an inspiration where one wants to develop a new
notable moments referred by participants in this
religious lifestyle afterwards (Buitelaar 2015,
study when being asked about their memory of
17-18). Considering the huge impact of the ritual
the pilgrimage. Participant 2, 4, and 5 similarly
to the performers, the possibility of performing
expressed that the ta’waf was a great reminder
the Hajj while young and studying might be
for them not to be arrogant at anything. Simply
considered as value-added which one could take
put, being in the middle of millions of Muslims
into consideration especially when setting up
makes Participant 5 think that he has nothing
targets alongside educational agendas which then
to boast about, especially recalling his status in
would imply to the discourse of push-pull factor
Germany as a doctorate student. “I have a very
of a study destination country and the country of
limited knowledge about Islam, and hence, still
origin of the students.
need to learn everything from the basic including
how to read the Qur’an.” While in Participant 2
and 4’s words, ta’waf reminds them that anything Do We Recommend Germany? Keeping
they own today is only God’s possession and the Hajj in Perspective
human beings are only given a chance to have Before stepping into the discussion of
it temporarily in this world. Having exposure on whether these participants recommend Germany
a series of rituals performed collectively during as a study destination, the responses gathered
the Hajj is another moment that the participants from the questionnaire will be discussed first.
deemed as a reminder that they then carry the Three students agree with the statement saying
that ‘living in Germany as a Muslim is not
80,000,000 Rupiahs. While in 2018, FORKOM announced difficult’ – while one disagrees, and one answers
the price of the Hajj that is 5,200 Euros or around 6,5 million
neutral. Based on the interview, the challenges
Rupiahs more. As a comparison, the price of Hajj plus in
Indonesia per 2018 is around 138 – 151 million Rupiahs with that the participants ever faced include topics
an estimated waiting time of 7-8 years after the application such as, one, the struggle when one wants to
made (Arminareka 2018).

follow the commands of Allah, two, prejudice admire Prophet Muhammad peace be upon
against Muslim, and, three, seasonal variation. him I believe. Maybe it would be different if
it is in (ex)-Eastern Germany. Shortly, men
The first is the experience of Participant 2 do not suffer much since our appearance is
in relation to her field of study that is medicine. not so different from the society,” (personal
“Due to hygienic reason, I was asked to remove interview with Participant 3)
my headscarf when entering the surgery room. This is in line with the findings of
I refused and asked them to give me a sterile Rosenow-Williams declaring that “prejudices
cloth instead,” she recounted the moment she are more dominant in the Eastern German states,
needed to join a practicum at her department. where direct contact with Muslims is much rarer
Also, when applying for a part-time job at a in those areas” (2012, 143). Correspondingly, the
hospital, it was quite difficult for her unless statistics in 2014 also show that only “around 9%
she applied for a job at a Catholic hospital of total Indonesians in Germany residing in the
because they still tolerate headscarf. While for Eastern part of the country” (Welcker, 2016, 12).
male immigrants, the challenge mentioned is Thus, the information that should be highlighted
about the activity they have at Friday noon that by any Muslim female student who wants to
conflicts the time for obligatory Friday prayer. study in Germany is regarding to the choice of the
Unlike in Indonesia where everyone is given city where the destination institution is located.
a pause during that specific prayer time, since
The last challenge is the seasonal variation
Germany is not a Muslim-majority country, it
that affects not only the prayer times but also the
is understandable that the government do not
fasting hours during Ramadan. Different from
accommodate this issue in social policy (Boz
the prayer times in Indonesia that are relatively
et al., 2012, 99). The solution is the mosques in
unchanging, the Muslims living in Europe need
Germany usually have two turns for the prayer
to adjust themselves with the schedule that
with the approximate interval of one hour. It is
fluctuates as sunrise and sunset times change.
either due to the small size of the mosques in that
Participant 5 noticed that even though Muslims
they cannot accommodate all the worshipers at
can pray Fajr quite later which is at 6 a.m. or 7
the same time or the time for break of the people
a.m. during the winter but since the temperature
working does not match the time for Friday
is very low, it is still quite challenging for him
prayer. “For instance, they have Friday prayer
personally to go outside and pray at a mosque
at 1 p.m. and again at 2 p.m., and we do not do
due to the coldness. Conversely, even though it
this in Indonesia. There we have it only for one
is not cold during the summer, but he has to pray
time,” Participant 3 said.
around 4 in the morning that makes it a challenge
The second, prejudice against Muslim, again for him to wake up and go to the mosque
is also experienced by Participant 2. Relevant “especially after staying up at night waiting
with Wilamowitz-Moellendorff’s findings stating for Isha that comes around 11 p.m.”. However,
that “prejudice is more common among persons this brings these participants to experience a
with lower educational levels” (2003, 14, cited jurisprudence of Muslim minorities that they
from Rosenow-Williams, 2012, 142), she, who might not possible to apply in Indonesia with the
lives in Giessen – a considerably smaller region exact same reason, namely significant change of
compared to where other participants live – was prayer times. Participant 3 explained that since
once yelled at by an adult when she was riding a the night time in summer is shorter, there are
bicycle. “A woman in veil riding a bicycle!” she some people that pray Isha right after finishing
recalled. Participant 3 believed that prejudice is the Maghrib prayer because they need to have
felt more by the Muslim women as they wear a some extra hours for sleep before waking up at
‘visually identifiable’ veil (Rosenow-Williams, 3 or 4 a.m for the Fajr prayer. In winter, though
2012). people are awake during the day but due to the
rush hours, they also combine the Dzuhr and
“In big cities, the people are socially better, ‘Asr considering that the interval is very short11.
more educated and tolerant. Some even
11
The shortest interval of the prayer times during the day in
Another ritual that is also challenged by the more findable in Germany than Indonesia. In
seasonal variation is fasting. “When Ramadan the same positive fashion, Participant 5 recalled
happens to be in summer, then the Muslims will that his participation in lailatul qadr events (i.e
have to fast for a longer period12,” Participant itikaf13) was remarkable because back then in his
4 added. Here, despite the challenges above, hometown, Pekanbaru, such events were not held
such experiences are what Carlson et al. refers so often at the mosques. But in Aachen, he was
as “the advancement of [one]’s intercultural in a mosque together with Muslims from various
understanding and a vision of the harmonious co- levels of age from kid to adult. “Then during the
existence of people” (2016, 57). In this context, Eid ul-Fitr prayer, I was side by side with people
the discourse on ‘third space’ is very applicable from different ethnic and racial backgrounds, yet
since these students were situated in a space that as we got together, the difference was vanished,”
made them experience different cultures due to he reminisced the series of Ramadan activities he
the difference of ethnic group composition within had in Germany.
the society and geographical location. In effect,
Considering all these experiences that one
the students have more chance to undertake the
is much likely to acquire when living as minority,
self-development process by reflecting these
the question that arises is then how significant
phenomena on themselves.
the discourse on Hajj would influence these
Going deeper to the concept of third space, participants to recommend Germany as a study
besides the Hajj, these participants also discover destination. In the questionnaire, the statement,
experiences that might not be found in Indonesia, “The easiness of performing the Hajj from
yet in fact resulted in more religious development Germany can be taken into consideration by any
process. Participant 2 becomes more aware of Indonesian that wants to continue their study in
her religion when she lives abroad. “When I a Muslim-minority country”, is included to see
was in Indonesia, I was quite ignorant. But when the level of agreement or disagreement that the
moving to Germany, I started to study more about participants have towards the statement. The
Islam and get involved in Islamic activities more word ‘easiness’ here refers to the facts that,
frequently such as becoming the committee of
a) There is no long waiting list required – as
mosque and part of team of donation-seeker”, she
the Participant 4 said that he registered only
recounted. This possibility to change the lifestyle
a month before the embarkation,
that one usually has into a new one resonates the
b) The price is somehow reasonable –
findings in Carlson and Jacobsson’s work proving
compared to the waiting time and types of
that study abroad can apparently be “a reflexive
Hajj embarkation in Indonesia, and
emotional identity project” (2016). Not limited
c) The availability of an Indonesian bureau
to internal turning point events, witnessing other
people turning point is also of an amazement for cooperating with a Turkish travel agency.
Participant 3. As he informed, “in Hamburg, I saw
some Germans converted to Islam. I was amazed As a result, three participants ‘strongly
because they were enthusiastic in learning about agree’ with the statement; while one agrees,
the religion.” Similarly, Participant 4 also said and the other one disagrees. According to
that seeing a process of conversion is one of the interview, the one who disagrees did not
his most impressive experiences in which, to recommend Germany because of the situation
his observation, this kind of phenomenon is in the country that she does not think everyone
can deal with. She knew that a lot of Indonesians
2017 happened in December with Dzuhr at 12.20, Asr at 14.06,
Maghrib at 16.23 and Isha at 17.50. While in summer, the latest
Isha prayer was at 23.08 – with Maghrib at 21.40 and Fajr at 13
I’tikaf is to stay in a mosque for a particular time period in
03.48 (IIS, 2017). the worship of Allah. In the state of I’tikaf, a person can stand,
sit, sleep, etc; and there is not one particular ‘form’ that this
12
The longest in 2017 was when they had to stop eating at 03.47 retreat must be carried out in (unlike the salat which has a
and broke the fast at 21.40. Relatively shorter compared to the specific form to it). What is important in this period is to obey
fasting time in Jakarta at the same date in 2017 in which the the commandments of Allah, to refrain from the things which
Muslims could still eat until 04.41 and had the break at 17.51. He has prohibited and to be in the service of Him (Bhimji n.d)

leave Germany with failure to get a degree. She students. Most of the times, students fail to
added, meet this requirement due to the shorter amount
of time they have for the study program. This
suggestion accords with an information displayed
“Not everyone can juggle between study and
work. If someone wants to study here because on the website of British Haj Travel stating that
of the affordable cost for study, that is fine. the applicant only needs to provide a proof of
But, if it is only for the Hajj, I do not think their United Kingdom residency without any
that it is worth the risk. I would suggest Egypt minimum duration of validity needed. To sum
or Saudi Arabia over Germany.” up, although the opportunity to perform the Hajj
from Germany seems wide open – especially due
Taking a different viewpoint, Participant to the long tradition of Turkish immigrants in the
2 thought Germany as an ideal place to study country – information on Hajj in other country
because of its affordable cost of living, free might be of an important knowledge to collect
tuition fee policy, and complete facilities. In before someone decides the destination country
connection with the Hajj, she remembered that for study.
her colleague in New Zealand told her that
the price for Hajj package there14 is way more CONCLUSION
expensive than in Germany in which she believed This article aims to explore the life of
that the distance between New Zealand and Saudi Muslim Indonesian students in Germany covering
Arabia also counts. An interesting thing to notice their motivation for coming to the country,
here is that geographic proximity which is the challeges faced as a Muslim, and opportunities
fifth factor in Mazzarol and Soutar’s pull factor that they can get when residing in the country.
discourse (2002, 83), is mentioned as a point for After conducting interviews with five participants
consideration not to the country of origin of the and analysing the interview result, it is concluded
student, but to Mecca. that push and pull factor has been a useful concept
Meanwhile, Participant 3 believed that to uncover the reasons making Germany more
the large number of Turkish immigrants15 in attractive than other study destination countries.
Germany has somehow paved the way for the Reasons such as the good reputation of the
easiness of Muslim life inclusive to the Hajj universities and the low cost of studying are the
bureaucracy; so that it becomes more attractive pull factors highlighted earlier by the participants.
compared to other countries such as the United Environment is another pull factor mentioned in
Kingdom or Australia. In a slightly different the findings referring to the presence of Turkish
manner, Participant 4 suggested that even immigrants in the country. It is found that their
though performing the Hajj from Germany has presence has made these Muslim Indonesian
been proven easy, but the Muslim Indonesian students experience a much easier life as a
student – who has not chosen a destination Muslim – ranging from the easiness in finding
country – should look up any information on the Mosques, buying halal food, and performing the
price and requirement in other Muslim-minority Hajj. Interestingly, the latter one is deemed as
countries, such as Japan, South Korea and the the most valuable experience for the participants
United Kingdom. He argued that a requirement as they compared the relatively easy situation
of visa that should be valid for at least a year in performing the Hajj from Germany with the
in Germany is of an obstacle itself for some current situation in Indonesia regarding to Hajj
embarkation. The Hajj experience has also been
14
In 2018, the price for Hajj package from New Zealand is a factor that leads the participants to undergo
10,560 New Zealand Dollars or equals to 104,195,520 Rupiahs;
while in Germany it is 5,200 Euros or equals to 87,360,000 religious development phase often offered in third
Rupiahs (Almarwah 2018; Forkom 2018; Currency on 19 space. Moreover, the availability of an Indonesian
March 2018) beruau cooperating with a Turkish travel agent in
15
See for example Yurdakul (2009) to learn how Turkish Germany is also said as another thing that could
immigrant associations strive for the rights and needs of the be taken into consideration by any prospective
Muslim society
student who wants to continue their study Technology, Engineering and Mathematics
in Germany. In short, though Germany, as a (STEM) Fields. Frontiers: The Interdisciplinary
Muslim-minority country might not offer the Journal of Study Abroad, v19 p191-203 Fall-
Win 2010. 13 pp.
same ease of performing the Islamic religion as
Edgar, S. (2002). The Five Pillars of Islam in the
other Muslim-majority countries – Indonesia in
Hadith. Studia Antiqua 2, no. 1. Retrieved
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the Hajj and having predominantly Turkish studiaantiqua/vol2/iss1/9
immigrants within the Muslim population might Gebetszeitenkalender: Frankfurt am Main/Offenbach.
be the niche that Germany appeals to prospective (2017). IIS. Retrieved from https://www.iisev.
Muslim Indonesian students, or Muslim students de/ Accessed on 15 March 2018.
in general. After all, it is highly suggested for General Authority for Statistics, Kingdom of Saudi
future researchers to work under the same topic Arabia. (n.d). Hajj Statistics 1437 H (2016).
yet explore different study objects in order to Retrieved from www.stats.gov.sa/sites/default/
enrich the references of Indonesian students who files/hajj_1437_en.pdf Accessed on 15 March
2018.
are in search of a study destination country.
Ghasemi, P., Sasani, S., & Nemati, F. (2017). A Study
of the Third Space, Hybridity, and Colonial
Mimicry in Athol Fugard’s My Children! My
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THE EUROPEAN UNION’S ROLE AS AN INTERNATIONAL ACTOR IN
THE ACEH MONITORING MISSION
PERAN UNI EROPA SEBAGAI AKTOR INTERNASIONAL DALAM
MISI MONITORING ACEH
Indriana Kartini
Research Center for Politics Indonesian Institute of Sciences
Email: indriana.kartini@gmail.com
ABSTRAK
Keterlibatan Uni Eropa (UE) dalam Aceh Monitoring Mission (AMM) merupakan salah satu cerita sukses
dalam penyelesaian konflik secara damai. Dalam misi ini, UE mampu menunjukkan kepada dunia bahwa mereka
merupakan salah satu aktor signifikan dalam politik internasional. Harus diakui bahwa UE merepresentasikan
uncertain image (gambaran yang kurang jelas) dalam politik internasional yang tingkatannya tidak dapat
disejajarkan dengan negara-bangsa. Artikel ini menganalisis apakah UE memainkan peran signifikan sebagai
aktor internasional dalam proses perdamaian di Aceh melalui pendalaman terhadap kerja AMM. Dengan
memandang UE sebagai entitas yang terlibat dalam isu-isu khusus dan dengan menekankan pada kehadiran UE
di kancah internasional melalui keterlibatannya dalam AMM, maka dapat disimpulkan bahwa UE memainkan
peran siginifikan sebagai aktor internasional.
Kata kunci: Uni Eropa, aktor internasional, Aceh Monitoring Mission (AMM), Gerakan Aceh Merdeka (GAM)
ABSTRACT
The European Union (EU) involvement in the Aceh Monitoring Mission (AMM) was one of the successful story in
the peaceful conflict settlement. In this mission, the EU has been able to show the world that it is one of significant
actor in international politics. Admittedly, the EU represents uncertain image in international politics as if it can
not be seen at the same level of sovereign-states. This article examines whether the EU played a significant role as
an international actor in the peace process in Aceh through an indepth-look at the work of the AMM. By viewing
the EU as an evolving entity which engaged in particular issues and by addressing its international presence in the
context of its involvement in the AMM, it can be concluded the EU has played significant role as an international
actor.
Keywords: the European Union, international actor, the Aceh Monitoring Mission (AMM), Gerakan Aceh
Merdeka (GAM)
INTRODUCTION August 15, 2005. The agreement, henceforth

After three decades of conflict, the Helsinki Accord, was facilitated by the Crisis
Indonesian government and the Free Aceh Management Initiative chaired by former Finnish
Movement or Gerakan Aceh Merdeka (GAM) President, Martti Ahtisaari, with the support of
which was fighting for an Aceh independent the European Union (EU). In this peace process,
state eventually agreed to end the conflict by the EU played a key role in fostering the Helsinki
signing the Memorandum of Understanding on Accord, by supervising the implementation of
115
the agreement. The EU also led a peacekeeping and nonterritorial interests. Moreover, EU’s
mission, the Aceh Monitoring Mission (AMM) involvement in world affairs are varies over time
from 15 September 2005 until 15 December 2006 and issues (Caporaso, 1998, 213).
in cooperation with some of the Association of
Caporaso, et.al (1998, 214), outline three
Southeast Asian Nation (ASEAN) member states.
characteristic to analyse the “actorhood” of the
This mission regards as a watchdog to ensure the
EU. First, the EU can be seen as a collection
peace process in Aceh.
of states with limited set of rules to direct the
This paper will critically examine whether interactions among member states. The status
the EU played a significant role as an international of the EU as a “collective actor” relates to
actor in the peace process in Aceh through an its convergence of interests at the unit level
indepth-look at the work of the AMM. I will argue facilitated by interaction within a communication
that the EU played a key role as an international structure. Second, the EU regards as an evolving
actor in the AMM. This paper will be divided into polity. Based on this idea, there has been a political
three sections. The first section will examine the transition within the EU from nation-state system
debate over the EU as an international actor. The into a polity. This approach, however, ignores the
second section will show the Aceh conflict as the process of system transformation itself. Third, the
background understanding of the peace process. EU view as an evolving entity made up of several
The third section will examine the work of the issue areas and policy networks with varieties of
EU through the AMM and its challenges. “actorhood” across time and issues (Caporaso,
1998, 214). In this regards, the third characteristic
THE EU AS AN INTERNATIONAL will be used in later discussion about the EU’s
ACTOR: THE DEBATE actorness in global politics.
In contemporary world affairs, the EU According to Caporaso, et.al., (1998, 214-

presents a puzzling feature. According to 220) there are four components of actor capacity in
McCormick (2005, 208), the EU is more than global politics : recognition, authority, autonomy,
an international organization but less than a and cohesion. First factor, is recognition by
state and this feature often frustrated other other actors, whether de jure or de facto, which
international actors, whether they should think accept and allows for presence in global politics.
of 27 member states or regards as a single De jure recognition is diplomatic recognition
entity. The EU member states still maintain their under international law or formal membership
sovereignty in many areas, such as defence and in international organizations. Because of the
security issues. However, in particular issues, EU is not sovereign, therefore, the EU does
such as trade negotiations, other parties should not have a full diplomatic recognition from
deal with the EU because of member states third parties. Although the EU has high-level
willingness in allowing the EU Commission as diplomatic contacts with almost every country
the representative of their interest (McCormick, in the world, it has not been granted the exact
2005, 108). status as sovereign states.
There are some challenges to assess the By the same token, in international
role of the EU in global politics. Caporaso et.al., organizations memberships, the EU often
(1998, 213) argues that the analytical criteria to confused third parties due to its unclear position
determine the status of the EU as an actor are whether it is competent enough to address any
not clear. It is hardly to find consensus about given issues and endorse responsibilities as
the meaning of the actor where the existing a member of the international organizations.
standards mainly discussed about power and As a consequence, third parties does not grant
influence. Furthermore, he argues that the full recognition to the EU through formal
changing nature of the EU is a challenge. It is international organizationmembership. De facto
an organization made up of 27 member states recognition can be seen from the sociality of
and several institutions which replicate territorial global politics. The interaction between third

parties and the EU can be regarded as an implicit be how good and how bad the leading member
recognition upon it (Caporaso, 1998, 216). states coordinate and cooperate with one another.
For example, the Anglo-French rapprochement in
The second factor is the EU’s authority
the St Malo declaration was the most significant
to act externally. Due to the fact that the EU is a
factor for the development of the EU’s security
creation of the member states, thus the authority
ambitions and capabilities from late 1990s.
derives from these states. In this regard, the
On the contrary, there is a significant loss of
authority is assigned to EU institutions by
momentum in the Iraq crisis due to the aligning
sovereign nation-states. The third factor is
of Franco-German against British, Spain, and
autonomy, which suggest independency from
Italy (Mackenstein, 2005, 261).
other state actors. Independence in this sense
means that these institutions should work Furthermore, they argue that the most
differently and independently from the basic important factor of all is political will, especially,
expectation of a normal states system operating the willingness of other international actor to
on the basis of power and interests. The fourth recognize the EU as a legitimate international
factor, is cohesion, to which the ability of actor. And more important is the political will of
actor to formulate and articulate consistent the EU member states. In order to be an effective
policy preferences. However, the EU can make international actors and to be able to reverse its
a difference even without policy cohesion international presence into operational power,
(Caporaso, 1998, 217). the EU need to have a common will, a common
vision and trust. The common vision of the EU
In a slightly different way, Mackenstein
is lacking of broad principles and objectives, and
et.al, (2005, 261-262) outline four factors to
there has been a political will deficit and lack of
analyse the EU’s direction and capabilities as an
trust. As a consequence, the EU seems to present
international actor : legitimacy, the transatlantic
uncertainty feature as an international actor. It
context, the enlargement, and the attitudes of
will consistently set apart in economic, politico-
member states. The legitimacy discussions
strategic and geographic reach. Its international
include the impact of international law and the
ambitions and credibility will depend on the
relationship between the EU and its citizens.
international events and there seems to be a
International crises such as in Kosovo, September
contradictory in order to meet the rethorical
11 and Iraq provide challenges to international
commitments and political will (Mackenstein,
law and implies recognition that the EU should
2005, 262).
response effectively to these crises.
According to Vogler, et.al. (1999, 5), there
Because of the role of the EU is very
are three categories to examine the external
limited therefore the EU should increase its
roles of the EU : presence, opportunity, and
power to provide greater accountability in the
capability. Presence refers to the relationship
EU external relations. The transatlantic context,
between internal development of the EU and
in this regard, discuss the conduct of the EU
external expectations. Opportunity refers to
as an international actor. The enlargement of
factors in external developments that could
the EU is also crucial factor, which include the
enable and constrain actorness. Capability
pending 2004 round and future obligations,
refers to the capacity to respond effectively
such as those taken on the SAP. New external
to external expectations and opportunities.
relations challenges ranging from migration and
Following Allen and Smith rationale, the EU’s
new environmental threats through to strive for
presence in international affairs has been
adapting the European security architecture and
significance. Presence, in this sense, refers to
avoid outlining new dividing lines around EU
the ability to influence; to shape the perceptions
frontiers (Mackenstein, 2005, 261).
and expectations of others. Presence was not
Nevertheless, they argue that the most supposed to be an external action, but rather as
critical factor of all is the attitudes of its member
states. In this regard, the significant factors will
Indriana Kartini | The European Union’s Role as an International Actor in the Aceh ... | 117
a consequence of internal policies and processes discovery, such as dispossession, dislocation,
(Vogler, 1999, 6). industrialization, pollution, foreign corporations,
urban-rural migration, the arrival of non-
By outlining from these point of view, the
Acehnese workers and enclave development in
next section will discuss a case study about the
North Aceh. This led to the risen of prices and
EU’s role as an international actor in the Aceh
urban poverty. The harder grievances felt by
Monitoring Mission.
Acehnese was the Indonesian military operation
from 1976, particularly in the period from 1989
THE ACEH CONFLICT to 1998 when Aceh known as Daerah Operasi
Militer (DOM) or military operations area.
The roots of the Aceh conflict date back a
During this period, the Indonesian army in order
long way. In October 1976 a separatist movement
to pursue GAM, committed with human rights
was created in the Indonesian province of
abuses towards Aceh population (Schulze, 2007,
Aceh on the island of Sumatra. This movement
2).
fought by GAM, strive to establish an Acehnese
independent state. In the Indonesian history, An opportunity for a peaceful settlement
there seems to be a paradox regarding to the emerged by the changing of power in Indonesian
fact that unlike the two other territories which civilian and military power after the fall of
created separatist movement, such as East Timor Soeharto in 1998. Before that, the Indonesian
and West Papua, Aceh had contributed to the government was consistent to use military
Indonesian nationalist movement and the creation approach in dealing with conflicts within the
of the IndonesianRepublic. There is a broad republic. However, the tsunami disaster on
consensus in Indonesian society, especially in December 2004 contributed to the shifting
Acehnese society that the Acehnese embodied political approach in dealing with conflict in
Islamic values in a country which comprised Aceh, especially under President Susilo Bambang
88% of Muslim population, and widely known Yudhoyono. The involvement of the EU through
as “Serambi Mekah” or “the Veranda of Mecca”. the Crisis Management Initiative chaired by
By drawing upon Acehnese dissatisfaction Martti Ahtisaari contributed much to bringing
toward the government,GAM created a separatist the peaceful settlement to a successful outcome
movement. The 1976 GAM operation failed in July 2005.
to mobilize Acehnese grievances and by 1979
GAM was paralyzed by Indonesian military THE ACEH MONITORING MISSION
operations. In 1989, GAM was able to begun
(AMM)
its military operations. For about sixteen years,
GAM was involved in the insurgency against the As a response to the official invitation by
Indonesian army. The crucial dissatisfaction lies the Indonesian Government and supported by the
in the vertical conflict of centre-periphery led to GAM leadership, and despite initial doubts among
a political, social, and economic grievances. The some member states, the EU eventually decided
Acehnese grievances related to the unfulfilled to conduct its first mission in Asia. Learning from
promises of autonomy by the central government the past experience in East Timor, the Indonesian
under Soekarno (1951 – 1959) and under Government preferred a regional organization
Soeharto (1967 – 1998). The grievances become rather than the United Nations’ involvement
intensified in 1971 by the discovery of natural and eventually the EU was a reasonable choice
gas. Especially, under Soeharto, the revenue of as if no Asian regional organizations capable to
Aceh’s natural resources flowed to Jakarta with conduct such operation. The AMM was deployed
small amount of wealth return to the province on 15 September as an EU mission conducted
(Schulze, 2007, 2). together with five ASEAN countries (Brunei,
Malaysia, Philippines, Singapore and Thailand),
Furthermore, the population also felt
and with contributions from Norway and
discontent to the effects of the natural gas
Switzerland. It was led by the head of mission,

Pieter Feith, whoreported to the European negotiations were facilitated by the Centre for
Council and directly to SecretaryGeneral Javier Humanitarian Dialogue (HDC) that produced the
Solana(Helly, 2005). ‘Joint Understanding on Humanitarian Pause for
From 15 Septemberto 31 December the Aceh’ of12 May 2000.
AMM had 125 EU and 93 ASEANmonitors The second negotiation produced the
on the ground. At the end of the missionthere ‘Cessation of Hostilities Agreement’ (COHA)
were only 29 EU and 7 ASEAN monitors left. of 9 December 2002. Unfortunately, both
The AMM’s objective was to assist GAM negotiations were failed to end the conflict.
and theIndonesian government with the Unlike the previous accords facilitated by the
implementation ofthe MOU and ‘to contribute HDC, the Helsinki Accord facilitated by the CMI
to a peaceful, comprehensiveand sustainable had full support from the EU in legal and financial
solution to the conflict in Aceh’1. basis. The legal basis of the CMI found in the
‘Council Regulation No. 381/2001 establishing
the Rapid Reaction Mechanism’ orRRM. The
The AMM specific tasks were to:
initiative legal basis found in the EU’s ‘RRM
• to monitor the demobilisation of GAM and Policy Advice and Mediation Facility Decision
thedecommissioning of its weapons
2002–2004.’ It can be argued that the quasi-state
• to monitor the redeployment of non- was thesole international mediator during the
organic TNI and police
negotiations that end up in the Helsinki Accord
• to monitor the reintegration of GAM and
(Gunaryadi, 2006, 89).
the human rights situation as well as the
legislativechange After five rounds of tough negotiations
• to rule on disputed amnesty cases between January and July 2005, the Indonesian
• and to investigate violations of the MOU government and GAM eventually agreed on the
Helsinki Accord. Aspinall (2005) emphasizes
According to Schulze (2007, 4), the key to that the possibility for success of this accord
the success of the AMM were the Commission is greater than the previous peace accords
on Security Arrangements (COSA) meetings, because it is different in fundamental way. The
head by Pieter Feith and attended by senior previous accords, such as The Humanitarian
representatives of GAM and the Indonesian Pause for Aceh andCOHA, called for ceasefires
government, police and military. In addition, and demilitarization which followed by an
there were also meetings at the district level openendeddialogue on the political status of
(DiCOSA). The purpose of these meetings was to Aceh. Both parties remained in a different
provide a forum that could accommodate issues, stand on the core issue of whether Aceh should
questions, and complaints and resolve them become an independent state or remain part of
before they turn to be real problems. the Indonesian republic.
On this critical circumstances, it was very
difficult for both parties to build confidence and
THE EU INVOLVEMENT IN THE AMM trust one another. Especially Indonesian military
The EU initiative and full support through and government remained suspicious that the
the CMI is essential for the success of the peace accords was used by GAM to strengthen its
Helsinki Accord. Its initiative also supported by separatist movement However, the negotiations
some EU member states which sent their team become possible to be successful after GAM
in the AMM to show their strong commitment announced in February that they were willing to
to the implementation of the Accord. Actually, leave behind its independence goal and agreed
the Helsinki Accord was the third attempts to accept a “self-government” solution for Aceh
which involve international mediation to solve within the Indonesian state (Aspinall, 2005,
the conflicts in the region. The first peace viii).
1
Aceh Monitoring Mission leaflet, Banda Aceh, 2006.
Furthermore, Aspinall (2005, viii) notes build the largest block in the Bretton Wood
that compare to the previous accords, the institutions : 23% of the votes in theWorld
Helsinki Accord outlinesa comprehensive Bankand 29% of the votes in the International
peace settlement. It deals not only with security Monetary Fund, it possesses the largestcollective
dimension but also with broad terms such as a number of votes as well as a regional grouping in
new political relationship between Aceh and the the World TradeOrganisation(Van Reisen, 1999,
Indonesian state which is personified in a new 2). Moreover, the EU will remain influential
Law on the Governing of Aceh. The Helsinki in the global economy as the euro become
Accord also includes requirementsconcerning established and become powerful competitor to
political participation, human rights, the rule of the US dollar and the Japanese Yen.
law, andeconomic matters as well as measures
The EU ‘actorness,’ is still debatable
for the disarmament of GAM andits members’
because it was usually referred to the role of
reintegration into society. Indeed, with the
a sovereign state, a level that would be hard
involvement of the EU in Aceh Monitoring
toachieved by the EU. Thus, the concept of
Mission and also supported by participating
the ‘actorness’ should be go along with the
countries from ASEAN, the Helsinki Accord
notion of its international presence. The notion
is more successful than the previous accords.
of ‘presence’ itself would compensate the
The EU backstage roles in the process is
EU’s inability to exercise it effectively in the
significant in spite of Indonesia’s sensitivity to
pursuit of its global interests (Peterson, 1998,
foreign intervention on its domestic affairs. The
3). The notion of ‘presence’ might become a
important thing then begin with the question why
more significant phenomenon that attract the
the EU took the lead in the process, compare to
perceptions and expectations of policy-makers in
other organizations. To answer the question, it
the international politics (Allen& Smith, 1991,
would be better to analyse the EU motivations.
95-120). According to C. Hill (1994, 103-126)
there are three capabilities underlining the EU
THE EU MOTIVATIONS international ‘presence’ : its ability to agree, its
ability to act, and the extent of resources dedicated
Following Gunaryadi (2006, 92), the EU to support those actions. The capabilities, in this
main motivations to take the lead of the Helsinki regard, are divided into resources, instruments,
Accord are the political; and geopolitical and and cohesiveness. Gunaryadi (2006, 93) argues
strategical considerations. From the political that in the Helsinki Accord, the EU preservedall
motive, there are three points need to be concerns. aspects that sustain itscapabilities to act and to
First, it can be said that the EU has ambition to be realize its ambition for global leadership. The
a global player where it requires ‘to lead, not to be EU commitment to support the Helsinki Accord
led’ (Suryadinata, 1997). This ambition is natural through the Crisis Management Initiatives should
in away of its appearance as an international be understood in political aspiration framework.
actor and the pursuit of its global interest. He
mentions several factors that endorse the EU as Second, the EU has an ethical obligation to
an international actor. realize its commitment to develop its cooperation
with Indonesia which have a legitimate legal
The most important factor is the EU has
source under international law. It can be argued
become a global power in terms of economic,
that the EU is consistent with its grandstrategy on
tradeand investment. It contributed 51% of
Indonesia. Although there is no special clause in
world’s foreign direct investment outflows. It is
the major documents regulating its relations with
the biggest and richest marketplace in the world
Indonesia to solve internal conflicts in a peaceful
with more than 454 million consumers, its exports
way, however, the Helsinki Accord is part of the
of goods and services constituted 38% of the
main agenda, such as the EU’s support to good
world market, controlled of 36% of the world’s
governance, local democracy, and sustainable
GNP, provided 56% of official development
management of natural resources. The EU often
assistance. Furthermore, the EU Member States
critisised human rights violations in Indonesia,

but it consistently support Indonesian territorial large contribution to humanitarian assistance
integrity and called for a peaceful and political and development aid. Since the tsunami, the EU
conflict resolution in the country. Third, through and its member states have contributed up to
the involvement in the Helsinki Accord, the EU 1.5 billion euros. On the EU side, particularly,
is indirectly try to deliver message to the world, 123 million euros were allocated to immediate
especially to the powerful country, such as the humanitarian assistance to all countries affected
US, that conflicts can be solved peacefully rather by disaster and 207 million euros made available
than using military force (Gunaryadi, 2006, 93). under the Asia and Latin America (ALA)
program and the RRM to support the long-term
From geopolitical and strategic
reconstruction of Aceh. In the Aceh peace
considerations, Gunaryadi (2006, 96) mentions
process, the EU had contributed well before the
two main motivations : the first motivation of the
tsunami. In December 2002, it became a co-chair
EU involvement is that the possibility for success
of the Tokyo Preparatory Conference for Peace
is bigger after the tsunami disaster. The warring
and Reconstruction in Aceh where it financed the
parties in Aceh were also hit by the devastation.
monitoring mission chaired by the Henry Dunant
This condition perceived by the EU and the CMI
Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue which failed
as a good opportunity which could accelerate
to end the conflict (Grevi, 2005, 29).
the peace process in Aceh. Second, by the fact
that Acehnese are predominantly Muslim, like Furthermore, in March 2005, the EU
the majority Indonesians, it can be said that the mobilized up to 220,000 euro from the RRM in
EU was willing to portray in sympathyamong support of a project in drafting the Master Plan
the Muslims and to reinforce the West-Muslim for the recovery of Aceh which involved local
world’s relations andunderstanding in the stakeholders and civil society. On April 2005,
context of economy, politics and the measures of the EU delivered fund under the RRM, with
combatingterrorism. Third, the successful of the a 270,000 euro ceiling to the CMI to conduct
Helsinki Accord may improve the EU’s image peace talks. On 29 July, the EU provided 30
and influence in Indonesia. This can be seen million euros to support the projects for the
from the statement of Commissioner for External rehabilitation and reconstruction of the province.
Relations and European Neighbourhood Policy, This project intended, not only to rebuilding
Benita Ferrero-Waldner on March 2005: houses, public infrastructures and restart the
economy, but also to strengthening the capacity
The world must not forget the terrible
devastation the Tsunamis brought toSouth of the new Reconstruction Agency as well
East Asia.... Of the €350 million...available for as the local government (Grevi, 2005, 29).
post-Tsunami reconstructionI intend to devote Although, financial matters are oftenly become
over €200 million to Indonesia.... Europe and tough criticism in Brussels, the EU’s efforts
South East Asia are not just major trading and the AMM mandate might be regarded as
partners...two regions can deepenthis... complementary and mutually reinforcing.
important relationship particularly on
non-trade issues from the fightagainst
terrorism, to protecting the environment CHALLENGES OF THE AMM
and combating the drugstrade...how we can
strengthen ties with Indonesia, and support The Helsinki Accord facilitated by the EU
it on its path todemocracy, stability and through the CMI is one of the successful story
prosperity(European Commission 2005 b, 4 in the peace settlement, however, it also suffered
March). some challenges. Schulze (2007, 5) addresses two
important points : first, the disparity betweenthe
FINANCING THE AMM limited time to set up the mission and the
Following the tsunami disaster in lengthier and highly bureaucratic funding process
December 2004, Aceh become a region with in Brussels.Second, the trainingand selection of
many international presence, including the EU. monitors. One of the greatest challenges is the
It has taken the lead in relief effort and has given financing of the AMM. When the CMI asked the
EU to involve in monitoring the implementation the unconventional way of raising the money
of the AMM, it came with different reactions. A forthe mission, had consequences not only on the
positive reactions about a Europeandeployment diplomaticlevel but also on the ground. This can
in Aceh came from The General Affairs and be seen from the fact that when the assessment
External Relations Council (GAERC), while team arrived in Aceh in August2005 they had
The Political and Security Committee (PSC) was no money to access and no mobilephones that
halfhearted. In this case, the EU member states worked. Unfortunately, the AMM lacked money
were divided. Finland, Sweden, the Netherlands, forsecretaries, offices, computers, and printers
France, and the UK were agreed for an EU (Schulze, 2007, 5).
involvement while the rest preferred the EU to
The training program for the mission was
concentrate on areas which had already the EU
a challenges as well since it was not prepared
presence, such as in Balkans and Africa.
sufficiently. Since the beginning, it only covered
However, the EU Commission’s External elementary issues in a three-day training
Relations DirectorateGeneral continued to program. It included briefs on Acehnesesociety
outline a proposal to finance the mission in July and culture, the conflict history, and an overview
2005 through a grant to a member state. This of the Indonesian military functioned.There
proposal attracted an intense debate between the was also training provided on emergency
Commission and the Council, not only about the preparednessand humanitarian operations. The
contents but also the political consequences to the local languages also posed significant challenges.
Commission for conducting the Aceh mission. There were only a small number within the
As a consequence, the Council Legal Service EU team who can speak Indonesian let alone
rejected the proposal on legal, budgetary and Acehnese language. This become more burden
political grounds. Thus, from this reaction, it was with the fact that a few members of the AMM
obvious that the Council felt the Commission had were not speak English adequately and therefore
been overboard from the EU chain of command. hindered communication among the monitors
The process to finance the AMM was slow during (Schulze, 2007, 5).
the debate due to some member states dubious
Despite the challenges along the process,
stance on the Aceh mission. Because of Javier
the AMM was success in some ways. Its
Solana’s personal intervention, the debate over
monitors and expertise contributed to made
financing the AMM swayed in favour of EU
the implementation process of the Helsinki
deployment and financing it from the CFSP
Accord easier and avoid the collapsed of the
budget (Schulze, 2007, 5).
Aceh peace process. Due to the impartiality and
Nevertheless, out of a total budget of 15 the confidence inspired by the AMM in both
million euro, the CFSP could only cover 9 million GAM and the Indonesian military, it eventually
euro, the rest had to be provided by member smooth the way to the implementation of the
states. Only seven member states contributed to crucial decommissioning and redeployment.
this mission for an overall amount of 5 million Schulze (2007, 14) summed up five key points
euro. For instance, Sweden gave 4 million euro of the successful of the peace process: First,
for logistical support. However, in this critical full commitment of GAM and the Indonesian
situation, the largest contribution fell upon the government in the peace process. Without the
UK through the British embassy in Jakarta since consent of both parties, the peace process will
the UK held the EU presidency at the time. failed since the very beginning of the talks.
This financial challenges forced by procedural Second, the leadership and impartiality of its
and time constraints, because the EU are not head of mission, Pieter Feith, and the mission as
equipped to release the fund rapidly. In addition, a whole. Third, the support of individual member
the Aceh mission was operated at very short time, states, particularly the UK, Finland, and Sweden
in only 18 days. Therefore, Schulze argues that during the set-up phase of the mission. Fourth,
the institutional struggle of power inBrussels, the quick amnesty and the committee on security
the lack of consensus among member states,and arrangements (COSA). Fifth, by not too much

focusing on the human rights implementation at Caporaso, J.A. & J. Jupille. (1998). “States, Agency,
the early process, it made possible for the AMM and Rules: The EU in Global Environmental
to complete its mission in the light of sensitive Politics”, in Carolyn Rhodes (ed), The European
Union in the World Community. London: Lynne
context of Indonesian domestic politics.
Rienner Publisher.
European Commission. (2005b). Commissioner
CONCLUSION Ferrero-Waldner visits Indonesia 9–12 March.
IP/05/257, Brussels, 4 March.
The EU involvement in the AMM was
one of the successful story in the peaceful Gunaryadi. (2006).”The EU in the Peace Process for
Aceh”. Springer-Verlag.
conflict settlement. In this mission, the EU
has been able to show the world that it is one Hill, Christopher. “The Capability-expectations gap,
or Conceptualizing Europe’s International
of significant actor in international politics. Role”. In Simon Bulmer & Andrew Scott (eds).
Admittedly, the EU represents uncertain image (1994). Economic and Political Integration
in international politics as if it can not be seen at in Europe: Internal Dynamics and Global
the same level of sovereign-states. Nevertheless, Context. Oxford: Blackwell Publishers.
by viewing the EU as an evolving entity which John Peterson. (1998). “The European Union as a
engaged in particular issues and by addressing Global Actor”. In John Peterson & Helene
its international presence in the context of its Sjursen (eds). A Common Foreign Policy
involvement in the AMM, the EU has played for Europe? Competing Visions of the CFSP.
London: Routledge.
significant role as an international actor.
Marsh, Steve & Hans Mackenstein. (2005). The
Furthermore, the willingness of third International Relations of the EU, Essex:
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evolving entity which engaged in particular issues Schulze, Kirsten E. (2007). “Mission Not So
and by addressing its international presence, it is Impossible: The Aceh Monitoring Mission
and Lesson Learned for the EU”. International
argued that the EU has played significant role
Policy Analysis. Friedrich Ebert Stiftung. Juli.
as an international actor in the context of its
Suryadinata, L. (1997). Indonesia’s Foreign Policy
involvement in the AMM.
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Aspinall, Edward. (2005). “The Helsinki Agreement: Books.
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Europe’s Presence in the Contemporary
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Routledge.
SUMBER DAYA ALAM
SAMI INDIGENOUS MOVEMENT AND NATURAL RESOURCE’S

CONTESTATION
Manggala Ismanto
Fakultas Ilmu Budaya – Universitas Brawijaya
Email: manggala@ub.ac.id
ABSTRACT
The main agenda of the indigenous movement is fighting for political and cultural rights of ethnic minority
communities in accordance with unique historical and cultural practices that they have. As Kymlicka said, minority
rights must also be fought because they are on a system that is governed by the majority who pretend to produce
injustice. Sami Indigenous Movement in Norway is a form of a long struggle to obtain the right independently to
manage natural resources. Currently Sami struggling to maintain the uniqueness of the cultural identity and living
practices that have been owned for generations. This paper would like to see the establishment of indigenous
peoples’ movement Sami in Norway as well as the practice of social movements committed to demanding social
change related to self-governance and autonomy of management of natural resources.
Keywords: Indigenous Movement, Sami people, identity, otonomy, natural resource management
ABSTRAK
Agenda utama dalam gerakan adat atau indigenous movement adalah memperjuangkan hak politik dan
budaya komunitas etnis yang menjadi minoritas sesuai dengan keunikan historis serta praktik budaya yang mereka
miliki. Seperti yang dikatakan oleh Kymlicka, bahwa hak-hak minoritas juga harus diperjuangkan karena mereka
berada pada sistem yang diatur oleh mayoritas yang berpretensi menghasilkan ketidakadilan. Gerakan Masyarakat
Adat Sami di Norwegia merupakan bentuk perjuangan panjang untuk memperoleh hak secara mandiri untuk
mengelola sumber daya alam. Saat ini masyarakat Sami berjuang untuk mempertahankan keunikan identitas
budaya dan praktik hidup yang telah dimiliki secara turun temurun. Tulisan ini ingin melihat pembentukan gerakan
masyarakat adat Sami di Norwegia serta praktik gerakan sosial yang dilakukan untuk menuntut perubahan sosial
terkait dengan self-governance dan otonomi pengelolaan sumber daya alam.
Kata kunci: Gerakan Masyarakat Adat, Sami, identitas, otonomi, pengelolaan sumber daya alam
PENDAHULUAN
antaranya adalah hak untuk mengembangkan
Indigenous people sebagai bagian dari dan membangun manisfestasi praktek-praktek
warga negara dunia mendapat peluang untuk budaya (Kuokkanen, 2000). Melalui konvensi
menyuarakan haknya di kancah dunia. “Self- ILO, masyarakat lokal yang selama ini menjadi
determination” menjadi salah satu tujuan gerakan pihak yang termarjinalkan memiliki ruang untuk
ini yang melingkupi beragam isu. Beberapa di bernegosiasi. Dalam konvensi yang diadakan
125
oleh ILO dengan tajuk ‘Convention concerning INDIGENOUS PEOPLE DAN
Indigenous and Tribal Peoples in Independent ARTIKULASI IDENTITAS DALAM
Countries’ (ILO No. 169) dihasilkan definisi GERAKAN SOSIAL BARU
mengenai masyarakat adat. Dalam pasal satu
Secara global, masyarakat adat telah
dinyatakan definisi masyarakat adat sebagai :
mendapatkan pengakuan dan hal ini memberikan
indigenous people as people who are regarded peluang kepada komunitas adat untuk
as indigenous on account of their descent mengkonstruksi ulang identitasnya. Pengertian
from the populations which inhabited the
atau definisi yang fleksibel memungkinkan
country, or a geographical region to which
the country belongs, at the time of conquest or beberapa kelompok mengidentifikasi etnisitasnya
colonisation or the establishment of present untuk mendapatkan klaim atas hak-hak untuk
State boundaries and who, irrespective of diakui sebagai populasi masyarakat adat (Nuttal
their legal status, retain some or all of their 1998). Seperti yang dikemukakan oleh Plant
own social, economic, cultural and political (1994 dalam Nuttal, 1998, 3) bahwa banyak
institutions. (Nuttal, 1998, 2) dari komunitas yang mencoba mengidentifikasi
dirinya sebagai masyarakat adat dikarenakan
Pengakuan secara internasional ini “proteksi kuat yang ditawarkan melalui hukum
menjadi angin segar bagi gerakan masyarakat internasional”.
adat di beberapa negara yang sudah berlangsung Perdebatan tentang munculnya
cukup lama. Etnis Sami di Norwegia, menjadi identifikasi terhadap “keadatan” diwarnai
salah satu aktor dalam proses pengakuan hak dengan bermunculannya klaim masyarakat
adat di negaranya. Perjuangan menghadapi adat terhadap pengelolaan sumber daya. Salah
ketidakadilan serta dominasi budaya berawal satu kajian yang membahas isu tersebut adalah
sejak masyarakat Sami dihadapkan pada Kuper (2003). Dia melihat konsep yang diajukan
kebijakan-kebijakan negara yang merugikan tentang indigeneousness sangat terkait dengan
mereka. Gerakan ini diawali dari bentuk pembentukan identitas yang tidak pernah
perlawanan terhadap proyek pembangunan usai. Pandangan tentang indigenous terkadang
skala besar dengan dalih kemajuan. Setelah disamakan dengan romantisme terhadap
aksi perlawanan tersebut, keterlibatan politik kehidupan masyarakat non-modern yang hidup
masyarakat Sami mulai meningkat dalam konteks serasi dengan alam serta berdampingan dengan
pengakuan hak. Hal ini terlihat dari pembentukan lingkungan. Disamping itu, Kuper (2003)
Komisi Hak Asasi Sami, Parlemen Sami, menjelaskan tentang beberapa kasus tentang
maupun pengajuan serta diimplementasikannya masyarakat adat yang akhirnya mendapatkan
Finnmark Act (Perjanjian Finnmark). Finnmark klaim atas sumber daya alam yang terhubung
Act adalah upaya pemerintah norwegia sebagai dengan latar historis mereka.
pihak yang meratifikasi konvensi ILO tentang Namun, dibalik itu ada kegelisahan yang
masyarakat adat, untuk memberikan kesempatan ditunjukkan oleh Kuper tentang klaim-klaim
kepada orang Sami di kawasan Finnmark masyarakat adat dengan menunjukkan bahwa
untuk mengelola sumber daya secara mandiri tidak ada masyarakat yang terisolir sama
(Finnmark Act, 2005). sekali dan memiliki relasi dengan kelompok
Dalam artikel ini, penulis ingin melihat masyarakat lain. Jadi secara historis, sulit
bagaimana gerakan masyarakat adat muncul di menentukan siapa yang memiliki hak atas suatu
Norwegia. Apa saja faktor pendorong gerakan wilayah, kerena didalamnya ada unsur migrasi
tersebut dan dampaknya terhadap masyarakat ataupun asimilasi. Selanjutnya, klaim-klaim
Sami? Apakah gerakan ini mampu mempengaruhi atas sumber daya dianggap mampu mengekslusi
budaya dominan yang ada? Seberapa jauh atau menyingkirkan tidak hanya masyarakat
masyarakat Sami dapat bernegosiasi untuk yang identitasnya berbeda tetapi juga dari
mendapatkan pengakuan terhadap hak-hak internal masyarakat itu sendiri. Ketidakadilan
kewargaaannya? dan penyingkiran kemungkinan bisa terjadi

jika klaim-klaim tersebut tidak didasarkan pada konsep tersebut untuk memastikan program-
realita yang terkait dengan realita sosial budaya progam konservasi mereka berjalan baik dengan
yang ada. Saling menggunakan sumber-sumber bantuan yang diberikan oleh lembaga donor
historis yang berdasar pada budaya tutur maupun internasional.
mitos bisa menghasilkan kontestasi yang tidak
Hal yang menarik dilihat adalah
akan pernah usai. Seperti yang dipaparkan Kuper
bagaimana indigenousness ini dianggap sebagai
(2003):
sesuatu yang hadir tidak secara natural tetapi
There are also frequent disputes about who merupakan upaya masyarakat untuk menentukan
should be chief, and land claims regularly pit identitasnya sebagai bagian dari legitimasi.
native against native, chief against chief...
Tania Li (2003) dalam studinya di Indonesia
Precisely because myths function as charters,
there are inevitably competing stories, melihat bahwa fenomena identifikasi diri menjadi
and disputes often rage over who owns a bagian dari masyarakat tribal atau adat sebagai
particular story and who has the right to proses artikulasi identitas. Dia menyatakan
use it to back up claims to resources (Kuper, bahwa identifikasi tersebut adalah sesuatu
2003: 391) yang “invented, adopted or imposed”. Bagi Li,
tindakan tersebut adalah upaya positioning yang
Hal tersebut senada dengan apa yang berdasar pada praktik-praktik historis, lanskap,
coba ditelusuri oleh Hames (2007) tentang yang dilakukan dengan perjuangan. Menjadi
bagaimana pendefinisian serta penggunaan indigenous, dapat diartikan bahwa masyarakat
konsep noble savage. Dengan melacak Istilah bisa menuntut atau bahkan mendapatkan hak-
noble savage secara historis, Hames menemukan hak tertentu terkait kehidupan mereka. Tujuan
konsep tersebut mengacu pada anggapan dimana identifikasi diri sebagai bagian dari masyarakat
masyarakat lokal (adat) yang dianggap ‘primitif’ adat adalah untuk mendapatkan hak yang salah
adalah bentuk masyarakat yang menjunjung satunya untuk mengelola budaya, sumber daya
nilai-nilai keserasian terhadap alam, atau bisa alam, politik secara mandiri. Istilah Indigenous
dinyatakan sebagai konservasionis. Ahli sosial ini bukanlah secara sederhana bisa dipadankan
menafsirkan bahwa kehidupan masyarakat dengan ras, etnisitas atau agama. Menurut Smith
tersebut merupakan negasi dari kehidupan (2006), “Indigenous is a complex concept: as an
masyarakat modern yang memiliki tendensi identity, a relationship to the land and the State,
untuk melakukan eksploitasi terhadap alam and as a form of legitimation.”
secara berlebih.
Identitas merupakan entitas yang selalu
Menurut Hames (2007), alih-alih mengalami perubahan dan di dalamnya terdapat
mengklarifikasi apakah mitos noble savage itu ketidakstabilan serta selalu dipengaruhi beragam
adalah sebuah kebenaran, dia mengusulkan untuk faktor. Seperti yang dijelaskan oleh Hall (1990
melihat bagaimana konsep ini digunakan untuk dalam Li, 2003, 151) mengenai identitas kultural
kepentingan masyarakat yang mengusungnya. yang selalu berada dalam proses “menjadi”.
Mitos tentang pola hidup masyarakat yang Menurut Hall (ibid), identitas tersebut datang dari
sinergis dengan alam juga digunakan secara sesuatu yang bersifat historis. Argumentasinya
politis oleh masyarakat dengan tujuan tertentu. menekankan bahwa seharusnya identitas tidak
Konsep tersebut disandingkan oleh masyarakat dipandang sebagai bentuk yang “eternaly
lokal dengan isu tentang identitas serta self fixed”, melainkan sebagai subjek yang sangat
determination. Seperti yang dikatakan oleh dipengaruhi oleh sejarah, budaya dan kekuasaan.
Hames (2007) “...how this concept is used by Bagi Hall, ada ketidakstabilan dalam identifikasi
native peoples to identify essential characteristics kebudayaan, sehingga menurutnya proses
of their culture and world view and how it is ini akan “renders any articulation complex,
deployed politically in their struggles for self contestable, and subject to rearticulation”.
determination and equality.” Tidak hanya Identitas bukanlah ruang yang kaku dan mutlak,
masyarakat, organisasi non-pemerintah yang bahkan merupakan ruang yang dinamis dan selalu
bergerak di bidang lingkungan juga menggunakan berupaya menemukan bentuknya.
Manggala Ismanto | Gerakan Masyarakat Adat Sami dan Kontestasi Sumber Daya Alam | 127
Masyarakat adat berupaya memposisikan politis. Selanjutnya hal ini biasanya terlihat dalam
dirinya dalam tantangan menghadapi perubahan kasus ketika praktek tersebut diteorisasikan
sosial yang terjadi di masyarakat melalui sebagai yang marginal, berseberangan, alternatif
gerakan sosial. Nash (2008) menunjukkan dan semua itu “dipahami dalam relasinya dengan
dalam kerangka gerakan sosial, masyarakat adat aturan dari kebudayaan yang dominan”. Budaya
menjadi agen aktif untuk menjawab tantangan dianggap politik karena pemaknaan di dalamnya
dunia yang terikat erat dengan sistem kapitalis mengandung proses, baik implisit maupun
yang mengglobal. Keinginan atas otonomi dan eksplisit, untuk mendefinisikan kembali ‘sosial
kepengaturan mandiri menjadi isu sentral dalam power’. Menurut Escobar gerakan alternatif
masyarakat adat saat ini. Pendekatan gerakan merupakan upaya penegasan bahwa mereka bisa
sosial saat ini mulai mengalami modifikasi untuk bernegosiasi atau berhadapan dengan budaya
merespon arah baru dari proses-proses global. dominan. Seperti yang dijelaskannya bahwa :
Pergeseran ini muncul berdasar kajian yang mulai “When movements deploy alternative
beralih dari spesifik membahas kelas pekerja conceptions of woman, nature, development,
menjadi kemunculan hak-hak sipil, gerakan economy, democracy, or citizenship that
feminis, dan juga identitas post-industri. unsettle dominant cultural meanings, they
enact a cultural politics. Cultural politics
Gerakan masyarakat adat tersebut bisa are the result of discursive articulations
dilihat dalam kerangka “new social movement”. originating in existing cultural practices.
Karakter gerakan tersebut memfokuskan pada These processes are never pure and always
identitas, otonomi serta “self-realization” hybrid yet showing significant contrasts in
(Calhoun 2000 [1993] dalam Smith, 2006, 7). relation to dominant cultures” (Escobar,1998,
64).
Di dalam gerakan sosial ‘baru’ ini, identitas
memainkan peran yang cukup penting sehingga
Dalam konteks kewarganergaraan
gerakan masyarakat adat pun masuk didalamnya.
(citizenship) hak-hak minoritas atau komunitas
Seperti yang dipaparkan oleh Nash (2008, 10),
juga mendapatkan perhatian karena terkait
“the resurgence of ethnic identification among
dengan keunikan dan perbedaan yang dimiliki.
populations marginalized in the course of
Holston dan Appadurai (1996) menjelaskan
conquest challenged the indigenist ideologist...
konsep kewarganegaraan yang dianggap
brought to the fore collective practices and
bersifat netral selalu menghadapi tantangan
aspirations that had long been buried”. Seperti
dalam konteks masyarakat yang multi-identitas.
yang dijelaskan Dove (2006) bahwa, salah
Kelompok-kelompok yang memiliki latar
satu bentuk identitas yang sering dimunculkan
belakang sejarah dan karakteristik berbeda
adalah dengan mengenalkan konsep mengenai
memaknai ulang hubungan antara hak dan
indigenous environmental knowledge, di mana
kewajiban sebagai warga negara. Perbedaan ini
masyarakat dianggap mampu hidup secara
mendasari bahwa setiap kelompok berupaya
berkesinambungan dengan lingkungan melalui
untuk mendapatkan ‘perlakuan’ berbeda dan
penggunaan pengetahuan lokal mereka
dihargai keberadaannya. Beberapa kelompok
“Cultural politic” atau politik budaya identitas termasuk didalamnya adalah kelompok
mendapatkan perhatian dalam pendekatan minoritas, kelompok orientasi seksual, ras,
gerakan sosial untuk melihat bagaimana keagamaan maupun organisasi berdasarkan
munculnya alternatif gerakan yang berdasar etnis. Masing-masing kelompok memiliki
pada artikulasi budaya. Menurut Escobar (1998, klaim dengan tujuan, “...demand different
64) bahwa cultural politic merupakan proses treatment on the basis of their inalienable right
yang terjadi ketika “sets of social actors shaped to retain and realize their unique qualities,
by, and embodying, different cultural meanings contributions, and histories...That difference
and practices come into conflict with each other”. in fact constitutes their authentic and original
Dalam pengertian ini pemaknaan dan praktik character, which they have every right to develop
tersebut bisa dikatakan sebagai sumber dari proses to full capacity.”(Holston dan Appadurai, 1996,
yang bisa diterima sebagai sesuatu yang bersifat 194).

Hak-hak minoritas juga harus mendapat Hidup berdampingan dengan lingkungan
perhatian karena mereka berada pada sistem yang keras di Artik membuat masyarakat Sami
yang diatur oleh mayoritas yang berpretensi harus beradaptasi dengan menemukan cara-cara
menghasilkan ketidakadilan. Kymlicka bertahan hidup. Beberapa diantara mereka
(2002[1995]) berpendapat bahwa hak masih berpindah-pindah, atau nomaden. Mata
kewarganegaraan sangat mengagungkan hak pencaharian masyarakat Sami diantaranya adalah
individu yang didukung dalam sistem liberal berburu, nelayan, maupun menggembala rusa
dan terkadang melupakan bahwa seharusnya kutub. Menjadi penggembala rusa kutub menjadi
kelompok minoritas juga harus dilindungi salah satu ikon budaya masyarakat Sami. Banyak
dan diakui keberadaannya. Salah satu bentuk orang Sami yang mempraktikan gaya hidup
pengakuan tersebut adalah dengan memberikan semi-nomaden, untuk memindahkan rusanya
“perlindungan eksternal” (dari negara atau diantara pegunungan dan pantai sesuai dengan
kelompok mayoritas) dengan cara memberikan musim (Arnadottir, 2014, 170).
hak atas pemerintahan sendiri kepada kelompok
Rusa menjadi salah satu sumber kehidupan
minoritas yang di dalamnya terkait bagaimana
bagi orang Sami. Rusa bisa dimanfaatkan
kelompok tersebut mendapatkan otonomi untuk
untuk transportasi, membuat beragam peralatan
mengatur, diantaranya terkait pengembangan
dan juga sumber makanan. Bulu rusa bisa
budaya serta akses terhadap sumber daya.
dimanfaatkan untuk membuat sepatu musim
dingin, sarung tangan, topi, pelindung kaki.
MASYARAKAT SAMI: ANTARA Selain itu juga bisa digunakan untuk kasur, dan
PENGAKUAN DAN DISKRIMINASI juga selimut. Sementara itu, dagingnya biasa
dikonsumsi dan juga diawetkan untuk memenuhi
Masyarakat Sami merupakan salah satu
protein orang Sami. Pentingnya keberadaan rusa
etnis yang tinggal di kawasan utara negara-
pada kehidupan mereka maka negara-negara
negara Skandinavia. Secara tradisional mereka
Nordic mengadopsi perjanjian khusus terkait
menempati teritori yang dikenal sebagai Sapmi,
dengan penggembalaan rusa kutub, seperti yang
yang meliputi kawasan utara Norwegia, Swedia,
dijelaskan Zashikhina (2014):
Finlandia, dan juga Kola Peninsula di Rusia.
Meskipun mereka dipisahkan dengan batasan ...the Reindeer Grazing Act of 1971 in Sweden
geografis dari empat negara, mereka tetap and the Reindeer Husbandry Act of 1978
in Norway, which was recently amended.
memiliki kesatuan dan persamaan budaya
These documents provide the Sami with the
melebihi batas-batas kenegaraan (Arnadottir, exclusive right for their traditional livelihood
2014). – reindeer husbandry. The Lapp Codisil was
Populasi orang Sami di Norwegia berkisar the first official document, which allows
antara 30.000 orang. Di negara lainnya, Sami to the Sami to practice reindeer husbandry.
This document still can be considered as the
yang menetap di Sweden berjumlah 15.000 dan
source of law regarding Sami’s rights for the
di Finlandia berjulah 5.000 orang. Sedangkan traditional livelihoods.
di Russia sekitar 2.000 orang. Di Norwegia
sendiri 24.000 dari 30.000 orang Sami tinggal di Meskipun memiliki keunikan dan
propinsi paling ujung utara wilayah negara ini. dukungan dalam pengelolaan sumber daya,
Sekitar 15.000 orang berada di kawasan bernama masyarakat Sami sebagai minoritas juga
Finnmark dan 9.000 orang lainnya berada di mendapatkan diskriminasi pada masa lalu.
Tromso (Paine, 1987). Konsep mengenai Sami Salah satu bentuk diskriminasinya adalah
sering digunakan tanpa definisi yang baku. dengan diimplementasikannya kebijakan
Menurut orang Sami sendiri, Sami adalah orang asimilasi yang memarjinalisasikan orang Sami
yang menganggap dirinya sebagai Sami, yang di Norwegia. Salah satu pemicu kebijakan ini
berbicara bahasa Sami, dan atau memiliki orang adalah pemberontakan yang terjadi di kawasan
tua atau keturunan yang berbahasa Sami (Kitti, Koaukatoni di Utara Norwegia pada tahun 1852.
1996, 65). Pemberontakan tersebut terjadi karena respon
orang Sami terhadap diskriminasi dan penjajahan pada aboriginality dan keadatan. Penggunaan
(Muus, 2010). retorika juga digunakan untuk mengartikulasi,
menunjukan, serta mempertahankan identitas
Setelah itu, muncul kebijakan yang dikenal
sosial tertentu dan klaim bahwa mereka tergabung
sebagai “fornorsking” atau “norwegianization”
dalam group atau lokasi tertentu (Nuttal, 1998).
yang terjadi pada era 1879-1940. Kebijakan
Seperti yang dijelaskan oleh Nuttal (1998)
itu diimplementasikan terjadi pada dua level,
bahwa:
yaitu kebijakan tempat tinggal dan livelihood,
dan kebijakan bahasa dan pendidikan. Salah The use of such rhetoric has become essential
for Arctic peoples as they argue that their
satu prakteknya yang terjadi sebelum tahun
demands for ownership of or title to lands
1970 adalah pelarangan untuk menggunakan and resources are based on two undisputable
bahasa Sami dimanapun dan masyarakat Sami claims: that they have a unique and special
harus menggunakan bahasa Norwegia di ranah relationship to the Arctic environment which
publik(Zashikhina, 2014). Menurut Muus is essential for social identity and cultural
(2010) orang Sami yang tidak menguasai bahasa survival; and that they have never given
up their rights over lands and resources
Norwegia baik membaca atau menulis, tidak
in the first place—rather, land has been
diperbolehkan memiliki bentuk bisnis atau expropriated and resources exploited without
kepemilikan atas properti. Memiliki nama dengan due regard to indigenous peoples. Claims to
karakter bahasa Sami juga bisa menjadi masalah lands and resources are thus based on cultural
terkait hak kepemilikan properti. Dalam proses and historical rights: the Arctic environment
asimilasi ini pula, ada hukum yang diberlakukan not only sustains indigenous peoples in an
pada tahun 1902 terkait dengan nama Norwegia economic sense, it nourishes them spiritually
and provides a fundamental basis for the
saja yang bisa dilekatkan pada properti. Proses-
distinctive cultures and ways of life they are
proses dikriminasi ini sudah berlangsung cukup fighting to protect
lama tidak hanya di Norwegia tetapi juga orang
Sami di negara scandinavia lainnya, seperti juga
yang dinyatakan oleh Zashikhina (2014): Pada bagian ini akan dipaparkan bentuk-
For the long period of time the Sami people bentuk gerakan yang pernah dilakukan oleh
from all these Nordic states were neglected by masyarakat Sami berserta pihak-pihak yang
the governments and it was easier to pretend membantunya. Dalam hal ini secara garis besar
that they are not a separate ethnic group, but upaya yang dilakukan oleh orang Sami adalah
just a group of people with other language and untuk memperjuangkan hak-hak komunalnya,
way of life. And it was easier to try to change diantaranya hak atas pengelolaan sumber daya
them, make „them‟ similar to „us‟, then to
maupun kepemilikan atas tanah. Upaya untuk
cohabit all together. But it was not fault of
national governments. All international law memperoleh klaim yang berdasar pada keunikan
that time considered indigenous peoples not identitas ditempuh melalui jalan dan proses yang
like individual ethnic groups, but just like panjang. Pada bagian ini, deskripsi momentum
small tribes with no culture. di mana masyarakat Sami menjadi aktor dalam
perjuangannya menuntut hak hidup serta hak
GERAKAN SOSIAL DAN OTONOMI otonomi sumber daya yang berada dalam kaca
PENGELOLAAN SUMBER DAYA mata gerakan sosial baru akan dipaparkan lebih
ALAM mendalam.
Seperti yang dinyatakan oleh Nuttal (1998, Proses perjuangan tersebut diantaranya
3) gerakan politik yang terjadi di Artik memiliki muncul pada aksi penolakan proyek skala besar
tujuan untuk mendapatkan pengakuan diri (self- pembangkit listrik di Alta serta perjuangan politik
determination) dan juga klaim terhadap lahan terbentuknya parlemen Sami dan pengajuan
serta sumber daya alam. Upaya yang dilakukan Finnmark Act yang mencoba mengakomodasi
untuk memperoleh itu semua adalah dengan kepentingan masyarakat Sami. Secara historis
mengkonstruksi identitas etnik serta budaya kedua hal ini memiliki keterkaitan dalam
yang dimiliki serta memfokuskan perhatian gerakan masyarakat Sami. Aksi penolakan ini

menjadi awal masuknya isu-isu diskriminasi kutub. Masyarakat Sami sangat bergantung pada
serta ketidakberpihakan pemerintah terhadap pemanfaatan rusa kutub ini.
orang Sami dalam perdebatan publik. Aksi ini
Rencana pembangunan pembangkit listrik
pulalah yang mendorong orang Sami secara
ini menimbulkan gejolak dan perlawanan di
politik memiliki perwakilan dalam parlemen,
masyarakat, tidak hanya oleh masyarakat Sami
yang dibentuknya sendiri, untuk bernegosiasi
yang terekslusi dari tempat tinggalnya tetapi
dengan pemerintah pusat.
juga banyak pihak. Howell (2010) mengatakan
bahwa pembangunan ini merupakan proyek
Menentang Pembangunan Pembangkit yang paling kontroversial dalam sejarah proyek
Listrik Alta energi di Norwegia. Tidak hanya karena
Kawasan utara Norwegia sebagai mampu mengaktifasi gerakan dari populasi
kawasan yang ditinggali oleh masyarakat Sami Sami, tetapi juga mampu menggerakkan pihak-
menjadi lokasi pembangunan skala besar untuk pihak lain seperti politisi, kelompok radikal,
meningkatkan pertumbuhan di Norwegia. environmentalis, maupun ilmuwan sosial
Pemerintahan Norwegia memiliki rencana untuk seperti antropolog. Proyek skala besar ini juga
membangun pembangkit listrik tenaga air di menimbulkan perdebatan politik di Norwegia
daerah Alta-Kautokeino. Hal ini didasari pada (Broderstad, 2011; Andersen et al., 1985,
disetujuinya perencanaan pendirian pembangkit 318). Kasus ini memberikan peluang untuk
listrik beserta dam berukuran raksasa pada tahun mempertanyakan kembali prosedur serta aturan
1978 oleh parlemen. Proses inisiasi proyek ini dalam pembuatan kebijakan dalam ranah
ternyata berlangsung cukup panjang. Menurut lingkungan dan manajemen sumber daya.
Andersen,et.al (1985) Kementrian Sumber Daya Gerakan perlawanan ini didasari pada hak-hak
Air dan Listrik Norwegia meluncurkan rencana masyarakat Sami atas tanah, air, serta sumber
pada tahun 1960an untuk mengeksploitasi daya alam.
aliran sungai Alta-Kautokeino untuk digunakan Tindakan perlawanan dari gerakan
sebagai pembangkit listrik serta menciptakan ini berlangsung berulang kali dan sempat
waduk di desa tempat tinggal etnis Sami. Kasus berhasil menunda sejenak proses pembangunan
ini berlangsung cukup lama hampir lebih dari pembangkit listrik serta waduk. Bentuk resistensi
12 tahun dengan banyak ketidakpastian serta yang muncul beragam (Andersen, et. al., 1985,
konflik. Namun akhirnya pada tahun 1981 320). Pada tahun 1970 penduduk Masi,
rencana ini diimplementasikan. komunitas kecil Sami yang akan dipaksa
Aliran sungai Alta-Kautokeino merupakan pindah dari lingkungan tempat tinggalnya
salah satu aliran sungai yang memiliki nilai karena pendirian waduk, berhasil mendesak
ekologis dan ekonomis bagi kehidupan parlemen Norwegia untuk tidak memasukkan
masyarakat. Hal ini didasari atas pentingnya proyek pembangunan waduk dalam rencana
aliran sungai bagi ekosistem di kawasan utara proyek pembangkit listrik. Hingga delapan
Norwegia. Parmann (1981) memaparkan bahwa tahun setelahnya, pada 1978 keputusan untuk
sungai tersebut merupakan salah satu sungai membangun waduk mendapatkan petisi dan
terindah di Norwegia. Panjang aliran sungai juga aksi demonstrasi baik di pusat kota Oslo
ini mencapai 130 km dan menyimpan potensi maupun di Alta. Setelah itu, pada tahun 1979
perikanan air tawar berupa persediaan ikan pembangkangan sipil dilakukan oleh masyarakat
salmon yang mencapai 30.000kg/tahun. Berkat setempat dan juga kelompok lingkungan di
sumber daya ikan tersebut, Sungai Alta berperan Norwegia dengan cara menutup pembuatan jalan
dalam perikanan komersil dan juga sebagai menuju ke lokasi pusat energi. Pada tahun yang
tujuan pariwisata (Andersen, et.al., 1985, 318). sama demonstrasi damai dengan membuat tenda
Tidak hanya itu, di kedua sisi sungai itu melintasi di depan gedung parlemen dilakukan oleh warga
dataran tinggi bernama Finmarksvidda yang Sami. Aksi ini diliput oleh media massa hingga
merupakan area terpenting bagi migrasi rusa publik memaksa Pemerintah untuk menghentikan
implementasi kebijakan tersebut.
Perlawanan masyarakat adat Sami luaran. Hasil kerja keras komisi dapat dilihat dari
memuncak pada tahun 1981 ketika pemerintah bagaimana Sami Act berhasil disusun pada tahun
akan melakukan eksekusi pembangunan proyek. 1987 untuk membela kepentingan orang Sami.
Gerakan mobilisasi massa terjadi di lokasi Alta Selain itu juga berhasil dilakukannya amandemen
untuk menolak konstruksi pembangkit listrik konstitusi pada tahun 1988 serta pendirian
dan dam. Tujuan utama aksi ini adalah untuk parlemen Sami di tahun 1989. Pasal yang
melindungi kawasan yang memiliki fungsi diajukan dan telah disahkan dalam konstitusi
ekologis di Norwegia serta untuk menegakkan Norwegia tercantum pada pasal 110a yang
hak-hak masyarakat adat yang tinggal di berisikan ada tanggung jawab pemerintah
kawasan tersebut, masyarakat Sami. Estimasi untuk mempertahankan serta mengijinkan
menunjukkan sekitar 600-700 orang berkumpul “development of Sami Culture”. Dengan
dengan membawa atribut demonstrasi. Mereka munculnya pasal tersebut, masyarakat Sami dapat
telah berkumpul di lokasi dan menginap di lokasi bernegosiasi dengan Pemerintah Pusat mengenai
pendirian konstruksi pembangkit listrik. Untuk otonomi sumber daya dan budayanya. Salah
menghalau aksi tersebut, Pemerintah mengutus satunya adalah keberhasilan inisiasi penggunaan
600 anggota kepolisian untuk berjaga, dan bahasa Sami (Brodertstad, 2011)).
bahkan menangkap semua orang yang ikut dalam
Hak politik menjadi poin utama dalam
aksi ini. Mereka yang tertangkap dikenai denda
agenda masyarakat Sami dengan perjuangan
sebesar 3000 kroner. Denda yang terkumpul
pendirian parlemen Sami. Dengan adanya
dalam aksi tersebut mencapai 1.700.000 kroner
parlemen ini perwakilan masyarakat bisa
atau setara dengan 350.000 dollar (Parmann,
menegaskan representasinya dalam perpolitikan
1981, 153). Meskipun aksi massa telah dilakukan,
di Norwegia. Melalui politik, negosiasi bisa terus
namun gerakan ini belum membuahkan hasil dan
dilakukan untuk kepentingan masyarakat Sami.
proyek pembangkit listrik tetap berjalan yang
Menjadi entitas warga negara yang memiliki
dimulai pada akhir tahun 1981.
kemampuan mengatur dirinya sendiri terkait
sumber daya dan juga budaya merupakan tujuan
Finnmark Act: Upaya Politik utama dari keterlibatan dalam ranah politik ini.
Mendapatkan Otonomi Pengelolaan Seperti yang dipaparkan oleh Broderstad (2011)
Sumber Daya bahwa, “As is the case across the Arctic, where a
Kemampuan untuk bernegosiasi secara number of legal and political arrangements have
politis diperlukan masyarakat adat untuk been established to promote a greater degree of
mendapatkan bargaining position atas hak-hak autonomy, certain Sami rights gradually became
yang mereka tuntut. Komisi Sami didirikan entrenched, and political arrangements were
untuk memperjuangkan hak masyarakat adat established to promote a greater degree of Sami
di Norwegia. Kemunculan Komisi Hak Asasi autonomy”.
Sami (Sami Rights Commission) tersebut dapat Salah satu bentuk produk perjuangan
dikaitkan dengan momen penting perlawanan adalah munculnya Finnmark Act (atau perjanjian
masyarakat Sami terhadap proyek pembangkit Finnmark). Finnmark merupakan daerah paling
listrik di kawasan Alta. Brodertstad (2011) terujung bagian selatan dari Norwegia yang
menyatakan, meskipun warga Sami kalah dalam ditinggali sekitar 74.000 penduduk. Daerah
‘pertempuran’, tetapi mereka memenangkan tersebut juga merupakan kawasan tempat
kasusnya. Tepat setelah kejadian demonstrasi tinggal masyarakat Sami dan juga masyarakat
besar-besaran, masih di tahun 1981 komisi hak non-Sami. Gagasan reformasi lahan di Finmmark
asasi masyarakat Sami dibentuk. Mandat utama tersebut diperjuangkan oleh Komisi Hak Asasi
dari pendirian komisi ini adalah mempertanyakan Sami (Riseth, 2007, 180) setelah hampir 20
kembali mengenai hak masyarakat Sami terhadap tahun berdiri. Awalnya Komisi Hak Asasi Sami
tanah dan air. memberikan rekomendasi agar ada pengakuan
Tuntutan komisi ini mengenai hak hak masyarakat untuk bisa mengakses tanah
masyarakat Sami menghasilkan beberapa dan air. Tujuan digagasnya perjanjian ini untuk

meminta pengakuan kepada pemerintah pusat dipilih oleh Sami Parlemen. Kemudian draft
untuk memberikan hak otonomi kepada orang tersebut berkembang menjadi bagaimana
Sami. masyarakat adat dapat mengelola sumber
dayanya secara otonom di sana.
Pada awalnya, bagian paling utara
Norwegia yaitu Finnmark adalah kawasan Setelah enam tahun rekomendasi ini
yangmenjadi bagian dari jurisdiksi Pemerintah diberikan, Pemerintah akhirnya mengeluarkan
Norwegia dan negara memiliki kuasa penuh deklarasi (bill). Draft tersebut berkali-kali
sebagai pemilik tanah. Seperti yang dinyatakan diujikan untuk mendapatkan kesepakatan
Ravna (2011), kepemilikan oleh negara ini bersama antara komite, parlemen Sammi dan
berdasar pada persepsi “terra nullius” atau “the Pemerintah Norwegia. Namun draft yang
state land doctrine”. Negara mampu mengajukan diajukan oleh pemerintah beberapa poin
tanah yang dianggap tidak berpemilik menjadi didalamnya tidak mengakomodasi kepentingan
kekuasaan Norwegia, tanpa harus ada perjanjian masyarakat Sami. Salah satunya adalah terkait
atau kesepakatan dari penduduk yang sebelumnya tidak adanya lembaga khusus yang memiliki
telah mendiami dan memanfaatkan area tersebut. tugas untuk mengklarifikasi di lapangan apakah
Cara pandang ini hampir sama dengan konsep ada kepemilikan hak lahan oleh masyarakat Sami
‘frontierisme’ (Tsing, 2003) yang merupakan di Finnmark. Padahal, proses identifikasi hak
gagasan atau ide yang menganggap sebuah ‘zona’ menjadi salah satu poin utama yang diajukan
dianggap kosong, tidak ada yang mengatur dan oleh komisi hak asasi untuk memperkuat
oleh karena itu harus diatur. informasi mengenai aksesibilitas terhadap
sumber daya. Hal ini dikritik oleh Parlemen Sami
Seperti yang diketahui, Norwegia menjadi
dan dibentuklah lembaga independen bernama
salah satu negara awal yang meratifikasi konvensi
“Parliamentary Standing Committee of Justice”
No.169 terkait masyarakat adat dan tribal.
untuk melakukan assessment terhadap draft
Sebagai bentuk ratifikasi, Pemerintah Norwegia
yang telah disusun Pemerintah. Komite Keadilan
dihadapkan pada kesepakatan-kesepakatan
tersebut menyimpulkan bahwa apa yang diajukan
yang dibangun serta melakukan implementasi
oleh Pemerintah belum memenuhi persyaratan
kebijakan terkait hak-hak masyarakat adat, salah
dalam Konvensi ILO No. 169,
satunya dengan mengidentifikasi dan mengakui
tanah adat yang dimiliki oleh masyarakat adat. “Should the Finnmark Act meet ILO
Convention requirements for recognition
Perdebatan dan perjuangan untuk of land rights, the decision rules must be
menginisiasi perjanjian Finnmark mengalami changed so that the Sámi are secured the
proses yang cukup panjang. Lembaga-lembaga control according to an ownership position. If
seperti Komisi Hak Asasi Sami dan juga this is not relevant for the entire county, the
Parlemen Sami serta menjadi tulang punggung special Sámi areas need to be identified with
a view to ensur- ing the Sámi the control and
dalam proses legal formal. Negosiasi-negosiasi
rights to these ar-eas” (Ravna, 2011, 434)
juga dilakukan untuk mendapatkan peluang
memperoleh pengakuan atas sumber daya atas
nama masyarakat Sami di Finnmark. Pada Untuk mengakomodasi kepentingan
awalnya pengajuan atau cikal bakal perjanjian pengidentifikasian hak kepemilikan maka
Finnmark adalah tuntutan dari Komisi Hak dibentuklah Komisi Finnmark sesuai dengan
Asasi Sami terhadap status kepemilikan adat Finnmark Act. Komisi ini memiliki mandat untuk
masyarakat Sami terkait tanah dan air di kawasan melakukan investigasi terhadap hak kepemilikan
tersebut (ibid). Komisi tersebut mengajukan dan penggunaan lahan di area tersebut yang
perjanjian untuk pengelolaan tanah di Finnmark nantinya akan diambil alih dari negara kepada
di mana kepemilikannya dialihkan dari ‘State ‘Finnmark Estate’. Komisi tersebut awalnya
Forest Company” kepada badan kepemilikan tidak muncul dalam rancangan yang diusulkan
independen yang bernama ‘Finnmark Estate oleh pemerintah. Pentingnya badan tersebut justru
Management’ yang diatur oleh dewan yang dikemukakan dan diajukan ketika konsultasi
dengan Komisi Hak Asasi dan Komite Keadilan. memandang bahwa sumber daya alam yang ada
Komisi Finnmark ini adalah upaya untuk di kawasan tersebut sebagai “common resources”
mengakomodasi kesepakatan yang dibangun atau sumber daya bersama. Di Finnmark baik
dalam Konvensi ILO yaitu diperlukannya Sami atau non-Sami, memiliki hak untuk
lembaga legal formal yang memiliki wewenang mengakses sumber daya, seperti memancing,
untuk mendukung pengakuan hak masyarakat memetik buah berries atau berburu hewan (ibid).
adat. Seperti yang ditegaskan oleh Ravna (2011), Dengan adanya Finnmark Act memunculkan
bahwa: permasalahan di tingkat mikro terkait dengan
“...under Article 6, paragraph 1 (a), to kekhawatiran penduduk Finnmark bahwa apakah
take steps as necessary to identify land ada kemungkinan di masa depan hanya penduduk
traditionally occupied by indigenous people, Sami saja yang bisa mengakses sumber daya dan
and to establish adequate pro-cedures within menyingkirkan penduduk lain yang dari dulu
the national legal system to settle land claim juga memiliki akses yang sama di area tersebut.
of indigenous peo-ples under Article 14 (2)
and 14 (3).The latters aim to facilitate the
clarification process in relation to the Sámi, PENUTUP
who for the most part are locals living in
villages and reindeer-herders. This holds not Masyarakat Sami menjadi aktor dalam
only for the formal process, but also for the gerakan sosial baru yang mendasarkan
application of substantive law, including the perjuangannya pada identitas maupun otonomi.
use of legal sources.” Perjuangan ini dimulai pada perlawanan
mereka atas ketidakadilan yang dimunculkan
oleh proyek pembangunan. Proyek skala
Dalam praktiknya badan-badan yang
besar yang diselenggarakan oleh pemerintah
dibentuk untuk mendukung Finnmark Act masih
Norwegia dianggap mampu memberikan
terdapat permasalahan. Meskipun dianggap
dampak terhadap kehidupan masyarakat Sami
perangkat yang ideal, tetapi Komisi Finnmark
di kawasan tersebut. Dengan adanya kasus
yang memiliki tugas melakukan pemetaan
perlawanan ini, publik Norwegia akhirnya
tentang hak pemilikan lahan, berasal dari
sadar tentang diskriminasi yang terjadi kepada
kalangan elite pengacara dan sangat sedikit
minoritas etnis Sami. Dengan adanya kasus ini,
melibatkan masyarakat Sami. Broderstad (2015)
dipertanyakan kembali bagaimana seharusnya
bahkan mengatakan bahwa “the Finnmark
proses pembangunan dilakukan dan apa
Estate is ethnically blind”. Dia memaparkan
dampaknya bagi masyarakat. Meskipun kalah
bahwa dalam proses pengakuan hak, ternyata
melawan intervensi pembangunan, tetapi gerakan
hak masyarakat Sami dan masyarakat lain yang
ini justru menginisiasi peran masyarakat Sami di
mengakses kawasan Finnmark diperlakukan
ranah politik.
sama. Lebih lanjut, ia menjelaskan bahwa jika
memang diperuntukkan bagi orang Sami, maka Secara politis, baik komisi hak asasi
harus ada pembedaan atas pemilikan lahan atau maupun parlemen Sami menjadi corong
penggunaan lahan. kepentingan orang Sami. Usulan-usulan serta
inisiasi orang Sami untuk mempengaruhi
Munculnya bentuk pengaturan lingkungan kebijakan pemerintah, telah memberikan ruang
dan sumber daya melalui Finnmark Act negosiasi agar hak kewarganegaraan etnis
memunculkan berbagai respon tidak hanya dari minoritas untuk mendapatkan pengakuan. Salah
penduduk etnis sami, tetapi juga non-Sami yang satu bentuk negosiasi tersebut adalah perjanjian
tinggal di daerah Finnmark. Ween dan Lien Finnmark yang berisi tentang gambaran ideal
(2012) melihat bahwa penerapan kebijakan ini pengakuan hak masyarakat terhadap sumber
ternyata juga mendatangkan rasa takut bagi daya, terutama tanah dan air. Perjanjian ini
penduduk di sana dalam hal akses terhadap dianggap sebagai pengejawantahan yang
sumber daya. Mereka melihat bahwa sudah dilakukan oleh pemerintah Norwegia terhadap
sejak lama masyarakat Sami dan non-Sami hidup Konvensi ILO No. 169. Sebagai pihak yang
berdampingan di Finnmark. Masyarakat tersebut

meratifikasi, maka Norwegia memiliki tanggung ____________ (2015). “The Finnmark Estate:
jawab untuk memperlihatkan komitmennya Dilusson of Indigenous Rights or a
untuk mengakui hak masyarakat adat. Robust Compromise?”. (2015). Dalam The Northern
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Meskipun perjuangan untuk mendapatkan
Dove, Michael R. (2006). “Indigenous People and
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menunggu proses identifikasi yang dilakukan Sumber http://www.jstor.org/stable/25064921
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persoalan-persoalan yang harus diselesaikan nature? Biodiversity, Conservation, and the
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“Decolonialization in the Arctic? Nature

AGAMA KHONGHUCU DAN BUDDHA DALAM LINTASAN
SEJARAH KOREA
KONFUCIANISM AND BUDHISM IN THE HISTORY OF KOREA
Zaenal Abidin Eko Putro* dan Cahyo Pamungkas**

*Politeknik Negeri Jakarta, Kampus UI
Email: zabiep@gmail.com
**Lembaga Ilmu Pengetahuan Indonesia
Email: cahyopamungkas@gmail.com
ABSTRACT
South Korean society has a plural society with its different religious background. Khonghucu (Confucianism) and
Buddhism have grown in the country for the last several centuries. Khonghucu teaches philosophy and thingking
about politics and culture which form identity and ethic of Korean society. Likewise, Buddhism has a role in
establishing basic identity and culture of Korean society. Other religions such as Catholic, Islam, Protestant, and
shamanism are also followed by Korean. This article tries to respond the question about religious environment
among Korean society, especially the question for the ground of Confucianism and Buddhism in Korean history.
This article is resulted from a desk literature research which also aims at describing the current development of
Confucianism and Buddhism and their role in forming culture as well as identity of Korean people.
Keywords: Confucianism, Buddhism, shamanism, Xu she scripture, and mass culture.
ABSTRAK
Masyarakat Korea Selatan merupakan masyarakat yang heterogen dari sisi agama. Agama Khonghucu dan Agama
Buddha telah berkembang di Korea sejak berabad lampau. Agama Khonghucu sangat mengandung unsur-unsur
filsafat pemikiran, politik, dan kebudayaan yang berakar dan berpengaruh ke dalam pembentukan etika dan
identitas bangsa Korea. Agama Buddha juga berperan dalam pembentukan dasar-dasar identitas dan kebudayaan
Korea. Selain Agama Kristen, Islam dan Katholik, agama setempat atau shamanisme juga tetap dipeluk sebagian
masyarakat Korea Selatan. Artikel ini bertujuan untuk menjawab pertanyaan bagaimanakah situasi kehidupan
beragama di Korea Selatan dan bagaimanakah kedudukan Agama Khonghucu dan Buddha dalam sejarah perjalanan
bangsa Korea. Tulisan yang dihasilkan dari penelitian literatur ini ini juga dimaksudkan untuk mendeskripsikan
bagaimanakah kondisi Agama Khonghucu dan Buddha di Korea pada masa kini dan bagaimana perannya dalam
membentuk kebudayaan dan identitas nasional Bangsa Korea.
Kata kunci: Agama Khonghucu, Agama Buddha, shamanisme, teks-teks Xu she, dan budaya massa.
PENDAHULUAN
lokal, dimasukkan sebagai salah satu kategori
Korea Selatan adalah sebuah negara yang agama. Pemerintah Korea Selatan berdasarkan
plural dari sisi agama, yang terdiri dari Kristen, Undang-Undang Dasarnya melindungi perbedaan
Buddha, Khonghucu, dan Islam. Pada tingkatan dalam agama di antara penduduknya. Setiap
tertentu, shamanisme, suatu sistem kepercayaan orang bebas memeluk agamanya sesuai dengan
137
pilihan dan keyakinannya sendiri. Peran agama terus menerus berkembang menyebar di kalangan
dalam pembangunan sosial kebudayaan Korea penduduk kelas menengah ke bawah di seluruh
Selatan merupakan hal yang unik, karena pelosok Korea. Sementara, Protestantisme
beberapa tradisi keagamaan dipahami oleh orang dibawa ke korea pada akhir abad ke-19 oleh
Korea sebagai kekayaan kebudayaan sebab tidak zending dari Amerika Serikat dan menyebar
menganjurkan ritual ibadah. dengan cepat melalui penyediaan sekolah dan
Menurut statistik tahun 2005, 53 persen rumah sakit. Bahkan, sekarang ini Protestan
penduduk Korea Selatan memiliki agama di Korea memiliki dan mengelola banyak
dan pada tahun 2008 terdapat 510 organisasi sekolah mulai dari sekolah dasar sampai dengan
keagamaan di negara ini. Di antara empat perguruan tinggi dan rumah-rumah sakit.
agama tersebut, Agama Buddha dan Agama Agama-agama orang Korea, Cheondogyo,
Khonghucu merupakan agama yang lebih Won Buddhisme dan Daejongyo meskipun
berpengaruh daripada agama-agama yang lain terdesak oleh agama-agama Abrahamic, masih
dalam kehidupan sehari-hari orang Korea. Hal ini dianut oleh sebagian orang Korea. Cheondogyo
sejalan dengan warisan budaya yang separuhnya mendasarkan pada ajaran belajar dari Timut
di Korea Selatan terkait dengan dua agama ini. di abad ke-19, yakni mempertahankan bahwa
manusia adalah surga, berpengaruh terhadap
proses modernisasi di Korea. Daejongyo muncul
pada awal abad ke-20 untuk menyembah Dangun,
pendiri negara Korea pertama, juga berpengaruh
terhadap orang Korea dan mendorong
pembentukan nasionalisme Korea. Pada tahun
1955, muncul masyarakat Islam Korea dan imam
pertama yang diikuti oleh pembentukan Federasi
Muslim Korea pada tahun 1967. Sekarang ini,
telah ada sekitar 60 masjid dan 100.000 orang
Korea yang memeluk agama Islam. Shamanisme
Bagan 2.1 Pemeluk agama di Korea1 masih berpengaruh dalam kehidupan sehari-
hari orang Korea yang menghubungkan dunia
Uniknya, secara ringkas dapat digambarkan spiritual dengan kehidupan yang akan datang,
bahwa Khonghucu lebih dipahami oleh sebagian misalnya meramal nasib dan keberuntungan.
masyarakat Korea sebagai sebuah ajaran etika Artikel ini bertujuan untuk menjawab
daripada sebuah agama. Ajarannya menekankan pertanyaan bagaimanakah situasi kehidupan
pada pentingnya loyalitas, kesalehan, dan beragama di Korea Selatan dan bagaimanakah
berbagai kebajikan lainnya. Padahal, pemeluk kedudukan Agama Khonghucu dan Buddha
agama ini memiliki dan sangat menghargai dalam sejarah perjalanan bangsa Korea. Tulisan
suatu kepercayaan bahwa ruh nenek moyang ini juga dimaksudkan untuk mendeskripsikan
dapat mempengaruhi kehidupan anak cucunya. bagaimanakah kondisi Agama Khonghucu dan
Karenanya mereka membangun kuburan nenek Buddha di Korea pada masa kini dan bagaimana
moyang seindah mungkin di tempat yang paling perannya dalam membentuk kebudayaan dan
tinggi seperti perbukitan. identitas nasional Bangsa Korea.
Agama Katholik diajarkan di Korea
dari China melalui utusan-utusan Kerajaan AJARAN AGAMA KHONGHUCU
Jaseon yang mengunjungi Beijing dan para SEJARAHNYA DI KOREA
misionaris Barat mengikuti mereka ke Korea.
Menurut ajaran Agama Khonghucu,
Pemeluk agama Katholik pada masa dinas Jaseon
orang tua adalah superior, oleh sebab itu
mengalami banyak represi, namun agama ini
penghormatan seara mutlak harus diberikan
1
http://www.korea.net/AboutKorea/Korean-Life/Religion kepada mereka. Namun sebaliknya, orang tua
(Diakses 5 Juni 2015).

diharapkan untuk memperlakukan generasi muda Nabi Khongtzu berpendapat bahwa di dalam
dengan kasih sayang. Mereka diijinkan untuk dan melalui tata kehidupan bermasyarakat,
bertindak keras kepada anak-anak, tetapi tidak perdamaian dan harmoni dapat dicapai jika setiap
diijinkan untuk bertindak kasar. Suami atau ayah orang mengetahui tempatnya yang sesuai dalam
memiliki kedudukan yang utama dalam sebuah masyarakat dan melaksanakan tugas-tugasnya
keluarga. Dalam lingkup yang lebih besar, suami sesuai dengan kedudukannya sebagaimana dalam
atau ayah haruslah tunduk pada orang yang semboyan” biarkan penguasa menjadi penguasa,
memperkerjakannya atau dalam sistem politik kawula menjadi kawula, ayah menjadi ayah, dan
adalah pemimpin nasionalnya seperti raja atau anak menjadi anak.” Berikut adalah lima ajaran
kaisar. Semua anggota masyarakat diharuskan moral kedisiplinan untuk mengatur hubungan
untuk menghormati dan mematuhi penguasa antarmanusia sebagai berikut: (i) keadilan dan
yang memerintah mereka. Sebaliknya, penguasa kebenaran seharusnya mendasari relasi antara
juga memiliki kewajiban untuk bertanggung pemerintah dan rakyat, (ii) seharusnya ada
jawab terhadap rakyatnya, melindungi mereka hubungan yang baik antara anak dan bapak, (iii)
dan menjamin kesejahteraannya. Penguasa juga pemisahan fungsi antara suami dan istri, (iv)
harus menjadi suri tauladan dalam perilaku orang muda seharusnya menghormati yang lebih
atau perbuatan bagi rakyat yang dipimpinnya, tua, (v) ketulusan dan kepercayaan seharusnya
sehingga jika seorang penguasa memerintah ada dalam hubungan antarteman.2
dengan bijaksana, rakyatnya akan mematuhinya.
Agama Khonghucu merupakan sistem
Raja atau penguasa juga harus mematuhi hukum
kepercayaan paling penting di Korea karena
Tuhan, jika raja gagal melaksanakan kewajiban-
telah memberi landasan etika bagi orang
kewajibannya, kekacauan alamiah dan ekonomi
Korea pada umumnya. Studi Helgesen, Arben,
akan muncul hingga rakyat akan menggulingkan
dan Chen mengenai kehidupan orang Korea
penguasa tersebut.
menunjukkan bahwa etika Agama Khonghucu
Agama Khonghucu menekankan pada sangat berpengaruh. Geir Helgesen (1998)
beberapa konsep dasar seperti benevolence, mengatakan bahwa dalam perkembangan
righteousness, propriety, wisdom dan sincerity. individu di Korea, teman-teman sekolah dan
Menurut Nabi Khongtzu, usia membawa keluarga berperan lebih besar, lebih bersifat
kebijaksanaan, semakin tua usia seseorang personal dan kurang pengaruh struktural. Hal ini
semakin terhormat tempatnya dalam ibadah sesuai dengan pemikiran Nabi Khongtzu yang
penghormatan terhadap nenek moyang. Orang- mengajarkan ikatan antarindividu sebagai alat
orang seharusnya selalu melihat masa lalu dan mengembangkan emosi individu. Pemikiran ini
jalan nenek moyangnya sebagai contoh untuk dapat dilihat dalam isu-isu kontemporer seperti
memecahkan persoalan-persoalan yang muncul pemisahan peran pemerintah dari masalah-
pada masa sekarang. Pendapat Nabi Khongtzu masalah privat yang dihadapi oleh masyarakat.
adalah “dengan melihat kembali yang lampau, Perilaku komunalisme dalam setiap aspek diatur
kita dapat mempelajari hal yang baru.” oleh aturan-aturan ethno-linguistik tradisional
Agama Khonghucu menyediakan yang secara langsung dikaitkan dengan istilah
kode perilaku antarindividu secara detail semua perilaku yang membawa kebaikan (virtue).
dalam kehidupan sehari-hari. Namun, dalam Russel Arben (1997) menyebutkan bahwa salah
kebudayaan, ajaran ini dapat dilihat sebagai satu warisan Agama Khonghucu di Korea adalah
doktrin praktis sosial dan politik. Jika ditelusuri masyarakat seharusnya diperintah oleh kontrol
lebih jauh Kung Fu Tse (Nabi Khongtzu) berasal moral yang bersifat interpersonal dan rasa
dari China pada masa 500 BC, seorang guru yang malu setiap individual (sense of shame in every
mengajarkan murid-muridnnya sistem keteraturan individual), daripada seperangkat hukum formal.
selama periode China mengalami perang saudara. Meskipun Korea masih memberlakukan hukuman
Satu dari ajaran Kong Fu Tse yang paling penting mati, tingkat pembunuhan dan kriminalitas relatif
adalah adanya tata keteraturan semua benda di
alam semesta termasuk masyarakat manusia.
2
http://www.asia-pacific-connections.com/confucianism.html
(Diakses 5 Juni 2015)
Zaenal Abidin Eko Putro dan Cahyo Pamungkas | Agama Khonghucu dan Buddha dalam ... | 139
rendah karena sistem kehidupan masyarakat minat dan perhatian yang lebih besar dari
berakar pada sistem kontrol komunitarian, bukan masyarakat terhadap simbol-simbol Agama
pada ketakuan terhadap tindakan hukum. Khonghucu, seperti merehab kembali kuburan-
kuburan dan batu-batu penanda ingatan. Pada
Joseph Chen (2002) mengamati
masa kini upacara pemakaman di Korea Selatan
masyarakat Korea menyangkut posisi individu
adalah perpaduan antara Agama Khonghucu dan
dalam kehidupan bermasyarakat dan persyaratan
Kristen. Contoh lainnya adalah penghormatan
yang harus dimiliki oleh seseorang untuk
terhadap guru dan orang yang lebih tua juga
sadar terhadap lingkungan disekitarnya. Hasil
merupakan bagian dari ajaran Nabi Khongtzu.
pengamatannya adalah bahwa masyarakat
Korea memiliki ciri khas komunalisme secara Ada sedikit perbedaan antara Agama
alamiah yang tidak berarti anti-individual. Khonghucu Jepang dengan Agama Khonghucu
Meskipun setiap orang memiliki kebebasan Korea. Moralitas dalam Agama Khonghucu
untuk bertindak dalam kehidupan sehari-hari, Korea yang diajarkan terkait dengan struktur
ada beberapa otoritas yang harus dihormati untuk keluarga dan semua klan yang memiliki hubungan
mempertahankan harmoni antara personal dan darah. Sedangkan moralitas Agama Khonghucu
masyarakat. Struktur asal dari masayarakat Korea Jepang meletakkan keluarga sebagai seluruh
adalah institusi keluarga, yang mensosialisasikan warga dan klan meskipun tidak ada hubungan
dan menginternalisasikan nilai-nilai dan aturan darah. Selain itu, nilai-nilai fundamental Agama
kedudukan seseorang dalam keluarga dan Khonghucu Korea lebih mengakui heterogenitas
masyarakat, terutama penghormatan terhadap dan toleransi terhadap perbedaan. Sebaliknya
orang yang lebih tua dan rasa berintegritas. Agama Khonghucu Jepang lebih cenderung
Pendidikan diajarkan sebagai instrumen untuk pada entitas yang homogen dan kurang terbuka
membuktikan kemampuan seseorang terhadap terhadap bangsa lain. Korea Selatan lebih
keluarga dan seluruh bangsa. Perilaku yang terbuka karena situasi geografisnya sebagai
membawa manfaat sangat diajarkan di Korea dan daerah semenanjung yang memungkinkan untuk
diwujudkan dalam kewajiban seseorang terhadap berinteraksi dengan bangsa lain dari China,
keluarga dan masyarakat, yang nampak jelas Rusia, maupun dunia Barat.
dalam perilaku masyarakat pedesaan.
Namun begitu, nilai-nilai Agama
Levi (2013) mengatakan dewasa ini Khonghucu Jepang dan Korea memiliki beberapa
kebanyakan orang Korea merasa kecewa dengan persamaan karena baik masyarakat Jepang
nilai-nilai Barat, terutama individualisme dan maupun Korea dibentuk oleh falsafah dan
liberalisme, dan kembali ke akar kebudayaan ajaran Agama Khonghucu. Misalnya semua
mereka yakni Agama Khonghucu. Relasi antara bentuk konflik terbuka sebaiknya dihindari.
Agama Khonghucu dan modernitas di Korea Menurut Torbjorn Loden, harmoni, yang
bersifat rumit karena Agama Khonghucu lebih ditekankan dalam Agama Khonghucu, dapat
memusatkan perhatiannya pada elemen-elemen dijadikan sebagai falsafah yang memandu
sejarah masa lalu daripada masa depan. Oleh peradaban Jepang dan Korea dalam keluarga
karena itu, untuk memahami masyarakat Korea dan relasi-relasi bisnis. Anak-anak di Jepang
kontemporer, kita harus memahami prinsip- dan Korea juga diajarkan untuk bertindak dalam
prinsip dasar atau filsafat yang digunakan dalam harmoni dengan lingkungan di sekitarnya.
kehidupan sehari-hari orang Korea, yang tidak Kedua bangsa menekankan pada kesopanan dan
lain adalah Agama Khonghucu. Kebanyakan bekerja bersama untuk tujuan universal daripada
unsur-unsur ajaran neo-Agama Khonghucu individual. Konsep pendidikan dalam peradaban
masih eksis dalam kehidupan sehari-hari dan Korea dan Jepang didominasi oleh prinsip-prinsip
urusan pemerintahan seperti kesetiaan terhadap fundamental pendidikan Agama Khonghucu dan
organisasi dan kontrak kerja jangka panjang. kebanyakan teks Agama Khonghucu merujuk
Namun, ajaran ini sudah tidak nampak dalam pada bidang pendidikan. Pendidik misalnya tidak
kurikulum sekolah di Korea Selatan setelah hanya hadir sebagai guru, tetapi juga mewakili
Perang Dunia II. Baru pada tahun 2000, muncul masyarakat dan pemerintah. Oleh karena itu,

gelar pendidik/guru kepala menjadi sangat umum besar di Korea yakni Silla, Koryo dan Yi (Yang
di Korea maupun Jepang. dan Henderson 1959).3 Pada masa Dinasti Yi
(1392-1910), berdiri sekolah-sekolah Agama
Selanjutnya menurut Albert Pilot, baik
Khonghucu oleh organisasi-organisasi penganut
masyarakat Korea dan Jepang memiliki tingkat
Agama Khonghucu di Korea. Sistem pemikiran,
kolektivitas yang relatif tinggi. Dalam kedua
masayarakat, dan politik Agama Khonghucu
masyarakat ini, setiap orang yang lahir terserap
telah berada dalam lintasan sejarah Korea dan
dalam sebuah entitas kolektif baik keluarga
pengaruhnya masih dapat dilihat hingga pada
ataupun kelompok, sehingga loyalitas dan
masa sekarang (Yang, 1958).
orientasi terhadap kelompok atau keluarga
mendapatkan tempat yang utama karena Agama Khonghucu yang tumbuh di China
kelompok atau keluarga memberikan suatu menyebar ke negara lain setelah ajaran-ajaran
identitas sosial. Hal ini dapat dilihat bahwa Nabi Khongtzu ditulis oleh murid-murid Kong
belakangan kebanyakan orang Korea Selatan Fu Tse (Nabi Khongtzu) seperti Mencius dan
berafiliasi terhadap gereja yang memberikan Sunzi. Masyarakat Korea selalu sensitif terhadap
mereka identitas dan sebuah jalan menuju perkembangan Agama Khonghucu China dan
spiritualitas. Pada konteks Jepang, keterikatan pada saat yang sama mereka mengembangkan
lebih pada perusahaan atau tempat-tempat kerja. pandangan mereka sendiri yang jarang diteliti
Kepala perusahaan ditempatkan kedudukannya seperti di China dan Jepang. Agama Khonghucu
seperti seorang ayah. Terkait dengan persoalan Korea mengikuti siklus lahir, berkembang,
ekonomi, nilai-nilai Agama Khonghucu mengenai konflik, penuaan dan lahir kembali selama kurang
kepentingan umum dan kerja keras hampir sama lebih 2000 tahun. Oleh karena itu, pemahaman
baik di Korea dan Jepang. Pada saat menghadapi terhadap konteks sejarah Korea penting untuk
krisis ekonomi, baik Jepang maupun Korea cepat memahami perkembangan Agama Khonghucu
pulih karena kepemimpinan yang ditandai dengan dalam lintasan sejarah negara ini.
kolaborasi antara elit politik dan bisnis mampu
Agama Khonghucu diterima di Korea
memobilisasi dukungan dari masyarakat untuk
pada saat yang sama dengan perkembangan
mengatasi persoalan.
Buddhisme. Orang Korea berusaha untuk
Selama berabad-abad di Korea, Agama mempelajari huruf-huruf China dan sekaligus
Khonghucu lebih dimaknai sebagai sistem lima buku klasik Agama Khonghucu: Buku
pendidikan, upacara, dan tata cara pemerintahan Perubahan, Buku Ritual, Buku Nyanyian, Buku
sipil. Konsep mengenai keharmonisan sosial dan Dokumen dan Kronikel Musim Semi dan Gugur.
pesan-pesan moral memungkinkan kehidupan Pada masa Raja Sosurim, di Koguryo (371-384)
intelektual di Asia Timur pada masa lampau dan memeluk agama Buddha, beliau juga pada saat
memainkan peranan yang menentukan dalam yang sama mendirikan sebuah universitas yang
pembentukan budaya Korea pada masa kini. berhaluan Agama Khonghucu pada tahun 372.
Di Korea, Agama Khonghucu diterima dengan Raja sesudahnya, Kwanggaet (391-413) yang
hangat dan sangat ketat, sehingga orang China memperluas wilayah Kerajaan Koguryo, mulai
memandang bahwa pemeluk Agama Khonghucu mengabadikan tulisan-tulisan dalam huruf China
Korea lebih saleh dibandingkan orang China yang menunjukkan pengaruh Agama Khonghucu
sendiri. Korea dijuluki sebagai negara etika dari terhadap kepemimpinan dan etika.
timur yang mengacu pada pelaksanaan ritual
Pada masa Kerajaan Silla, tiga pemikiran
Agama Khonghucu yang dilaksanakan secara
agama: Agama Khonghucu, Buddhisme, dan
detail. Ajaran-ajaran Agama Khonghucu di
Taoisme berkembang dengan lambat. Penguasa-
Korea Selatan, dikenal sebagai neo-Khonghucu,
penguasa Kerajaan Silla yang pertama sampai
menjadi lebih ketat karena digunakan dalam
abad ke-5 memeluk shamanisme dan menolak
lembaga-lembaga pemerintah.
Penyebaran Agama Khonghucu ke Korea 3
http://journals.cambridge.org/action/displayAbstract?fromPa
tidak bisa dilepaskan dari sejarah kerajaan ge=online&aid=7113844 (Diakses 5 Juni 2015) http://journals.
cambridge.org/action/displayAbstract?fromPage=online&a
id=7113844 (Diakses 5 Juni 2015)
pemikiran baru seperti Buddha yang kemudian merupakan kelanjutan dari perkembangan Agama
ditindas, namun kemudian berkembang sangat Khonghucu pada masa sebelumnya.
cepat dan menjadi kekuatan yang menyatukan
Jika Buddhisme menekankan pada
Korea oleh Dinasti Silla pada tahun 668. Pada
pelatihan spiritual dan pencerahan, berkeinginan
tahun 682, Raja Silla mendirikan Akademi
untuk menolak semua keinginan dan hal-hal yang
Khonghucu Kerajaan dengan ujian negara
terkait dengannya, sebaliknya Agama Khonghucu
yang pertama diselenggarakan pada tahun 788.
memusatkan pada dunia dengan kehendak untuk
Untuk mendapatkan teks Khonghucu dalam
memiliki dan berdampak terhadap masyarakat
Bahasa China, para sarjana Agama Khonghucu
luas. Para rohaniwan Khonghucu mempelajari
melakukan perjalanan ke China untuk belajar
bagaimana untuk bertanggung jawab dalam
dan kembali ke Korea untuk mengajarkan
pemerintahan dan masalah-masalah sosial. Pada
agama ini. Masa antara 668 dan 998 disebut
masa ini, rohaniwan Agama Khonghucu mulai
sebagai Kerajaan Silla bersatu yang ditandai
terganggu dengan penetrasi biksu-biksu Agama
dengan perkembangan Agama Khonghucu,
Buddha dalam kekuasaan dan kehidupan yang
Buddha, dan Taoisme. Sekolah dari ketiga agama
korup. Para rohaniwan Agama Khonghucu tidak
tersebut saling terbuka satu sama lain dan tidak
hanya menginginkan menjadi penasihat politik,
dipengaruhi oleh ortodoksi keagamaan.
tetapi juga mendesain masyarakat dengan cara
Salah satu contoh pertukaran pemikiran yang mendasar.
tersebut adalah “gerakan bunga-bunga muda”
Perkembangan gagasan Agama Khonghucu
sebuah organisasi di Kerajaan Silla yang
pada masa Dinasti Koryo dapat dibagi ke dalam
mempersiapkan elit untuk melaksanakan tugas-
dua periode, yakni 918-1046 berkaitan dengan
tugas kenegaraan. Karakteristik dari pendidikan
kerja Ch’oe Sung-no dan Ch’oe Chung, dan 1047-
elit tersebut adalah mengajarkan ketiga agama
1259 yang berhubungan dengan perkembangan
dan membawanya ke dalam keharmonisan. Pada
Neo-Khonghucu. Rohaniwan CH’oe Chung
masa itu diceritakan adanya seorang rohaniwan
dikenal sebagai tokoh Agama Khonghucu Korea
Agama Khonghucu yang bernama Choe yang
yang mengorganisisasi sistem model akademik
dikenal sebagai seorang Buddha yang cerdik dan
untuk memperluas pendidikan dan meningkatkan
pendeta Tao yang menyendiri. Pendeta ini juga
pembelajaran yang ekselen. Pada periode yang
menunjukkan pentingnya teks dan pendekatan
kedua muncul beberapa rohaniwan Agama
Zen Buddhisme yang menjaga jarak dari teks
Khonghucu yang mempublikasikan buku-
dalam mencari spiritualitas, sehingga mampu
buku penting ajaran ini sehingga menjadikan
menjembatani dialog antara Buddha, Tao, dan
Agama Khonghucu semakin tertanam dalam
Khonghucu.
lembaga-lembaga politik di Korea. Misalnya
Masa selanjutnya adalah pada masa Rohaniwan Kim Pu-Sik menerbitkan kronikel
Kerajaan Koryo, didirikan oleh T’aejo (918-943) Tiga Kerajaan yang menginspirasi para sarjana
berlangsung sampai tahun 1392. Figur-figur untuk membangun kesadaran nasional sebagai
simbolik pada masa ini adalah rohaniwan yang Bangsa Korea. Rohaniwan U Tak menerbitkan
tidak menikah. Saat itu pula, lithang maupun buku Perubahan sebagai sumber refleksi teologis
tempat suci menyebar ke seluruh pelosok Korea orang Korea. Rohaniwan yang lain Yi Kyu-bo
yang dibangun sebagai tempat upacara maupun (1168-1241) mengarang buku Puisi yang mampu
mempelajari teks-teks suci Agama Khonghucu. menjelaskan pemikiran-pemikiran rohaniwan
Saat itu pula, seni-seni berlatar belakang Cg’oe Ch’i-Won dan buku ini membantu orang
Buddhisme dalam bentuk lukisan dan naskah Korea untuk merefleksikan identitas mereka di
yang dicetak seperti Kitab Tripitaka, sehingga tengah invasi Kerajaan Mongol.
seakan-akan Agama Khonghucu Korea tidak
Semua aktivitas sarjana-sarjana ini
nampak lagi keberadaannya. Namun demikian,
membantu masyarakat Korea untuk mengalami
pada masa tersebut berkembanglah Agama
perkembangan negara mereka baik secara
Khonghucu baru (neo Konfusianisme) yang

internal dan internasional. Penderitaan petani Chong Mong-ju tidak digunakan oleh Raja dari
dan masyarakat kelas bawah lainnya, korupsi dinasti baru. Perkembangan Neo-Khonghucu
agamawan Buddha yang lari dari tanggung jawab Korea terutama dalam domain pemikiran
sosial dan mengeksploitasi perbudakan, bencana dimungkinkan oleh pematangan gagasan ini
politik serangan Mongol membuat orang Korea pada abad ke 13 dan 14 dan didukung oleh
memikirkan kembali model masyarakat mereka. kreativitas pengembangan ajaran ini pada abad
Ketika gagasan Neo-Khonghucu mencapai ke-15 di bawah Raja Sejong (1418-1450). Pada
Korea pada abad ke-13, orang Korea sudah masa permulaan Dinasti Yi ditandai dengan
siap untuk menerima nilai-nilai dalam keluarga, pembentukan lembaga-lembaga keagamaan
etika, komitmen sosial, reformasi drastis, dan Agama Khonghucu, implementasi ritual-ritual
transformasi lembaga dan ekonomi. Akibat baru untuk memandu kehidupan sehari-hari, ritual
kekalahan Korea dari Bangsa Mongol pada keluarga menurut Zhu Xi, ritual kematian dan
1267, Raja Ch’ungyol memperbaiki hubungan pendirian sekolah-sekolah Agama Khonghucu.
dengan pemimpin-pemimpin China yang baru. Pada masa tersebut, pemeluk Buddha mengalami
Dalam perjalanan ke China pada tahun 1289, penyiksaan dan melarikan diri ke pegunungan,
raja membawa rohaniwan Agama Khonghucu pemeluk shamanisme juga mengalami nasib
An Hyang, yang dikenal sebagai orang Korea yang sama. Perkembangan Agama Khonghucu
pertama yang menemukan teks terkenal China di China maupun Jepang tidak pernah mencapai
Neo-Khonghucu karangan Zhu Xi. Pengganti tahap ini, dilembagakan secara politik dengan
Raja Ch’ungyol, Ch’ ungson (1308-1312) nama Agama Khonghucu.
membentuk pusat penelitian Manwondang di Ibu
Masa Pemerintahan Raja Sejong (1418-
Kota China dan membawa serta menerjemahkan
1450) adalah masa yang paling produktif
4.000 volume buku ke Korea. Gagasan-gagasan
dalam kesusastraan dan ilmu pengetahuan
Agama Khonghucu pada masa tersebut telah
karena raja dikelilingi oleh para intelektual
melahirkan sebuah dinamisme baru, suatu
dan penasihat keagamaan yang cakap, disebut
akademi kerajaan yang dibentuk pada akhir abad
sebagai balai kebajikan (hall of worthies).
ke-14. Beberapa rohaniwan Neo-Khonghucu
Raja juga mendukung penelitian dalam bidang
melangkah lebih jauh tidak hanya mengkritik
astronomi, kesehatan, dan teknologi seperti
perilaku koruptif dan manipulatif para biksu
penemuan logam metal pada tahun 1420 untuk
Buddha tetapi juga mempelajari doktrin-doktrin
kerja-kerja pencetakan. Raja ini dikenang karena
agama Buddha, sehingga mereka dapat menjaga
telah memberikan orang Korea alfabet baru, the
hubungan baik dengan pemeluk Buddha.
hangul, dan mengijinkan semua warga untuk
Pada tahun 1388, sebuah kudeta dilakukan dididik. Sayangnya pada akhir abad ke-15
Jenderal Yi Song-gye, menggulingkan Dinasti di Korea dan awal abad ke-16, ditandai oleh
Koryo dan membentuk dinasti baru Yi dengan persaingan politik karena ambisi yang jauh dari
bantuan beberapa rohaniwan Neo-Khonghucu nilai-nilai ideal Agama Khonghucu. Pada masa
seperti Chong To-jon dan Kwon-kun. Rohaniwan ini Raja Yonsan’ gun melakukan penahanan
Chong mengambil posisi yang sangat kritis terhadap para rohaniwan Khonghucu dengan
melawan doktrin Buddha dan menginginkkan alasan politik yang menyebabkan instabilitas
untuk membentuk model lembaga-lembaga politik. Baru pada tahun 1519, seorang rohaniwan
Agama Khonghucu dan menolak monarki Khonghucu Cho Kwang-jo mencoba membawa
yang terlalu sentralistis. Sedangkan Rohaniwan kembali etika dalam politik di Korea.
Kwong-Kun lebih intelektual dan lebih moderat
Dinasti Choson yang muncul menggantikan
terhadap Buddhisme. Untuk melawan pengaruh
Dinasti Yi pada abad ke 16, membawa babak baru
doktrin Buddhisme, rohaniwan Kwon mendirikan
dalam perkembangan Neo-Khonghucu. Pada
Metafisik Agama Khonghucu, misalnya surga
masa tersebut muncul rohaniwan Khonghucu
dan manusia, dan kombinasi antara jiwa dan alam
yang dikenal di luar Korea, yakni Yi Hwang
semesta. Beberapa rohaniwan Neo-Khonghucu
T’oegye (1501-1570) and Yi I Yulgok (1536-
yang masih loyal kepada Raja Koryo seperti
1584). T’Oegye adalah rohaniwan Korea
pertama yang menguasai literatur China klasik Jatuhnya Dinasti Ming di China pada
dan juga keseluruhan tradisi Neo-Khonghucu tahun 1644 memiliki konsekuensi yang buruk
terutama teks-teks Zhu Xi. Meskipun dia terhadap bangsa Korea. Kebanyakan orang Korea
memegang posisis resmi dalam pemerintahan, dia tidak mengakui Kaisar Qing karena mereka
menganggap pekerjaannya sebagai waktu yang masih memuji Dinasti Ming. Namun demikian,
sia-sia dan mengalami trauma perjuangan politik mengisolasi diri membuat mereka merindukan
terutama kehilangan saudaranya yang berada untuk menyaksikan pencapaian China dalam
dalam pengasingan. Selama tinggal di China, periode ini dan juga penemuan ilmu pengetahuan,
rohaniwan T’oegye kembali ke Korea pada tahun teknologi, dan gagasan yang muncul dari dunia
1549 dan membentuk akademi baru Tosansowon Barat. Namun, sebelum jatuhnya Dinasti Ming,
di Andong. Salah satu mahakaryanya adalah beberapa rohaniwan Korea seperti Yi Su-gwang
menulis kembali isu metafisik dan etika untuk (1563-1627) telah membuat kontak dengan orang
menanamkan dan mengkoreksi jiwa dan hati asing dan Rohaniwan lainnya, Chong Tu-won,
dan aspek-aspek praktis kehidupan sehari-hari. kembali dari China dengan mengenalkan teleskop
Sementara, Rohaniwan Yulgok yang menempati dan sebuah peta dunia pada tahun 1631. Pada
posisi menteri dalam negeri, ekonomi, pendidikan masa itu muncul ketegangan di antara pemeluk
dan militer, adalah seorang rohaniwan sederhana Agama Khonghucu Korea yaitu mereka yang
dan bekerja dalam jabatan-jabatan publik. Pada menginginkan pada tradisi Agama Khonghucu
masa mudanya, setelah kematian ibunya, ia Ortodoks dan mereka yang menginginkan
sempat mempelajari dan hidup sebagai biksu penafsiran baru terutama pertimbanganperubahan
Buddha selama setahun. Kemudian kembali dan kehidupan praktis. Ketegangan kedua
ke ajaran Agama Khonghucu namun terbuka kelompok ini berkembang menjadi persoalan
dengan pemikiran Taoisme dan Buddha serta yang tidak dapat diselesaikan pada abad ke-19
Wang Yang-ming. Warisan rohaniwan ini adalah dan permulaan abad ke-20. Sementara, pada
mengharmoniskan nilai-nilai ideal dalam satu saat yang sama Korea, dihadapkan pada tekanan
tangan yakni kebenaran, keikhlasan, dan etika politikdan militer dari utara, imperialisme Rusia,
dan pada tangan lain adalah kehendak untuk dan dari timur, imperialisme Jepang.
melakukan reformasi dan transformasi baik
Pada masa Dinasti Choson, muncul
pada level individu dan masyarakat. Rohaniwan
gerakan pembaharuan dalam masyarakat Korea,
Yulgok juga melakukan reformasi terhadap
yang dilhami oleh gagasan pencerahan di Barat.
pendidikan, penyelesaian masalah sosial seperti
Rohaniwan Yu Hyong-won (1622-1673) dan Yi
perbudakan dan adopsi, reformasi kehidupan
Ik (1682-1764) memasukan gagasan mengenai
masyarakat dan militer.
perlunya reformasi sosial dan politik untuk
Pada masa Dinasti Choson tahap kedua, mendukung pencerahan dan modernisasi di
sebagian sarjana Khonghucu Korea mengikuti Korea. Kemudian Rohaniwan Tasan (1762-
langkah-langkah T’oegye dan Yulgok tetapi 1836) mengkombinasikan kedalaman ajaran
tidak selalu mengadopsi visi dan pengetahuan Agama Khonghucu Klasik, penggunaan ilmu
yang sama. Mereka membangun sekolah- pengetahuan Barat dan pemikiran agama
sekolah yang memusatkan studinya pada aspek Katholik. Gerakan ini disebut dengan gerakan
filosofis. Berbeda dengan Neo-Khonghucu Sirhak, yang mencakup banyak bidang, ditujukan
Jepang yang mengkritik beberapa pandangan untuk merubah masyarakat terutama dari
Khonghucu China dan kembali kepada pemikiran kalangan bawah.
orisinal asli, Neo-Khonghucu Korea bersandar
Gerakan tersebut menandai masa paling
pada Ortodoksi. Teks-teks Zhu Xi dipuji oleh
gemilang dari sejarah Agama Khonghucu Korea,
Rohaniwan T’Oegye dan menjadi referensi utama.
sehingga banyak dipublikasikan oleh sarjana
Bahkan Rohaniwan Song Si-yol (160701689)
Khonghucu China dan Jepang. Kajian-kajian
hampir menyembah Zhu XI dan berkelahi dengan
mengenai Agama Khonghucu di Korea masih
rohaniwan Yu Hyu (1717-180) yang melarang
membicarakan kunjungan para rohaniwan
pandangan Ortodoksi dalam Agama Khonghucu.

Khonghucu Korea seperti Park Che-ga dan Park namun mereka dituduh gila oleh Pemerintah.
Chi-won pada abad ke-18 ke China dimana Pada akhir abad ke-19, jarang ditemukan sarjana
mereka menulis catatan harian untuk orang Korea Khonghucu seperti Tasan yang matang dalam
mengenai penemuan-penemuan teknologi baru menghadapi ide-ide Barat dan berhasil dalam
orang China. Mereka juga masih mengenang dialog serta berkontribusi terhadap modernisasi
Kim Chong-hui (1786-1856) yang berteman baik Korea. Demikian juga, para misionaris Katholik
dengan para ahli analisis teks, epigraphy dan seni Perancis yang datang pertama kali ke Korea tidak
serta surat menyurat dengan para sarjana China mempelajari kebudayaan Khonghucu dan tidak
setelah dia kembali ke Korea. Pada abad ke-19, bertukar gagasan dengan sarjana Khonghucu
Raja Chongjo dari Dinasti Choson yang sudah sehingga menimbulkan banyak kesalahpahaman.
mulai terbuka terhadap pemikiran-pemikiran
Runtuhnya Dinasti Choson yang ditandai
baru dan reformasi sosial tiba-tiba ditemukan
dengan aneksasi Korea oleh Jepang pada tahun
meninggal dunia pada tahun 1800. Pihak-pihak
1910 merupakan masa yang paling kelam dalam
yang menentang reformasi pemikiran keagamaan
Sejarah Korea. Pemerintah kolonial Jepang
kemudian melakukan balas dendam dengan
berusaha untuk menghilangkan Bahasa Korea,
melakukan persekusi terhadap penganut agama
memaksa orang Korea menggunakan Bahasa
Katholik dan pendukung ide-ide reformasi,
Jepang dan melakukan praktik Shintoisme.
sampai akhir abad ke-19. Sarjana Khonghucu
Seorang profesor Jepang, Takahashi Ko, di
seperti Tasan melarikan diri ke China selama 18
Keijo Imperial University Seoul pada tahun 1926
tahun pada masa penumpasan gerakan reformasi
mempresentasikan filosofi orang Korea secara
karena dianggap sebagai musuh negara.
negatif dan membuat orang Korea menganggap
Kedatangan ide-ide Barat dan agama tradisi mereka sendiri sebagai barbarian, tidak
Katholik, meskipun menginsipirasi elit, telah ilmiah, dan tidak rasional. Imajinasi negatif yang
mendatangkan perlawanan dan permusuhan dikonstruksi Jepang masih tertanamkan di hati
dari para penguasa Neo-Khonghucu. Hal ini orang Korea dan menganggap mereka inferior
berbeda dengan Restorasi Meiji yang terjadi di terhadap Filosofi Barat. Dalam linguistik dan
Jepang dimana Kaisar Meiji didukung oleh para literatur, para ahli Korea selama pendudukan
penguasa agama. Penyerangan terhadap penganut Jepang sampai sesudah kemerdekaan tahun
Katholik dan perang sporadis dengan tentara 1945 melakukan kerja yang luar biasa untuk
Amerika dan Perancis yang mencapai Korea melakukan penelitian dan mencari jalan untuk
menimbulkan suasana ketakutan dan kecurigaan. melindungi terhadap apa yang disebut sebagai
Bahkan, beberapa sarjana Khonghucu seperti Yi orang dan budaya Korea. Kerja-kerja seperti
Hang-no (1792-1868) bereaksi dengan penolakan demikian menjadi sangat sulit bagi sarjana
terhadap orang-orang Barat yang barbarian dan Khonghucu maupun Buddha karena filsafat
memuji kebudayaan China yang adi-luhung. Barat menjadi semakin berpengaruh dalam dunia
Rohaniwan Yi juga menolak menggunakan intelektual. Trend ini belum dapat dibalik kembali
barang-barang dari Barat dan mengembangkan seperti sebelum tahun 1910. Departemen-
kekuatan perlawanan terhadap penetrasi Barat. departemen filsafat di universitas di Korea
mengajarkan filsafat Barat secara mendasar dan
Namun demikian, respon terhadap
mempublikasikan pemikiran-pemikiran filosof
penetrasi pemikiran dan agama dari Eropa
Barat seperti Heidegger, Habermas, Foucault,
ditanggapi secara berbeda. Sebagian orang Korea
atau Derrida.
memeluk agama Katholik dan menjadi martir.
Sebagian yang lain menolak agama orang asing Pasca Perang Dunia II, nasib Agama
yang merusak peradaban Korea. Para intelektual Khonghucu di Korea lebih baik daripada yang
seperti Tasan Ch’oe Che-u (1824-1864), yang terjadi di China. Rejim Komunis di China, Mao
dapat membaca teks Khonghucu Klasik dan Tse Tung, menolak sepenuhnya ajaran Agama
memiliki pengetahuan terhadap agama Katholik Khonghucu karena dianggap sebagai warisan dari
mengembangkan pendekatannya sendiri dalam kaum feodal yang harus dihilangkan dari China.
hubungan antara Khonghucu dan Katholik, Namun, Korea memilih untuk mempertahankan
ajaran-ajaran Khonghucu. Penelitian-penelitian Leland Ackerson (1997) memberi kritikan
ilmiah terhadap agama ini baru dimulai pada akhir atas pengaruh Agama Khonghucu terhadap
tahun 1960. Generasi muda sarjana Khonghucu kebudayaan Korea. Pertama, ajaran ini menjadi
Korea merupakan lulusan dari Songgyun’ gwan basis dari seksisme. Dalam konteks masyarakat
dan mempublikasikan serta mengajar nilai-nilai China, perempuan tidak diberikan kekuasaan
Khonghucu. politik dan hal ini berpengaruh terhadap status
perempuan sampai saat ini. Akan tetapi seksisme
Pada masa kini, ajaran-ajaran Agama
yang terjadi di Korea berakar dari masa Dinasti
Khonghucu Korea perlu untuk devaluasi kembali
Chosun yang berlangsung hampir selama 500
dalam konteks global. Agama Khonghucu pada
tahun. Dinasti ini mengambil Agama Khonghucu
masa lalu tidak membangun suatu agama yang
secara ekstrim melebihi dari ajaran aslinya.
hirarkis dan tidak mengembangkan sebuah teologi,
Misalnya perempuan bahkan tidak diijinkan
namun menjaga nilai-nilai dan spiritualitas tinggi.
meninggalkan rumah mereka. Selanjutnya, pada
Hal ini menarik kebanyakan orang Korea yang
masa dinasti Chosun, kebanyakan orang tidak
tidak menyukai lembaga-lembaga agama yang
memperhatikan prinsip-prinsi Khonghucu yakni
ketat dan konflik antarpemeluk agama. Agama
hormat dan bertanggung jawab. Berkaitan dengan
Khonghucu selalu menekankan pada harmoni,
otoritarianisme, benar bahwa penguasa Asia
perdamaian, dan menjaga relasi dengan orang
seringkali menggunakan ajaran Nabi Kongtzu
lain. Sikap yang demikian memungkinkan Tasan
sebagai alat untuk melegitimasi kekuasannya.
untuk berdiskusi dengan biksu Buddha, berbagi
Ajaran Agama Khonghucu menyebutkan secara
filsafat dan puisi.
berulang-ulang bahwa jika seorang penguasa
Agama Khonghucu memiliki sense yang melupakan kebutuhan rakyatnya dan hanya
mendalam terhadap alam dan lingkungan, mengejar keuntungan pribadinya, maka dia tidak
serta melihat manusia sebagai bagian yang dapat lagi memiliki hak untuk berkuasa.
menyatu dengan keseluruhan alam semesta. Juga
Masalah utama dari sistem pendidikan
muncul kesadaran di kalangan Filosof Korea
di Korea berasal dari tingkat mengingat yang
untuk memiliki ajaran pragmatisme Korea dan
berlebihan dimana para pelajar dipaksa untuk
mengembalikan kembali a philosophical turn
melakukannya dan sistem pengujian yang
seperti yang terjadi pada munculnya gerakan
menekankan bahwa kebanyakan orang Barat
shirak, reformasi. Sekarang ini, meskipun orang
dianggap kasar dan tidak produktif. Sistem
Korea kelihatan terbaratkan dalam pengertian
ingatan memang berasal dari ajaran Nabi
ter-Amerika-nisasi dalam banyak hal, orang
Khongtzu, terutama mengingat syair yang
Korea secara internal mencari jati diri mereka
dinyanyikan (ode) yang terdiri dari 200 sampai
sendiri sebagaimana diilustrasikan oleh tema
dengan 300 puisi di masa itu. Namun, Nabi
konferensi akademik Seoul, “Identitas Korea
Khongtzu berpandangan bahwa kemampuan
pada milenium baru.” Di bawah permukaan,
untuk menafsirkan apa yang telah dipelajari dan
jiwa sebagai orang Asia tetap tersembunyi.
menciptakan gagasan-gagasan baru lebih penting
Dalam merespon modernisasi, sejumlah studi
daripada ingatan. Gagasannya tidak seharusnya
dilakukan oleh pemikir Korea, misalnya evaluasi
dihubungkan dengan sistem pendidikan yang
terhadap pendidikan diri, pengendalian emosi,
dibangun dalam negara industri yang berkembang
kemuliaan kebenaran, kebersihan hari, kekuatan
dengan cepat dimana tujuan sistem pendidikan
dan ketulusan kehendak. Hasilnya nilai-nilai
untuk memberikan kesempatan pada pelajar
tersebut akan berkontribusi sebagai kekuatan
untuk bersekolah setinggi mungkin. Demikian
penyeimbang terhadap modernisasi yang
juga sistem pengujian yang distandarisasikan
berlangsung sangat cepat, kecenderungan
dianggap progresif pada masa Nabi Khongtzu
terhadap materialisme dan berkembangnya
karena sistem tersebut menjauhkan kekuasaan
kebudayaan yang superfisial.4
elit dan mendistribusikannya kepada orang-orang
atas dasar kemampuannya. Oleh karena itu, dalam
4
http://www.newworldencyclopedia.org/entry/Korean_ teori, paling tidak, setiap orang dapat memperoleh
Confucianism (Diakses 6 Juni 2015)

kekuasaan tanpa mempertimbangkan status di sana oleh Fujiwara Seika, yang merupakan
sosialnya, dengan syarat lulus dari ujian tersebut. tokoh penting pada masa Tokugawa. Pada masa
Beberapa aspek dari ajaran Nabi Khongtzu dinasti ini, seperti halnya dengan agama Buddha,
masih berpengaruh terhadap budaya orang para sarjana Khonghucu juga terlibat dalam
Korea pada masa kini. Misalnya nilai-nilai politik praktis dan pada akhirnya mengalami
Agama Khonghucu dalam bekerja keras, pembersihan. Pada masa akhir Dinasti Jaseon,
semangat mengejar pendidikan, serta mendorong pembersihan berhenti tetapi Agama Khonghucu
pertumbuhan ekonomi setelah Perang Dunia II.5 sudah sepenuhnya menyebar dan bergeser dari
gerakan reformasi menjadi ortodoksi. Hal ini
Doud (2012) menjelaskan bahwa Agama
dapat dipahami mengingat pada waktu Korea
Khonghucu mengalami banyak tantangan
menghadapi tekanan politik dan militer dari
seperti halnya dengan Bangsa Korea yang
negara-negara Barat dan Jepang, kelas intelektual
melampui sejarah modernisasi, kolonialiasi
mereka menolak reformasi dan mencoba untuk
Jepang, Perang Dunia II, dan lain-lain. Namun,
lebih menggunakan ajaran yang ortodoks.
ajaran ini tetap berakar secara mendalam dalam
budaya orang Korea, melintasi perbedaan Pada periode ini, sejumlah sarjana menjadi
agama. Baik orang Korea beragama Kristen atau frustasi dan mencoba untuk menghidupkan
Buddha selalu merujuk pada ajaran Khonghucu. kembali etika Khonghucu dan mempelajari dari
Tradisi perkawinan dan pemakaman juga masih luar. Hal ini disebut sebagai gerakan silhak atau
mengikuti ajaran-ajaran ini. Upacara-upacara mempelajari sambil berpraktek. Gerakan ini
Khonghucu juga masih diselenggarakan selama mencoba untuk kembali ke prinsip-prinsip dasar
acara-acara publik pada momen-momen tertentu. Agama Khonghucu dan bertujuan memperbaiki
kondisi sosial dan politik. Salah satu nama
Masih menurut Doud (2012), seperti
sarjana yang terkenal adalah Tasan, yang
halnya dengan China dan Jepang pada masa
menolak seluruh ajaran guru-guru Khonghucu
lalu, Agama Buddha pernah menjadi agama
sesudah Nabi Khongtzu meninggal. Karena
negara. Namun, sebagaimana telah disebutkan
Dinasti Jaseon, Agama Khonghucu menjadi
oleh Prof Yao dalam bukunya An Introduction
semakin konservatif dan ortodoks, hal ini
to Confucianism, para biksu Buddha menjadi
sebagai reaksi dari tekanan dari negara-negara
koruptif karena mereka semakin terlibat ke dalam
Barat yang semakin meningkat. Sebagai respon
politik. Sementara, Agama Khonghucu di Korea,
terhadap tekanan politik, sebagian sarjana Agama
China, dan Jepang mengalami kebangkitan
Khonghucu membentuk gerakan donghak yang
dengan gerakan Neo-Khonghucu yang menyerap
berarti pelajaran dari timur, dimulai oleh Choe
beberapa elemen dari agama Buddha, misalnya
Je-u, yang menyebutkan bahwa tujuan Agama
yang menekankan pada praktis, pentingnya jiwa,
Khonghucu adalah penanaman diri sendiri dan
dan eksplorasi kosmologi, dan mendapatkan
jalan ke surga tidak jauh dari manusia, dengan
dukungan dari Pemerintah. Hal ini terjadi di
cara memperbaiki sifat dasar seseorang, maka
Korea pada akhir Dinati Koryo, bahkan semakin
mereka menjadi dekat dengan surga. Choe
mendalam di bawah Dinasti Jaseon. Sebagai
mencoba untuk memperbaiki masyarakat dan
akibatnya, agama Buddha menjadi agama yang
mengembalikan stabilitas dan mengambil ajaran-
kedua dan mengalami tekanan selama beberapa
ajaran Nabi Khongtzu ke dalam musik, sehingga
abad yang sekarang belum sepenuhnya kembali.
para petani yang buta huruf dapat mempelajari
Pada masa Dinasti Jaseon, tepatnya abad Agama Khonghucu dengan mudah.
ke-17 salah seorang sarjana Khonghucu, Gang
Namun, pada masa Donghak dipimpin
Han, ditahan sebagai tahanan perang ketika
oleh Son Byeong-hui (1861-1922), gerakan
Pasukan Jepang di bawah Jenderal Toyotomi
ini menjadi gerakan agama baru yang dikenal
Hideyoshi menyerang Korea. Gang Han dibawa
dengan Cheondogyo atau Cheondoism yang
ke Jepang dan dijadikan guru Agama Khonghucu
masih dipraktikkan sampai sekarang baik di
Korea Utara maupun Selatan. Pada realitasnya,
5
http://pusanweb.com/Exit/Jun97/CONFUSED.htm (Diakses
6 Juni 2015)
pengikut gerakan ini terbatas sekali karena
ajaran-ajaran Nabi Khongtzu diterjemahkan penggunaan teknologi serta menyediakan
dalam konteks Kekristenan, misalnya surga di ideologi untuk menjaga kelangsungan kerajaan.
Agama Khonghucu diterjemahkan surga dalam Selama periode Kerajaan Silla, agama Buddha
istilah Kristen. Sekarang ini, aliran Cheondogyoo memainkan peran utama dalam pembangunan
menolak ide hidup sesudah kematian dan budaya yang salah satunya menghasilkan
memusatkan pada pembangunan dunia yang pendirian situs sejarah Candi Ulguksa dan
ideal melalui penanaman diri, kode etik, dan Sokguran Grotto. Kemajuan lainnya adalah
saling menghormati. Pada masa kini Cheondogyo penemuan percetakan dengan menggunakan
menjadi agama minoritas di Korea Selatan dan kayu untuk membuat yang kemudian diikuti
seringkali diidentifikasi sebagai agama asli orang dengan penggunaan logam untuk mencetak sutra
Korea. Ajaran Cheondogyo sebenarnya hampir Buddha.
sama dengan Shinto dalam kebudayaan Jepang,
Tujuh puluh delapan tahun sebelum
namun kedua agama tersebut tidak memilik
ditemukannya mesin cetak di Eropa oleh
hal yang sama, akan tetapi keduanya berakar
Guettenberg, teks (kertas) telah dicetak pada
mendalam dalam budaya tertentu.6
tahun 1377 M. Sutra Buddha adalah ajaran-ajaran
Buddha Gaotama untuk pembangunan spiritual
SEJARAH BUDHA DI KOREA sebagaimana petunjuk-petunjuk untuk mencapai
Dharma, termasuk lagu-lagu, mantra, ukiran,
Berbeda dengan Agama Khonghucu,
dan tulisan. Pada masa Kerajaan Silla bersatu,
agama Buddha telah berkembang di China pada
ajaran Seon (Zen di Jepang, Chen di China)
ahun 372 M. Buddhisme datang ke Korea ketika
dikenalkan dari China dan para pemeluknya
ketiga kerajaan Silla, Bakjae, dan Goguryo saling
mendirikan Sangha Seon yang memberikan
memperebutkan kontrol terhadap semenanjung
kontribusi pada pengembangan Filsafat Buddha
Korea. Buddhisme merupakan agama resmi
yang pada akhirnya memberikan landasan
pada masa dinasti Goguryeo, Silla dan Bakjae
psikologis Agama Buddha pada masa dinasti
selama periode tiga kerajaan (57 SM – 668 M)
Goryo (918-1392).
dan Kerajaan Silla (668-935) menggunakan
agama Buddha sebagai kekuatan psikologis Menurut buku karanga Buswell, Tracing
untuk menyatukan semenanjung Korea. Se- Back The Radiance, Buddhisme di Korea
Woong Koo 7menyebutkan bahwa pada saat dipusatkan pada asek-aspek ritual seperti
Buddhisme datang ke Korea, Taoisme dan Agama penyembahan Maitreya Bodhisattva dan studi
Khonghucu klasik sudah dianut oleh sebagian Mahayana klasik dari India. Kerajaan Goguryo
masyarakat Korea tetapi pengaruh kedua sistem yang paling dekat dengan China, mengadopsinya
kepercayaan tersebut terhadap kehidupan politik menjadi agama negara pada tahun 372 ketika
masih sangat terbatas. Agama Buddha kemudian Kaisar Fu Jian dari Dinasti Qin mengirinkan
digunakan oleh penguasa karena memiliki fungsi seorang biksu, Shundao untk bertemu Raja
politik menyatukan semua kelompok-kelompok Sosurim. Kerajaan Bakjae mengadopsinya pada
suku dan memasukkan kelompok-kelompok taun 384 M ketika biksu Buddha Marananta
kepercayaan yang sudah ada sebelumnya ke dari China diterima Raja Asin Bakjae. Baru
dalam kekuasaan bangsawan. Kerajaan Silla menggunakan agama Buddha pada
Agama Buddha berkaitan erat dengan abad ke-6 M karena pelawanan oleh kelompok
peradaban dan penggunaan tekologi dari China. bangsawan dan politik isolasi terhadap China.
Ketiga kerajaan tersebut mengadopsi Agama Buddhisme menyebar dan memiliki
Buddha untuk menjadikan negara mereka pengaruh terhadap masyarakat Korea yang
lebih modern baik dalam peradaban maupun terbelah menjadi tiga kerajaan, karena biksu-
biksu Buddha Korea memiliki hubungan yang
6
http://jkllr.net/2012/06/28/a-brief-history-of-confucianism- erat dengan China dan para biksu tersebut
in-korea/ (Diakses 6 Juni 2015) membantu mempercepat berkembangnya ketiga
7
http://spice.fsi.stanford.edu/docs/introduction_of_buddhism_ kerajaan tersebut di semenanjung Korea baik
to_korea_an_overview (Diakses 6 Juni 2015).

secara politik, budaya, dan ekonomi. Misalnya Berlandaskan ajaran Cheontae ini muncul
Buku Sutra Benevolent Kings sagat dihargai. sekolah Seon yang memunculkan sangha terbesar
Begitu pula, tatanan monarki kerajaan-kerajaan di Korea yakni Jogye, dilahirkan oleh biksu Jinul
di Korea diorganisasi dan dikendalikan oleh pada abad ke-11 M.
negara dengan peran penting para biksu Buddha
Kerajaan Goryeo, seperti dengan Kerajaan
untuk melindungi negara.
Silla Bersatu juga mengadopsi Agama Buddha
Ketika kerajaan Silla menyatukan sebagai agama resmi negara dan menggunakannya
semenanjung Korea pada abad ke-7, Agama sebagai faktor pemersatu bangsa Korea, sekaligus
Buddha berkembang lebih pesat dan tidak hanya memberikan landasan bagi pembangunan
menjadi instrumen politik negara. Buddhisme identitas nasional dan kebudayaan ke depan.
telah diterima pada saat itu oleh seluruh lapisan Penguasa Goryeo mengikuti ajaran-ajaran biksu
masyarakat dan para biksu Korea banyak Buddha Doseon (827-989) dan membangun
melakukan perjalanan menghadap Dinasti Tang vihara-vihara Buddha serta menyebarkan
di China. Pada masa itu terapat dua sekolah Dharma. Pada masa Goryeo, Kitab Tripitaka
yang menyebarkan Agama Buddha. Pertama dalam Bahasa Korea diukir ke dalam lebih dari
sekolah Flower Garland yang didasarkan atas 80,000 woodblocks sebagai perlindungan dari
Sekolah China Hua-Yan dengan Flower Garland invasi dan kekuatan-kekuatan asing. Agama
Sutra sebagai teks utama. Prinsip ajarannya Buddha melahirkan festival nasional seperti
adalah ketergantungan antarbenda di dunia, satu P’algwanhoe dan Yeondeunghoe (Lotus Lentern
mengandung semua dan semua mengandung Festival).
satu. Kedua, sekolah Pure Land yang dipusatkan
Pada masa tersebut, jumlah sangha-sangha
pada Pure Land of Amitabha Buddha. Sekolah
dalam agama Buddha berkembang pesat. Akan
ini banyak mendapatkan pengikut di kalangan
tetapi, peningkatan pengaruh ekonomi dan politik
masyarakat biasa.
para biksu Buddha menyebabkan ketidaksukaan
Ketika Kerajaan Silla bersatu jatuh pada dari masyarakat umum yang tidak dipedulikan
abad ke-10, Dinasti Kerajaan Goryeo secara oleh penguasa Goryo. Sebagai akibatnya, pada
politik lebih cenderung mengadopsi Agama masa dinasti politik Jaseon, agama Buddha
Khonghucu sebagaimana dilakukan oleh Dinasti memasuki periode represi politik (1392-1910).
Sung di China. Agama ini berkembang pesat dan Meskipun para biksu Buddha termarjinalkan
menjadi agama resmi negara pada masa Dinasti pada masa Jaseon, namun beberapa bangsawan
Goryeo (918-1392). Namun demikian, pada tetap memeluk agama Buddha secara privat. Para
masa tersebut, para pemeluk Agama Khonghucu rohaniwan Agama Khonghucu berperan dalam
dan Buddha hampir mencapai keseimbangan mengelola pemerintahan. Segala bentuk represi
dalam jumlah. Agama Khonghucu mengajarkan terhadap agama Buddha berakibat positif, yakni
kebudayaan dan politik pemerintahan di Korea, mendekatkan agama Buddha kepada masyarakat
sedangkan Buddhisme mengajarkan kedamaian umum, sehingga memiliki ikatan yang kuat
jiwa dan hari kemudian (after life). Pada abad dan menjadikan vihara sebagai pusat-pusat
ke-11 dalam Dinasti Goryeo, kitab-kitab suci berkembangnya praktek-praktek Seon. Baru
Agama Buddha sudah terukir dalam blok-blok sesudah Perang Dunia II, Buddhisme Korea
kayu yang kemudian dihancurkan pada saat berkembang dalam bentuk Seon Korea dimana
Kerajaan Mongol menyerang Goryeo. Pada masa Sangha Jogye menjadi dominan.8
Goryeo, Buddhisme dilanda perpecahan antara
Jatuhnya Kerajaan Goryeo pada tahun
sekolah-sekolah Buddha yang berlandaskan teks
1392 dan munculnya Dinasti Jaseon menandakan
saja dengan sekolah-sekolah pemikiran. Ada
pudarnya pengaruh Agama Buddha. Pada asalnya,
juga Sekolah Tian-tai dari China yang berakar di
Agama Khonghucu memusatkan ajarannya pada
Korea, Cheontae, yakni mencoba menyediakan
hal-hal yang bersifat sekuler, politik dan sosial,
kerangka kerja Buddhisme yang mencakup
baik sekolah teks maupun pemikiran dengan 8
http://www.koreanbuddhism.net/bbs/content.php?co_id=110
Buku Lotus Sutra sebagai sentral pemikiran. (Diakses 7 Juni 2015).
namun ajaran Neo-Khonghucu yang berkembang Namun demikian, agama-agama di Korea
di China lebih filosofis dan menjadi pesaing bagi dan sebagian Buddhisme Korea secara umum
ajaran Buddha. Ketika Dinasti Jaseon menjadi memiliki rasa nasionalis yang tinggi dan ikut
semakin represif terhadap biksu dan pemeluk berpartisipasi melawan penjajahan Jepang.
agama Buddha, Buddhisme dilihat sebagai Jepang menggunakan simbol naisen ittai yakni
kepercayaan milik perempuan (woman faith) the interior (Jepang) dan Korea adalah satu tubuh.
dan inferior dibandingkan dengan ajaran-ajara Sekolah-sekolah dipaksa untuk menggunakan
Agama Khonghucu. Bahasa Jepang sebagai pengantar dan organisasi-
organisasi keagamaan diorganisir seperti Shinto.
Dinasti Chosun (1392-1910) yang
Pada tahun 1935, Jenderal Ugaki, Gubernur
mengganti agama resmi negara menjadi Agama
militer Jepang di Korea memaksa semua pelajar
Khonghucu, banyak menyingkirkan biksu
dan pejabat pemerintah Korea menghadiri
Buddha pada masa tersebut dari kekuasaan.
upacara Shinto sehingga mengakibatkan protes
Gerakan pembersihan bermula pada tahun 1388
yang keras dari kelompok-kelompok Kristiani
ketika Jenderal Yi Seongye (1380-1400) dengan
dan Buddhisme.9
dukungan gerakan Neo-Khonghucu melakukan
kudeta militer dan mendirikan Dinasti Choson. Kolonialisasi Jepang juga berdampak
Pada masa awal dinasti ini, jumlah vihara terhadap perkembangan agama Buddha di Korea.
Buddha dikurangi, keanggotaan dalam organisasi Pada masa pendudukan Jepang (1910-1945),
biksu Buddha, sangha, mulai dikurangi, para semua larangan terhadap zzaktivitas para biksu
biksu dipaksa tinggal di pegunungan dan Buddha dicabut oleh Pemerintah. Bahkan,
dilarang bercampur dengan masyarakat dan biksu Buddha Jepang meminta pemerintahnya,
memasuki kota. Tindakan represif terhadap agar para biksu Buddha Korea diijinkan untuk
para biksu Buddha ini berhenti pada abad ke-16 mengajarkan agamanya di kota-kota, yang
ketika para biksu Buddha berpartisipasi dalam sebelumnya telah dilarang selama hampir 500
melawan serangan Jepang pada tahun 1592-1598. tahun. Pada masa ini, Buddhisme Korea memiliki
Pemimpin umat Buddha pada waktu itu, Seosan pesaing dalam melakukan pembabaran dharma,
hyujeong (1520-1604) mengorganisir para yaitu dari Won Buddhisme dan missionaris
biksu menjadi unit gerilya melawan Jepang dan Kristen yang telah berkembang pesat pada
berhasil, sehingga represi teradap agama Buddha masa pendudukan Jepang. Para biksu Buddha
dihentikan. Namun demikian, para biksu Buddha Jepang menyebarkan ajarannya terkait dengan
tetap menahan diri untuk mengembangkan diijinkannya perkawinan antara biksu dan
ajarannya sampai Dinasti Choson berakhir pada biksuni.
tahun 1910.
Sesudah Perang Dunia II, konflik
Kolonialiasi Jepang terhadap Korea kekerasan muncul antara para biksu Buddha
berbeda dengan kolonialisasi terhadap negara yang telah menikah, disebut Buddha Jepang,
Asia lainnya, karena Korea adalah tetangga dengan para biksu yang mempertahankan
paling dekat Jepang, Korea telah mengalami selibat, Buddha Korea. Seiring dengan kuatnya
modernisasinya sendiri dan memiliki pengalaman sentimen anti-Jepang, biksu Buddha Korea lebih
untuk mengusir penjajah. Kontrol Jepang mendapatkan dukungan, yang pada akhirnya
terhadap Korea lebih berat daripada terhadap dapat menguasai vihara-vihara Buddha di seluruh
negara Asia lainnya. Pemerintah Jepang pada Korea. Namun cara-cara yang digunakan para
dasarnya tidak menyukai Buddhisme Jepang biksu Buddha Korea menimbulkan kerusuhan
sejak 1800 dan melakukan represi terhadap dan perkelahian hampir di setiap vihara. Hal
ajaran Buddha dengan Hukum Nikujiku Saitai ini menjadikan masyarakat umum lebih banyak
yang memaksa biksu Buddha untuk menikah dan bersimpati terhadap pengajaran agama Kristiani
makan daging. Hal ini melanggar tradisi selibat
dan diet di kalangan biksu. Kebijakan serupa juga
9
http://jkllr.net/2011/10/26/a-brief-history-of-korean-
buddhism/ (Diakses 7 Juni 2015)
diterapkan di Korea.

daripada ajaran Agama Buddha. Pada tahun massa yang lebih luas untuk membangun vihara-
1950-an, Presdiden Syngman Rhee mendukung vihara Buddha yang baru.
kampanye pembersihan para biksu Buddha
Pada periode antara 1950 dan 1960,
Jepang karena dianggap sebagai kolaborator
biksu-biksu dari sekolah Seon mengorganisasi
Pemerintah Kolonial Jepang di Korea. Namun,
kembali lembaga-lembaga tradisional Buddha
presiden sesudahnya, Park Chung Hee (1961-
yang direpresi selama penjajahan Jepang.
1979) mencoba untuk memediasi konflik di
Proses ini mengarah pada pembentukan Sangha
antara dua kelompok Buddha dengan membentuk
Jogye yang berasal dari aliran Jogye kuno dari
organiasi nasional pan-Buddhisme. Seangkan
Kerajaan Goryeo. Sangha ini sekarang paling
pada tahun 1980an, Presiden Chun Doo-Hwan
banyak mengelola vihara-vihara di seluruh Korea
mendirim pasukan tentara untuk menyerang
Selatan. Kelompok lain, Sangha Taego, terbentuk
vihara-vihara dan menangkap serta menyiksa
pada tahun 1970 yang merupakan cabang dari
ratusan biksu yang diduga melakukan kritik
Sangha Jogye dan sangha terbesar nomor dua
terhadap Pemerintah Korea.
di Korea Selatan. Perbedaan dari kedua sangha
Pada saat yang sama, Kristen semakin ini adalah pernikahan biksu Buddha diijinkan
berkembang di Korea sehingga banyak di Sangha Taego, tetapi tidak diperbolehkan di
memunculkan ketegangan dengan pemeluk Sangha Jogye. Sangha yang lain adalah Chongtae
Agama Buddha, misalnya dalam bentuk dan gerakan-gerakan aliran Vajrayana namun
pembakaran vihara dan serangan terhadap karya- lebih kecil dari Sangha Jogye dan Taego. Kedua
karya seni Buddha. Mahasiswa pada universitas- sangha Buddha ini muncul sebagaimana pada
universitas Buddha seringkali dibujuk untuk umumnya orang Korea menemukan kembali
memeluk agama Kristen. Umat Buddha yang masa lalunya.
menghadiri perayaan Waisak kadang-kadang
Hubungan antara Buddhisme dan agama-
diganggu oleh oknum-oknum umat Kristen di
agama lokal di Korea seingkali menjadi perhatian
luar arena perayaan. Ketegangan-ketegangan
para pengkaji studi agama. Buddhisme tidak
antara kedua kelompok umat beragama ini
dapat sepenuhnya menghapus agama-agama lokal
menurun pada akhir 1990-an dan pada awal
yang sudah ada sebelumnya, akan tetapi hanya
2000. Namun muncul kembali dengan terpilihnya
memasukkan elemen-elemen ketuhanan dalam
Presiden Lee Myong-bak, seorang Kristen yang
agama lokal ke dalam sistem dan memberikan
taat yang dikelilingi oleh para menteri dan
legitimasi sebagai pelindung dan penyembah
penasihat dari kalangan Kristen yang taat juga.
Buddha. Agama lokal juga tidak memusuhi
Isu yang sering dilaporkan oleh media pada tahun
agama Buddha, mereka mengundang Buddha
2008 adalah Pemerintah Lee sering menutup atau
(the enlightened one) ke dalam ritual-ritual dan
memindahkan vihara tanpa meminta konsultasi
memperlakukannya seperti entitas transendental
dengan para biksu Buddha.
yang memiliki kekuasaan untuk kebaikan umat
Sekarang ini, jumlah pemeluk agama manusia. Koeksistensi yang harmonis antara
Buddha secara statistik mencapai 40 persen Agama Buddha dan agama lokal ini disebut
dan merupakan yang terbesar di Korea Selatan. sebagai Shamanisme. Dengan demikian, kita
Sebagian besar menetap di provinsi-provinsi dapat menyaksikan di Korea, ketika berkunjung
Selatan Korea. 10 Hogart (1998) mengatakan ke sebuah vihara Buddha dapat dijumpai beberapa
bahwa untuk merespon perkembangan agama dewa dalam agama lokal (dewa pegunungan dan
Kristen yang cukup pesat di Korea, para biksu bintang-bintang). Sebaliknya, ketika berkunjung
Buddha mulai berusaha untuk memodernkan ke rumah Shaman, di dalamnya terdapat lukisan
praktik-praktik keagamaannya dengan publikasi dan patung Buddha dan Bodhisattva. 11
media, penggunaan perlengkapan modern di
Charles Muller (1996) menyebutkan
vihara-vihara Buddha dan mendorong partisipasi
bahwa Buddhisme Korea pada masa kini
10
http://www.korea4expats.com/article-Korean-buddhism.html 11
http://spice.fsi.stanford.edu/docs/introduction_of_buddhism_
(Diakses 7 Juni 2015). to_korea_an_overview (Diakses 6 Juni 2015).
merupakan agama yang penganutnya cukup dengan Asia Tengah, Siberia, dan Skandinavia
besar yaknis ekitar 40% dan berperan dalam Utara.
mengajarkan etika kepada bangsa Korea. Praktik-
Oleh karena Shamanisme termasuk
praktik tradisional Seon dilakukan oleh sejumlah
dalam budaya massa kebanyakan, ia tidak
besar vihara-vihara di pegunungan di Korea
pernah sepenuhnya hilang dari Semenanjung
Selatan. Hal ini dalam beberapa dekade terakhir
korea. Sesudah masa evaluasi kembali identitas
menarik para praksioner dari negara-negara Barat
budaya Korea pada pertengahan abad ke-20,
untuk belajar Seon-Buhisme di Korea.12
disepakati oleh para budayawan Korea bahwa
Sebelum Buddhisme datang ke Korea, Shamanisme membentuk strattum paling awal
praktik keagamaan penduduk di semenanjung dalam kebudayaan Korea. Dewasa ini, ritual-ritual
Korea pada umumnya adalah shamanisme, yang Shamanisme merupakan bagian dari kehidupan
berpengaruh terhadap kehidupan masyarakat sehari-hari baik pada masyarakat pedesaan
Korea sampai pada masa sekarang. Inti dari ajaran maupun perkotaan. Misalnya, kerja-kerja
shamanisme adalah menganggap bahwa semua konstruksi gedung pencakar langit diresmikan
makluh hidup dan kekuatan-kekuatan alam serta dengan ritual-ritual shamanisme. Demikian juga
objek-objek yang tidak hidup semuanya memiliki kebanyakan artis-artis kontemporer berasal dari
spirit yang harus ditenangkan. Bahkan, orang- keluarga pemeluk Shamanisme. 14
orang Buddha Korea yang berpendidikan tinggi
dan saleh tetap memiliki kepercayaan yang kuat
terhadap ruh dan secara teratur mengunjungi PENUTUP
rumah-rumah shaman untuk ritual perlindungan. Berdasarkan paparan di muka dapat
Sejak Shamanisme tidak dilihat secara moral disimpulkan beberapa hal sebagai berikut.
berlawanana dengan Buddhisme, dua agama Pertama, masyarakat Korea merupakan
tersebut cenderung bercampur memproduksi masyarakat yang heterogen dari sisi agama,
sebuah bentuk agama Buddha yang kas Korea. terdiri atas Kristen, Katholik, Buddha, Agama
Ketika seorang biksu Buddha, dari China, Khonghucu, dan agama-agama lokal. Kedua,
datang ke semenanjung Korea pada tahun 372 Agama Khonghucu merupakan sistem
M mengenalkan teks-teks dan rupang-rupang kepercayaan yang mengandung unsur-unsur
Buddha, mereka mengenalkan ajaran karma dan filsafat pemikiran, politik, dan kebudayaan yang
pencarian kebahagiaan. Ajaran-ajaran tersebut berakar dalam sejarah Korea dan berpengaruh
kemudian diasimilasikan dengan ajaran-ajaran ke dalam pembentukan etika dan identitas
Shamanisme.13 bangsa Korea. Ketiga, Buddhisme juga berperan
Shamanisme Korea terdiri atas ritual- dalam pembentukan dasar-dasar identitas dan
ritual gaib yang dilakukan baik secara komunal kebudayaan Korea serta berakar dalam sejarah
maupun individual. Dalam ritual-ritual tersebut, sebagaimana Agama Khonghucu. Di samping
fokusnya adalah pengalaman individu pemeluk agama-agama tersebut, juga berkembang
Shaman (mudang) dan kemampuan Shaman Shamanisme.
untuk memanggil dunia roh yang ditempati oleh Agama-agama tersebut tumbuh dan
berbagai tuhan-tuhan dalam agama Shaman. berkembang sejalan dengan pembangunan
Selama lima ribu tahun, Shamanisme di Korea ekonomi yang ditandai dengan industrialisasi.
telah berlangsung. Kebanyakan orang Korea Berkembangnya kebudayaan Barat dan
berpendapat bahwa tradisi Shamanisme berakar meningkatnya pemeluk Kekristenan tidak
dari Asia Tengah dan terkait dengan sabuk menjadikan kepercayaan mereka terhadap Agama
Shamanisme Utara yang menghubungkan Korea Khonghucu menjadi menurun karena Agama
Khonghucu juga telah mengakar dalam budaya
massa. Konflik dan ketegangan antara Buddha
12
http://www.acmuller.net/kor-bud/koreanbuddhism-overview.
dan Kristiani yang muncul sesudah tahun 2000
html (Diakses 7 Juni 2015).
13
http://www.bbc.co.uk/religion/religions/buddhism/ 14
http://www.xip.fi/atd/korea/korean-shamanism-the-origins-
subdivisions/koreanzen.shtml (Diakses 8 Juni 2015) of-indigenous-culture.html (Diakses 8 Juni 2015).

dilihat sebagai ketakutan terhadap hilangnya Hogarth, H. K. K. (1998). Rationality, practicality
identitas kebudayaan orang Korea. and Modernity: Buddhism, Shamanism
and Christianity in Contemporary Korean
Agama dalam pengertian Barat dan Timur Society. Transactions of the Royal Asiatic
sering dikatakan berbeda. Misalnya Agama di Society Korea Branch, 73, 41-53.
Barat dimaknai sebagai seperangkat nilai yang Korean Confucianism. (2015). Asia-Pacific
melekat pada komunitas tertentu dengan sejumlah Connection , http://www.asia-pacific-
ritual dan simbol-simbol. Sedangkan di dunia connections.com/confucianism.html (Diakses
Timur, agama lebih dipahami sebagai kekayaan 5 Juni 2015).
spiritualitas yang melekat pada masyarakat Korean Confucianism. (2015). New
secara kulturla. Dari pengalaman Korea, sejarah Wo r l d E n c y c l o p e d i a , h t t p : / / w w w.
newworldencyclopedia.org/entry/Korean_
Konfusinaisme dan Budha menunjukkan bahwa Confucianism (Diakses 6 Juni 2015).
agama dimaknai sebagai spiritualitas yang
Korean Shamanism, the Origins of Indigeneous
mampu memberikan perlindungan dan menjawab Culture. 2015. Asian Traditional Theatre and
tantangan pada masa krisis. Melebihi makna Dance. http://www.xip.fi/atd/korea/korean-
spiritualitas atau ritual, agama akan dipatuhi shamanism-the-origins-of-indigenous-culture.
jika memberikan solusi kepada umatnya melalu html (Diakses 8 Juni 2015).
praksis-praksis sosial untuk membebaskan diri Korean Zen Buddhism. 2002. British Broadcasting
dari krisis sosial. Cooperation. http://www.bbc.co.uk/religion/
religions/buddhism/subdivisions/koreanzen.
shtml (Diakses 8 Juni 2015).
PUSTAKA ACUAN Koo, Se-Wong. (2015). Introduction of Budhism to
Ackerson, L. (1997). Confucianism and its Impact of Korea; An overview. Published by Standford
Korean Culture: A Short Discussion. Pusanweb| Program for International and Cross Cultural
Busan (Pusan) Korea Classifieds Forums, Education. http://spice.fsi.stanford.edu/docs/
Guides, & Media. http://pusanweb. com/Exit/ introduction_of_buddhism_to_korea_an_
Jun97/CONFUSED. Htm. overview (Diakses 6 Juni 2015).
A Brief Hisotory of Confucianism in Korea. (2011). Levi, Nicholas. (2013). The Impact of Confucianism
Essays in Iddleness. http://jkllr.net/2012/06/28/ in South Korea and Japan. ACTA ASIATICA
a-brief-history-of-confucianism-in-korea/ VARSOVIENSIA, No. 26: 7-16
(Diakses 6 Juni 2015). Muller, Charles. (1996). Korean Buddhism: A Short
A Brief History of Korean Budhism. (2011). Essays Overview. http://www.acmuller.net/kor-bud/
in Iddleness. http://jkllr.net/2011/10/26/a-brief- koreanbuddhism-overview.html (Diakses 7
history-of-korean-buddhism/ (Diakses 7 Juni Juni 2015).
2015). Religion. 2015. Korean.net Gateway to Korea http://
Chan, Joseph. (2002). Moral Autonomy, Civil www.korea.net/AboutKorea/Korean-Life/
Liberties and Confucianism. Philosophy East Religion (Diakses 5 Juni 2015).
and West, Vol. 52, No. 3, pp. 281–310. Yang, K. P., & Henderson, G. (1959). An Outline
Fox, Russell Arben. (1997). Confucian and History of Korean Confucianism: Part II: The
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RESEARCH SUMMARY
CRISIS, GROWTH AND CHANGES IN SUB SAHARA AFRICA:

EVIDENCE FROM KENYA
Ahmad Helmy Fuady, Erwiza, Muzzar Kresna and Saiful Hakam

Research Center for Regional Resources – Indonesian Institute of Sciences
Email: elhelmy@yahoo.com, erwizae@yahoo.com, kresnamuzzar@gmail.com, hakam9@gmail.com
ABSTRAK
Sejak 2008, perekonomian dunia telah dibayangi oleh tekanan krisis keuangan global. Dengan hubungan global
yang relatif kuat, sulit bagi Kenya untuk sepenuhnya keluar dari krisis tersebut. Kenya juga mengalami krisis
pangan, krisis politik pasca pemilu dan krisis keamanan. Namun, ekonomi Kenya, sejak awal tahun 2000an,
terus bertumbuh tanpa banyak terpengaruh oleh krisis. Dengan pendekatan sejarah dan ekonomi, penelitian ini
berangkat dari keingintahuan yang sederhana tentang bagaimana perkembangan ekonomi Kenya selama krisis.
Studi ini meneliti tiga sektor yang bertahan hidup dan berkembang selama masa krisis, yaitu sektor pertanian
(teh, kopi dan bunga potong), infrastruktur, dan teknologi keuangan. Selain itu, studi ini juga menggambarkan
peningkatan peran China dalam perekonomian Kenya, ketika negara-negara donor lainnya berada dalam krisis.
Kata kunci: Krisis, sektor pertanian, pembangunan infrastruktur, teknologi keuangan, China
ABSTRACT
Since 2008, the world economy has been overshadowed by a heavy pressure from the global financial crisis. With
a relatively strong global relationship, it is difficult for Kenya to fully escape the global financial crisis. Kenya
has also gone through a food crisis, the post-election political crisis and the security crisis. In fact, the Kenyan
economy, since the early 2000s, continues to grow without much affected by the crises. With history and economics
approach, this study departs from a simple curiosity, to know how Kenya’s economic development is during the
crises. This study examines three sectors that survive and thrive during times of crisis, namely agricultural sector
(tea, coffee and cut flowers), infrastructure, and financial technology. In addition, this study also describes the
increasing role of China in the Kenyan economy, when other donor countries are in crisis.
Keywords: Crisis, agricultural sector, infrastructure development, financial technology, China
INTRODUCTION
In the past decade, Kenya has gone through December 27, 2007. Violence broke out in coastal
serious crises. First, the country experienced a areas such as in Mombasa, Nairobi, and extended
political crisis following the 2007 presidential in some other regions, particularly in the Rift
elections. There was huge unrest in Kenya after Valley. Around 1400 people were reported killed
the incumbent, President Mwai Kibaki, was and more than 600 thousand people have been
declared the winner in the presidential election on displaced (Brownsell, 2013).
155
Second, after the political crisis decreased grew quite high compared to other countries in
economic growth rate in 2008, Kenya had to Sub-Saharan Africa region.
face global financial crisis that began to hit the
Despites these crises, interestingly, the
United States (US) and Europe. With a very
Kenyan economy continues to grow without
close relationship between European countries
much affected by the crises since the early 2000s.
and African countries in several ways such as
With historical and economic approach, this
trade flows, foreign aid, and flow of people
study departs from a simple curiosity, to know
(migration), it is difficult to ignore the impacts
how Kenya’s economic development is during
of global financial crisis on the dynamics of
the crises. This study examines three sectors that
society in the Sub-Saharan Africa. For Kenya
survive and thrive during times of crisis, namely
that have a fairly open economy (international
agricultural sector (tea, coffee and cut flowers),
trade and financial depth level is relatively high
infrastructure, and financial technology. In
in Sub-Sahara Africa), and their dependence on
addition, this study also describes the increasing
remittances from diaspora abroad, the global
role of China in the Kenyan economy, when other
financial crisis is quite alarming.
donor countries are in crisis.
Third, Kenya experienced a severe drought
Analysis in this paper is based on primary
in 2011, which resulted in food shortages
and secondary data. It uses secondary data
(McKenzie & Kermeliotis, 2011). As a country
obtained from the official documents of the
that relies heavily on agriculture with very
Kenyan government, such as development
low irrigation systems, Kenya depends on the
planning, budget and debt documents. We also use
intensity of rainfall in their agricultural activity.
statistics and periodical publications and online
This is especially true in the main areas that are
publications of international organizations such as
dry and have limited infrastructure development.
the World Bank, the African Development Bank
Drought is a potential to decrease Kenyan
(AfDB), the United Nations and International
economy, which is 40 percent comes from
Monetary Fund, which heavily involved in
agricultural sector.
the economic and development in Kenya. In
Fourth, terror attacks launched by Al- addition, articles from newspapers, magazines,
Shabaab militants in the West-Gate Shopping and academic journals that analyze and or related
Mall in 2013 showed that there is a security to the crisis in the countries of the eastern region
crisis in Kenya. The attack that killed more than of Sub-Saharan Africa are important sources for
60 people is one terror incident among several this study. The collection of primary data through
others in the country that borders with Somalia, observations and interviews were conducted in
which is the base of Al-Shabaab group (see New Nairobi, the capital of Kenya, in April 2017.
York City Police Department, 2013). The terrorist Interviews were conducted with lecturers from
incident badly hit the tourism sector which is the University of Nairobi, the World Bank, the
an important backbone for the economy. Kenya IMF, the African Development Bank, British
is famous for the great wildebeest migration in Embassy, local communities, and also with
July each year. Security conditions had led many Indonesian diplomats and embassy staffs in
countries to issue travel warning, which decrease Nairobi.
the number of foreign tourists to Kenya.
Interestingly, even though the country KENYA: BRIEF OVERVIEW
had to face several crises, Kenya›s economy
continues to grow confidently. The country›s After independence in 1963, Kenya
economy is still growing an average of 5 to 6 was led by Prime Minister Jomo Kenyatta,
percent annually since 2003. The gross domestic who became president after the former British
product (GDP) of the country has only decreased colony became a republic in 1964. In the early
in 2008 when the political crisis is sweeping independence period, many assets such as
the country. After that, the Kenyan economy land controlled by the European were taken
over. Unfortunately, some of the assets were

1400
1200
1000
800
600
400
200
0
1970
2000
1960
1962
1964
1966
1968
1972
1974
1976
1978
1980
1982
1984
1986
1988
1990
1992
1994
1996
1998
2002
2004
2006
2008
2010
2012
2014
2016
Figure 1.1. GDP per capita (Constant 2010USD)
Source: Word Bank (2017)
transferred to Kenyatta’s own group, particularly the average economic (GDP) growth in Kenya
ethnic Kikuyu, even though the assets were reached 6.9 percent annually, except in 1970
belong to other ethnic groups before the colonial and 1975 when the country suffered a severe
era. As a result, many other ethnic groups were drought. Unfortunately, the economic growth
not satisfied, such as those living in the area did not continue since Daniel Arap Moi became
around the beach. The country, that officially uses president, because Jomo Kenyatta died in 1978.
English language and Swahili, is a country with Figure 1.1 shows that per capita GDP was
many ethnic groups, such as Kikuyu (20%), Luo stagnated, and even decreasing during Daniel
(14%), Luhya (13%), Kalenjing (11%), Kamba Arap Moi time in power (1978-2002). During
(11%), Kisii (6%), Mijikenda (5%), Somali this period, the GDP only grew by an average of
(2%), Turkana (2%), Maasai (1%), and others 3 percent per year, and GDP per capita fell from
(14%), including Indian and Arabic (Mynott, USD898 in 1980 to USD823 in 2002. During the
2008). Since the beginning of independence, reign of Moi, favoritism continued but shifted to
Kikuyu has a benefited position, by controlling Moi’s support base, especially in the Rift Valley
assets and positions in government, as well as (Miguel, 2004, 337). This has caused ongoing
the target of government programs. Favoritism ethnic tensions in the country.
by the government at the time have resulted in
Kenya›s economic revival occurred after
inequality between ethnic groups, which is one
the elections in 2002, which declared Mwai
of the roots of political problems recurring from
Kibaki as the winner, beating Uhurru Kenyatta,
time to time, especially when general elections
the son of former president Jomo Kenyatta that
(Miguel, 2004).
was supported by Daniel Moi. From 2003 to
Figure 1.1 shows that Kenya’s economy 2015, GDP grew by more than 5 percent annually.
can be divided into three periods, namely post- Only in 2008 the economy stagnated with a
independence boom (1963-1978), stagnation growth rate reached only 0.2 percent because of
(1978-2002), and economic revival (2002-2016). the post-election political crisis. The high growth
Kenya’s economy grew significantly in post- rate is mainly due to the rise of agricultural
independence period, when Jomo Kenyatta
led the country (1963-1978). In that period,
Ahmad Helmy Fuady, et al | Research Summary Crisis, Growth and Changes in sub Sahara ... | 157
commodities prices, such as tea and coffee that security conditions. Kenya is a country located
are major contributors to Kenya’s exports. in the Eastern Africa region and directly borders
with Tanzania, South Sudan, Ethiopia, Uganda,
Despite a relatively high economic growth,
Somalia, and the Indian Ocean. With more than
unemployment rate is increasing in the period.
half of Somalia is now controlled by Al-Shabaab
The unemployment rate rose from 8.1 percent
group, and a number of refugees from that
in 1999 to around 12 percent in 2009, although
country entered Kenya, security in the country
it decreased again to 10 percent in 2016 (World
is now become vulnerable. Kenya has been hit
Bank, 2017). The unemployment rate for youth
by terrorism, and one biggest casualty is the one
(15-24 years) indicates a more severe situation.
at the West Gate Shopping mall.
Since 2005, the youth unemployment rate
reaches more than 20 percent, and continued
to increase, up to 23.8 percent in 2009 (World GROWING IN CRISIS
Bank, 2017). This indicates that the economic
This section presents main findings about
revival since 2002 has not been supported by a
three sectors that survive and thrive during times
strong production base, but because of changes
of crisis, namely agricultural sector (tea, coffee
in international prices.
and cut flowers), infrastructure, and financial
The service and agricultural sectors technology. It also describes the increasing role
continued to be main contributors to Kenya’s of China in the Kenyan economy.
economy from independence until the beginning
of 2016. According to the World Bank (2017), in
2016, the agricultural sector accounted for more
Coffee, tea and CutfFlowers
than 35 percent of Kenya›s GDP, while the service The development of Kenya’s three export
sector accounts for more than 45 percent. The commodities, coffee, tea and cut flowers
contribution of the agricultural sector is not too proved to have mainly contributed to Kenya’s
surprising (World Bank, 2017). Approximately, economy. The three commodities have their
from 45 million Kenya’s population in 2016, own trajectories, starting from coffee, then tea
about 74 percent live in rural areas with the main and cut flowers. The decline in Kenya coffee
occupation as a farmer. The great contribution exports in the late 1980s had been replaced by
of agricultural sector is mainly supported by the export of black tea and cut flower. These three
the three main export commodities, namely tea, commodities have become a source of revenue
coffee and cut flowers. Meanwhile, with limited for Kenya. These three export commodities are
agricultural infrastructure, particularly irrigation, cultivated mostly by small farmers (60%), and
food commodities are still highly dependent on 40% by large and medium enterprises.
weather conditions, and drought is main threat. In light of the internal and external crises
The large contribution of service sectors that occurred during the 1930-2013 period,
was mainly supported by tourism, especially coffee commodities appear to be more sensitive
safari business, which is a primary sector in to international market price and climate crisis
Kenya to earn foreign currencies. Kenya is very than the global crisis, except during the 1930s
popular with its Kilimanjaro mountain and safari, economic depression and the 1980s world
especially with the big five animals, namely economic recession. A very long drought in
the lion, rhino, leopard, elephants and buffalo, 2001/2002 has had an impact on the drastic drop
as well as giraffe, hippo and zebra. In times in commodity exports. However, compared to
of great wildebeest migration, every hotel and coffee and tea commodities under the period of
inn definitely full with tourists who want to see study, coffee exports fluctuated sharply compared
attractions, such as how a herd of buffalos had to to tea and cut flowers. Even these latter two
cross a river with crocodiles waiting in the water. commodities have dominated the world market.
Although a primary sector, the tourism sector The global financial crisis in 2008 in
is highly vulnerable to the global economy and the United States and its impact on the export

of Kenya’s leading commodities is not so financial crisis. After the 2007 post-election crisis,
significant. In addition to exporting these three the government of Kenya launched the Vision
commodities to European countries, the Kenyan 2030 aspires to be a middle income countries.
government has been looking for new consumer To achieve the vision, the government of Kenya
countries, such as Egypt, Pakistan, Middle East is prioritizing infrastructures as an enabler factor
countries, even Korea and Japan. for development. It is believed that infrastructure
development could reduce infrastructure deficits,
FinancialyTechnology strengthen growth, increase quality of life, reduce
regional inequality, and provide legitimacy for a
The global financial crisis has changed government performance.
the landscape of how financial system works.
Since 2009, the ability of government to
While foreign banks scaled back their activities
build infrastructure across the country is noticeable,
in some Sub-Sahara African countries, it’s should
particularly in energy and transportation sectors.
be opportunities for local banks to increase
In the global financial crisis, the infrastructure
their presence. But, at the same time, non-bank
development is considered as a key factor to
institution also sees the opportunity to expand
maintain economic growth as suggested by
financial services to rural poor which majority
Keynesian economists. An active government
still unbanked. In Kenya, mobile phones-based
spending on infrastructure is expected to increase
technology, M-Pesa which launched in March
aggregate demand in the economy. While there
2007 by local giant mobile operator, Safaricom,
was a limited source of finance from domestic
started a revolution in the payment system. The
resources and traditional donors, increasing role
cash payment system evolved from commodity
of China in global economy has significantly
money to fiat money, while cashless payment
helped Kenya to close the financial needs. The
system changed from paper based to electronic
shifting global economic power from the Western
based (electronic money, electronic wallet,
countries to Asian countries provides alternative
mobile money). With these developments,
sources of finances.
the role of the payment system is becoming
increasingly important in the economy. However, there are challenges ahead for
Kenya offers successful story of expanding Kenya to develop its infrastructure projects.
financial inclusion through digital financial The government of Kenya needs to be careful
services based on mobile phones for emerging with the rapid increase of external finance. Total
market and developing countries. The demand public and publicly guaranteed debt is now close
of financial services was high due to the lack of to 50 percent of GDP, which is dangerous for the
other competitive money transfer services and the economy. The experience of Spain shows that
need to reduce dependency on cash for security uncalculated massive infrastructure development
reasons. Several factors help explain the success has led to a serious economic crisis.
of mobile money payment in Kenya. The four
main factors are development of adequate ICT The Rise of China
infrastructure, the need for access to financial
As also in other parts of Africa, the
services, the regulatory approach to mobile
role of China is prominent in the increasing
money services in Kenya and strong brand
infrastructure development since 2009. In 2005,
image of mobile phone operators (in this case is
China’s bilateral aid to Kenya was only Ksh2.4
Safaricom).
bn, or only about 1.58 percent of total bilateral aid
received by Kenya. According to The National
Infrastructuret Development Treasury RoK (2013, 2016), in 2009, China
After a period of stagnation from 1980 to contributed more than Ksh 11.8 bn (6.36 percent
2000, the economy of Kenya is now reviving. The of total bilateral aid). Since then, contribution
economy grew consistently more than 5 percent of bilateral aid from China to Kenya increased
annually since 2004, even during the 2009 global
significantly, to 15.05 percent (Ksh 36.6 bn) in agricultural commodity prices has helped in
2012 and 56.63 percent (Ksh 252 bn) in 2015. maintaining the value of Kenyan exports. From
China has shifted the position of its trajectories, the development of Kenya’s
traditional bilateral creditor for Kenya such three main export commodities proved to be an
as Japan, France and Germany. From 2005 to important contribution to Kenya’s economy. The
2010, Japan, France and Germany were three development of one commodity with another
main bilateral creditors for Kenya. Moreover, commodity changed, evidenced by the decrease
in 2015, bilateral aid from China only second to in the quantity and trade of coffee replaced by tea.
multilateral aid from International Development At the time of export tea prices fall, cut flowers
Association (IDA). It already bypassed all other become an alternative economic population.
multilateral donors, such as African Development Viewed from the internal and external
Bank/Fund (ADB/ADF), European Economic crises that occurred during the period studied
Commission/European Investment Bank (EEC/ (1930-2013), the trajectory of the development of
EIB) and International Monetary Bank (IMF). the three export commodities show that the world
The increasing role of China in Kenya confirms economic crisis, such as the depression, the oil
our finding in 2016 that the global financial crisis crisis and the global financial crisis did not affect
has shifted geographical economic power, from commodity prices, thus not directly affecting the
the US, the EU and Japan. export value of Kenya. Even the crisis of one
Data from Debt Management Department commodity was overcome by the development
RoK (2015) shows that along with the Standard of other commodities such as between coffee and
Gauge Railways projects that costs more than USD tea in the 1930s, and tea and cut flowers in 2012.
3.6bn, the Nairobi-Thika superhighway projects Along with the global financial crisis,
is among the largest bilateral finance from China Kenya is developing M-Pesa, a mobile-based
(USD 100m). Other infrastructure projects listed electronic money. The rapid development of
financed by China are rural telecommunication M-Pesa in the country is supported by an increase
projects, geothermal production wells drilling, in ICT infrastructure, built heavily in the country.
and power distribution system modernization. In addition to demonstrating the transformation
of financial technology, the widespread use of
CONCLUSION M-Pesa has also increased financial inclusion
in the country. It also supports the creative
If crisis is interpreted as a critical period
destruction that occurred during the crisis.
or a difficult time, then the crisis is not strange
to the Kenyan population. The country in eastern Another interesting point from Kenya is
Africa has experienced various crises since its massive infrastructure development since 2009,
independence in 1963, in terms of economic, when many donor countries are experiencing
political, social and security crises. Interestingly, an economic crisis. In addition to domestic
as Kenya faces an ongoing crisis since the post- demand for long-lasting infrastructure deficits,
election crisis of 2007, the food crisis, terrorism Kenyan policy makers believe that infrastructure
and the global financial crisis, the country’s development will help to boost economic growth,
economic growth continues to grow, although it to improve living standards and to reduce
has not been able to significantly reduce poverty inequality across regions, and to legitimize
and unemployment. government performance.
The ability to sustain this high rate of In addition, China’s increasing role in the
economic growth is fueled by an increase in global economy has helped to boost infrastructure
agricultural commodity exports, which is a development in Kenya. Foreign aid from
major contributor to Kenya’s economy. Looking China is very helpful in realizing infrastructure
at the trajectory of three major agricultural development, such as in the transportation and
commodities, tea, cut flowers and coffee, energy sector, in Kenya. However, China’s
this study shows how the effect of increasing rapidly growing aid since 2009, which became

the largest bilateral aid since 2015, has also bbc.co.uk/2/hi/programmes/from_our_own_
raised concerns, both in its paying ability and the correspondent/7172038.stm
accompanying social issues. New York City Police Department. (2013). Analysis
of Al-Shabaab’s Attack at the Westgate Mall
in Nairobi, Kenya. New York. Retrieved
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TINJAUAN BUKU
CHINA BELT ROAD INITIATIVE: PEMBANGUNAN INFRASTRUKTUR

DAN PERLUASAN HEGEMONI EKONOMI TIONGKOK DI DUNIA
Wang Yiwei. 2016. The Belt and Road Initiative: What Will China Offer The World In
Its Rise. New World Press: Beijing. 214 Page.

Pusat Penelitian Sumber Daya Regional - LIPI
Email: rudolfyuniarto@gmail.com
“If you want to get rich, build roads; if you want to get rich quickly, build highways, if you
want to get rich immediately, build internet networks.” Wang Yiwei (2017, Global Times).
Buku ini mengulas perkembangan China Belt dan Direktur Pusat Studi Eropa di Universitas
Road Initiative (China BRI, Inisiatif Sabuk Renmin Beijing, dan salah satu pakar dalam
Jalan Tiongkok) sejak digulirkan pada tahun bidang hubungan internasional Eropa-China di
2013 sekaligus merespon beragam diskusi Tiongkok.
dan permasalahan yang muncul dari inisiatif Secara umum buku ini terbagi menjadi
tersebut. Misalnya saja tentang dialog ekonomi empat gagasan utama yang mengintisarikan
politik manfaat pembangunan infrastruktur suatu abstraksi tentang China BRI. Pertama,
Tiongkok di sepanjang pesisir Laut Cina Selatan, memperkenalkan sejarah kemunculan inisiatif
dampaknya bagi perdagangan di ASEAN, China BRI—yang sebelumnya menggunakan
problematika hubungan internasional antara istilah One Belt One Road, dan sejauh mana
negara, dan lain-lain. Selain itu, buku ini juga dorongan ekonomi dan politik nasional maupun
sedikit mengulas praktik implementasi China internasional mendasari pembentukan inisiatif
Belt Road Initiative tentang pertukaran ide/ ini. Bagian pertama ini menyoroti lima jenis
gagasan, barang, modal, dan kesempatan pasar hubungan persatuan antara Tiongkok dengan
yang cukup kompleks di kawasan yang dilalui. Eurasia yang baru, yaitu: pengembangan
Pergerakan pembangunan infrastruktur, logistik, infrastruktur fisik baru; perdagangan dan
dan investasi Tiongkok dalam program Belt and investasi; standarisasi sistem moneter; dan
Road Initiative disampaikan dalam buku ini yang membangun kesadaran umum tentang kesatuan
mendorong terciptanya hubungan-hubungan politik dengan meningkatkan intensitas hubungan
(persinggungan) baik aktor maupun institusi antar antar warga (bisnis, program pertukaran,
negara. Jejaring kerjasama (maupun konflik) pariwisata). Penulis buku ini tampaknya hendak
dari China Belt Road Initiative ini terbentuk menempatkan Inisiatif Sabuk Jalan Tiongkok
dari hubungan-hubungan sosial-ekonomi-politik tersebut ke dalam perspektif sejarah yang lebih
antar pemerintah/masyarakat Tiongkok dengan modern agar tampak lebih menarik, tidak hanya
negara lain. Buku ini ditulis oleh Wang Yiwei, menggambarkan pentingnya sejarah Jalan Sutra
seorang profesor dari School of International yang lama, namun juga merinci hubungannya
Studies, Direktur Institut Urusan Internasional dengan fase pengembangan ekonomi Tiongkok
163
saat ini—yang lebih mengedepankan proses integrasi global dan konsep bagaimana cara
reformasi ekonomi terbuka dan juga mengglobal. melakukan kerja sama praktis menjadi dasar
Penjelasan bagian ini juga menyoroti signifikansi China BRI. Untuk mewujudkan program China
historis-geopolitik dari pembentukan One Belt BRI, pemerintah Tiongkok akan membantu
One Road, terutama di bidang atau masalah membangun infrastruktur dan jaringan politik-
pembangunan kekuatan maritim bersanding/ ekonominya di negara-negara Asia Tengah
berhadapan dengan pembangunan infrastruktur dan Asia Tenggara melalui para aktor maupun
antar benua (kontinen), menggambarkan paralel institusi lokal yang saling bekerja sama agar
gagasan antara China Belt Road Initiative dan semakin terintegrasi ke arah politik dan ekonomi
America Marshall Plan yang berbeda namun dengan Tiongkok. Dalam konteks pendekatan
bertujuan sama serta respon negara-negara lain pragmatik, penulis buku ini membuat saran
tentang pengembangan Sabuk Jalan Tiongkok bagaimana penerapan China BRI ini dapat
baru. diukur (misalnya implementasi infrastruktur,
pengurangan bea masuk, peningkatan bantuan
Di Bagian Dua, buku ini menyajikan
dan investasi, kerjasama ilmiah, dan lain-
penjelasan mengenai manfaat China BRI
lain). Sebagai penutup, penulis menyimpulkan
yang memberi peluang bagi negara-negara di
bahwa China BRI adalah gagasan yang boleh
kawasan Asia, Eropa dan negara di dunia lainnya
dimiliki oleh publik yang menguntungkan bagi
atas implementasi dari pembangunan yang
semua negara dan warga dunia. Selanjutnya,
digagas dalam China BRI. Bagian dua buku ini
prakarsa tersebut merupakan dasar yang baik
memberikan masukan kepada pembaca terhadap
sebagai kebangkitan kawasan Eurasia, yang
fakta bahwa bila negara-negara bangsa lainnya
menurut penulis, dapat menghubungan berbagai
bersatu dengan China, mereka bisa mendapatkan
kepentingan Tiongkok , negara-negara Asia dan
kembali peran globalnya, misalnya Eropa dapat
juga Eropa.
kembali muncul sebagai kekuatan baru yang
hilang setelah Perang Dunia II. Negara-negara Apa yang membuat buku Wang Yiwei
Asia Selatan juga dapat terkoneksi global dengan ini menarik, pertama, bahwa informasi dan
Tiongkok daratan maupun dengan kawasan lain. saran yang dikemukakan sangat mencerminkan
pendapat dan gagasan kepemimpinan komite
Pada bagian konseptual ketiga, penulis
Partai Komunis Tiongkok. Dalam buku ini
mengungkapkan tentang bahaya yang dihadapi
posisi pemerintah Tiongkok ditunjukkan dengan
dari penerapan China BRI. Penulis memberikan
melampirkan dokumen resmi pemerintah
contoh gambaran tentang isu keamanan terorisme
yang berjudul Visi dan Usulan Tindakan yang
dan bencana alam, bencana ekonomi (misalnya
Digariskan pada Jalan Sabuk Ekonomi Jalan
terjadinya risiko inflasi keuangan dunia),
Bersama dan Jalan Raya Maritim Abad 21.
risiko munculnya hukum internasional tentang
Dokumen ini dikeluarkan bersama oleh Komite
hubungan antar berbagai kawasan akibat China
Pembangunan dan Reformasi Nasional China,
BRI. Pada bab ini penulis menganggap besarnya
Kementerian Luar Negeri dan Kementerian
tantangan geopolitik yang diajukan oleh China
Perdagangan. Sehingga dapat dikatakan
BRI adalah yang terbesar. Keberadaan China BRI
bahwa buku ini adalah representasi gagasan
bisa juga mempertajam teori “ancaman China”
pemerintah Tiongkok terkait dengan China
bagi negara-negara yang berkompetensi dengan
BRI. Pemerintah Tiongkok dalam China BRI
Tiongkok, misalnya, Rusia di Asia Tengah, India
hendak menunjukkan dan mewujudkan semangat
di Samudra Hindia, Amerika Serikat di Laut Cina
keterbukaan Tiongkok, keinginan untuk masuk
Selatan, serta sejumlah negara Eropa yang tidak
dalam pusaran perrkembangan globalisasi yang
nyaman dengan perluasan pengaruh Tiongkok
inklusif sekaligus menandai transformasi sosial-
di Eropa. Namun, penulis optimis: menurutnya
ekonomi-politik Tiongkok dan menjadi partisipan
masalah bisa diatasi dengan kolaborasi negara.
bagi promotor globalisasi.
P a d a b a g i a n t e r a k h i r, p e n u l i s
mengembangkan suatu teori, yaitu teori

Terlibat dalam pusaran globalisasi modern diri ke dunia luar, ke tempat di mana dunia terbuka
dikarenakan tren kekuatan sosial, ekonomi, bagi China. Selain itu, melalui konektivitas di
dan politik mulai kurang didominasi oleh antara Eropa, Afrika, dan Asia, prakarsa ini akan
Amerika Serikat. Perkembangan dunia saat menghidupkan kembali peradaban pedalaman
ini telah bergerak menuju model desa global dan laut, membantu negara-negara berkembang
namun masih menyisakan persoalan dunia yang melepaskan kemiskinan, dan meningkatkan
terdikotomi antara negara maju dan negara kemunculan negara-negara berkembang yang
berkembang, antara pusat dan pinggiran kota. terus berlanjut dan berhasil, sehingga dapat
Membaca fenomena ini penulis buku hendak memperbaiki logika tradisional globalisasi.
menghubungkan kebijakan pemerintah Tiongkok Inilah gagasan dari pemerintah Tiongkok
untuk melanjutkan hubungan yang kini terhenti yang dianalisis melalui kacamata hubungan
karena menurunnya dominasi Amerika dengan internasional yang cukup menarik.
membagun hubungan baru antara Tiongkok
Hal menarik kedua adalah, buku ini
dengan Eropa, Afrika dan Asia. Prakarsa China
cukup komprehensif, dan mencakup berbagai
BRI akan membantu menjembatani kesenjangan
isu. Kemunculan gagasan China BRI
ini dengan membantu negara-negara berkembang
berusaha menjembatani sejarah masa lalu
melepaskan kemiskinan, sambil mempromosikan
tentang kemasyuran Jalur Sutra Cina dengan
kemunculan negara-negara berkembang yang
menempatkan konteksnya melihat ke masa
terus berlanjut dan berhasil dengan cara yang
depan, yaitu tantangan perdagangan global dan
akan memperbaiki kekurangan dengan logika
konektiftas manusia antar kawasan dan bangsa.
globalisasi tradisional.
Pada bagian pendahuluan penulis berusaha
Penulis berpendapat bahwa menjawab pertanyaan mendasar seperti: mengapa
ketidakberlanjutan globalisasi yang didominasi diberi nama ini? Apa kesamaan antara Jalan
AS dan kemunculan inisiatif “Belt and Road” Sutra yang baru dan yang lama? Apa tujuan yang
yang diajukan oleh Tiongkok adalah sebuah telah dilakukan pemerintah China? Kapan China
solusi untuk mempersempit kesenjangan anatara akan menyelesaikan inisiatif ini? Pertanyaan
kawasan miskin dan kaya, negara miskin dan ini di jelaskan secara filosofis, Orang Cina
kaya. Tiongkok dengan cerdas telah memulai sering mengatakan: “Jika Anda ingin menjadi
arah globalisasi sejati dan inklusif yang akan kaya, bangunlah jalan; Jika Anda ingin cepat
menjadi tema utama abad ke-21 mendatang. kaya, bangun jalan raya, jika Anda ingin cepat
Penulis mengklaim bahwa buku ini sebagai karya kaya, bangun jaringan internet”. Di Cina, Jalan
pertama di Tiongkok yang menganalisa inisiatif tidak umum dipahami sebagai jalan fisik, tapi
“Belt and Road” dari perspektif hubungan itu lebih berarti “cara”. Dalam karakter Cina
internasional. Penulis buku menjelaskan buku ini “Daolu”, yang berarti “arah atau jalan”, “Lu”
memberikan perspektif hubungan internasional adalah metode untuk mewujudkan “Dao”. Apa
tentang inisiatif membangun jalur sabuk ekonomi arti sebenarnya dari “Dao”? Menurut bab 42 dari
dan alur maritim serta pengaruhnya terhadap “Tao Te Ching” yang merupakan ajaran klasik
hubungan Tiongkok dengan kondisi global. kuno di Tiongkok, “Dao” menghasilkan satu, satu
kekuatan. Secara konseptual dan praktik, menghasilkan dua, dua menghasilkan tiga, dan
China BRI telah membuka sebuah babak baru kemudian tiga menghasilkan dunia kita. Pada saat
dalam sejarah keterbukaan Tiongkok secara ini, masyarakat menghadapi nasib yang sama,
keseluruhan. Berfokus pada konektivitas di perlu “jalan” untuk perbaikan nasib. Oleh karena
bidang komunikasi kebijakan, konektivitas itu, China BRI adalah upaya membangun jalan
infrastruktur, perdagangan tanpa hambatan, (jaringan) yang terbuka untuk semua pemain dan
peredaran keuangan dan pemahaman antar merangkul semua orang, tidak hanya bersifat
masyarakat, inisiatif tersebut menandai eksklusif.
transformasi fundamental China dari sekedar
menjadi pembentuk globalisasi, dan situasinya
berubah dari satu tempat dimana China membuka
Paulus Rudolf Yuniarto | Tinjauan Buku Belt Road Initiative: A Chinese Infrastructure ... | 165
Buku ini sangat menarik untuk membantu berkorelasi dengan negara-negara di kawasan
memberikan penjelasan China BRI ke khalayak (terutama kawasan Asia Timur dan Asia
Barat (Eropa) khususnya, misalnya banyak Tenggara)? Keempat, sejauh ini belum banyak
dari pelaku ekonomi mulai tertarik menggeser diketahui seperti apakah jejaring kerjasama
perhatian pada keuntungan yang ditawarkan negara/masyarakat dalam kebijakan China Belt
dari gagasan China BRI ini, namun di sisi yang Road Initiative yang membentuk relasi-relasi
berbeda masyarakat Eropa pada umumnya belum aktor dan institusi antar negara. Beberapa point
begitu menyadari akan apa yang ditawarkan pertanyaan penting ini kurang banyak ditelaah
dan implikasi yang akan terjadi. Buku ini dan dijelaskan oleh penulis dalam penjelasan
hendak menunjukan kontribusi China BRI buku ini.
terhadap jenis koeksistensi dan pembangunan
Dapat dipahami kekurangan buku ini
berkelanjutan yang baru, dan merupakan
karena ditulis 3 tahun berselang sejak digulirkan
alternatif dari globalisasi gaya lama Barat.
Presiden Xi Jinping tahun 2013 di Kazakthan
Inisiatif ini beroperasi di sektor ekonomi,
dan Indonesia. Dalam kurun waktu tersebut tentu
politik, budaya, sosial dan ekologi, yang berbasis
saja menyisakan berbagai sudut pandang yang
pada pembangunan infrastruktur fisik maupun
kurang banyak di bahas dalam buku ini. Buku
komunikasi yang kuat. Buku ini ingin melawan
ini sangat ber-perspektif Beijing dan mewakili
prasangka Barat tentang Tiongkok sebagai
suara pemerintah Tiongkok tentang China BRI.
negara komunis tertutup sekaligus menawarkan
Selain itu, buku ini minim ‘intepretatif’ dari
prakarsa pembangunan dunia masa depan yang
segi pembacaan terhadap isu-isu (kasus) yang
saling menguntungkan. Sebagai contoh, penulis
terkait dengan inisiatif jalur sutra baru diluar
mencontohkan kepada bangsa Eropa yang skeptis
Tiongkok. Padahal buku ini ditulis oleh professor
bahwa jalan sutra baru dapat mendamaikan
ahli dalam kajian wilayah, khususnya Tiongkok
Eropa dengan Rusia dan menjadikannya sebagai
dengan Eropa.
kekuatan Eurasia dan Atlantik. Pada saat yang
sama, penulis juga memberikan contoh Amerika Sebagai suatu contoh perbandingan, ada
Serikat bahwa negara tersebut akan tetap menjadi buku lain yang di tulis oleh Lim Tai Wei dan
kekuatan maritim terbesar di dunia melalui kawan-kawan berjudul China’s One Belt One
pengembangan infrastruktur laut di kawasan Road Initiative yang diterbitkan oleh Imperial
Asia Tenggara dengan penguasaan wilayah dan College Press tahun 2016. Buku ini memberikan
teknologi yang telah dikembangkan sejak perang penafsiran berbeda tentang narasi China BRI
dunia 2 selesai. tidak melulu soal manfaat, relasi sosial, atau
integrasi global. Misalnya membahas China
Selain dua hal menarik di atas, ada
BRI dilihat dari kacamata pemberitaan media
kritik penting yang tampaknya perlu untuk
kontemporer. Bagian ini mengulas berbagai isu
ditambahkan dalam memahami China BRI yang
positif dan negatif dari prakarsa China BRI di
tidak sempat dibahas dalam buku karangan Wang
media masa (mengambil contoh di Singapura).
Yiwei, pertama, kiranya perlu penjelasan dan
Selain itu, buku perbandingan ini mengulas
pemahaman berbeda diluar perspektif Tiongkok
bagaimana peneliti dari luar Tiongkok daratan
atau dari peneliti lain. Ini fungsinya sebagai
menceritakan narasi tentang peristiwa sejarah
perbandingan. Misalnya, sejauh mana dan seperti
yang berkaitan dengan Jalan Sutra kuno dan
apakah gagasan konektifitas dari China BRI ini
pembukaan jalur maritim baru. Beberapa
muncul sebagai permasalahan global dan dengan
penulis dalam buku ini memberikan penafsiran
siapa akan dikaitkan? Kedua, sejauh mana
tentang agenda kebijakan Tiongkok saat ini
dampak yang ditimbulkan dari pembangunan
dan bagaimana pemerintah Tiongkok berusaha
infrrastruktur yang menjadi andalan dalam
melegitimasi kegiatan ekonomi ini melalui jalur
pelaksanaan China BRI di wilayah lain (semisal
pertukaran politik (diplomasi) dan ekonomi.
di Eropa dan Asia Tenggara)? Ketiga, persoalan-
Dalam hal studi kelembagaan, buku ini juga
persoalan apa saja yang tercipta dan berkaitan
mengulas peran Asian Infrastructure Investment
dengan isu-isu sosial-ekonomi-politik yang

Bank (AIIB) yang berusaha terlibat secara lebih dan Tiongkok menciptakan program Belt Road
intens dalam China BRI, mengulas isu-isu yang (silk road dan maritime road) adalah sebuah
dihadapi AIIB dalam upayanya membentuk contoh sejauh mana pembangunan infrastruktur
platform investasi perbankan untuk pembiayaan berskala terbesar akan tercipta dalam periode
pembangunan yang bersifat multilateral. sejarah global.
Bagian lain dari buku karangan Lim dan Buku yang ditulis Wang Yiwei tidak
kawan-kawan juga mengulas kasus empiris dan menyoroti dampak lebih lanjut atau analisis lebih
kritis, misalnya program Euro-China High Speed dalam dari inisiatif sabuk jalan ini. Walaupun
Rail (HSR) dan HSR Central Asia-China yang dalam bagian akhir bukunya menyebutkan
tidak berjalan mulus pada saat ini dikarenakan tentang teori integrasi global, namun hanya
volume penumpang tidak cukup banyak sebatas dalam perspektif hubungan internasional.
memberikan keuntungan sejak dibukanya jalur Ketiadaan analisis semacam ini, membuat
kereta api cepat tersebut. Bagian ini membahas buku Wang secara sekilas akan dilihat sebagai
rute darat dari China BRI dan melihat sejarah propaganda atau akan menjadi buku saku
perkembangan HSR di Tiongkok hingga saat ini tentang China BRI. Padahal bila penulis cukup
beserta perkembangan teknologi rel kereta api cerdik memberikan penjelasan teoritis/analitis
berkecepatan tinggi yang mereka punyai. Salah secara umum dari praktik China BRI akan
satu bentuk kritik terhadap HSR ini adalah masih jauh lebih menarik. Sebagaimana dikatakan
adanya persoalan perhitungan teknis kurang tepat oleh Khanna inisiatif sabuk jalan yang banyak
dan material yang ekonomis yang menurunkan membangun infrastruktur akan membentuk
kadar kemampuan teknologi kereta cepat yang suatu connectography. Sebuah gambaran
menjadi tidak tepat guna. Selain persoalan itu, tentang keterhubungan antar wilayah. Tidak
beberapa bagian di buku perbandingan ini juga ada lagi perbedaan ideologi dan politik dalam
menganalisis soal relasi sosial dan ekonomi berhubungan, yang ada hanyalah koneksitas
terkait China BRI, misalnya menyoroti tantangan ekonomi yang makin mengglobal melalui kota-
ekonomi, birokrasi dan persoalan geo-politik kota besar dan federasi atau kumpulan-kumpulan
yang mungkin dihadapi atau diproyeksikan oleh kepentingan ekonomi melalui pembangunan
proyek ini akan sangat menentukan keberhasilan jaringan-jaringan fisik seperti kabel, pipa, rel
dari proyek dalam China BRI. kereta api, serta jaringan rantai suplai bisnis dan
industri.
Inisiatif “Belt and Road” merupakan
inisiatif yang sangat penting dari sudut pandang Jaringan dan infrastruktur yang terbangun
yang positivis, yaitu untuk membawa dunia tersebut menjadi jalan baru yang oleh Khanna
bersama memfasilitasi ke arah globalisasi disebut sebagai ‘Global Renaissance’ (dunia baru)
yang adil. Artinya membuka konektivitas (baik yang mengikuti tiga pola, yaitu Connectivity,
sosial, ekonomi, maupun politik) di area di Devolution, dan Tug of War, yang singkatnya
mana pembangunan infrastruktur, khususnya adalah sebagai berikut: 1) Konektivitas merangsek
jalan, saling terbangun. Hal ini senada dengan ke kota-kota besar sebagai zona ekonomi khusus
argumentasi yang dikemukakan oleh Parag (special economic zones – SEZs) di seluruh
Khanna penulis buku “Connectography: dunia yang terkoneksi melalui jalan kereta api,
Mapping the Future of Global Civilization,” pipa, kabel internet, dan simbol-simbol lain
yang menyatakan bahwa konektivitas dan dari jaringan global peradaban; 2) Devolusi
pembangunan infrastruktur akan mampu negara menuju agregasi propinsi bahkan kota,
membuat dunia lebih damai, makmur, dan serta kompetisi segala sesuatu berbasis global
berkelanjutan. Khanna lebih lanjut menyatakan supply chain yang mengarah pada aktivitas
bahwa infrastruktur yang akan dibangun oleh ekonomi-bisnis-industri lintas batas negara; 3)
penduduk dunia dalam 40 tahun ke depan Kompetisi geopolitis berevolusi dari perang
akan melebihi total infrastruktur yang telah berdasar teritori menjadi konektivitas, berbasis
dibangun dalam 400 tahun terakhir. “Revolusi rantai suplay global, pasar energi, produksi
Interkonektivitas Global” katanya sudah mulai, industrial, keuangan, teknologi, knowledge,
Paulus Rudolf Yuniarto | Tinjauan Buku Belt Road Initiative: A Chinese Infrastructure ... | 167
dan talenta. Ketiganya, kemudian berorientasi memberikan peluang kerjasama potensi investasi
pada Megacities yang akan melahirkan The Tiongkok berupa sumber pendanaan sumber
New Economic Geography dan SEZs di dunia dana asing (FDI), pembiayaan infrastruktur,
sebagai The New Nodes (Mulawarman, 2017). produksi barang secara global, rantai pasar yang
lebih efisien, dan transfer teknologi. Untuk itu,
Dari abstraksi yang di sampaikan dalam
dari hasil kerjasama negara-negara yang yang
buku Wang dan dua buku perbandingan di atas,
berhubungan dengan China BRI dapat dilihat
setidaknya dapat di petik suatu kesimpulan bahwa
sejauh mana reformulasi kerjasama ekonomi dan
urgensi pembangunan infrastruktur adalah untuk
politik mampu meningkatkan pola perdagangan,
mendukung daya saing sektor riil, memberikan
investasi, dan hubungan sosial yang lebih
penguatan pada iklim investasi dan dunia usaha.
berkualitas. Di sektor pembangunan infrastruktur
Penguatan daya saing sektor riil, perlu dukungan
maritim, maka diperlukan pula kajian holistik
kelancaran distribusi produk domestik dari/ke
terkait konektivitas maritim di Asia Tenggara
berbagai wilayah. Kelancaran jaringan distribusi
dalam konteks one belt one road mulai dari
dan lalu lintas antarwilayah akan mengurangi
kelembagaan/tata kelola, logistik performance,
tekanan disparitas harga, mendukung tercapainya
potensi bisnis, sumber energi, SDM, dampak
skala ekonomi, dan meningkatkan efisiensi
sosial ekonomi hingga keragaman hayati. Kajian
produksi. Dalam kerangka ini, percepatan
ini semua pada akhirnya mengekerucut pada
penyelesaian konektivitas internasional adalah
bagaimana ide tentang konektifitas melalui
gagasan cemerlang yang muncul dari ide China
pembangunan infrastruktur ini dapat menjelaskan
BRI. Secara garis besar, berbagai program
hal lain, semisal, pola jejaring sosial-ekonomi-
dalam China BRI menerapkan dua paradigma
politik Eurasia-Tiongkok dan membangkitkan
utama yaitu percepatan pertumbuhan ekonomi
daya saing suatu negara terhadap negara lain.
suatu negara (kawasan) dengan pengembangan
infrastruktur melalui pendanaan bersama antara
sumber negara dan swasta, dan perluasan PUSTAKA ACUAN
pertumbuhan ekonomi dengan mengacu pada Khanna, P. (2016). Connectography: Mapping the
integrasi pasar secara internasional dan produksi future of global civilization (First edition.).
yang masih terfragmentasi akibat rendahnya New York: Random House.
konektivitas inter-koridor, intra-koridor dan antar Lim, T.W.; Chan, H.H.; Tseng, K.H.; Lim,W.X.
koridor di dalam wilayah ekonomi Tiongkok (2016). China’s One Belt One Road Initiative.
dengan sistem ekonomi di wilayah internasional. Imperial College Press: London, UK.
China BRI dengan usulan programnya hendak Mulawarman, A.D. (2017). Siapa Berkuasa, Upper
melakukan upaya pembangunan infrastruktur atau Underworld? https://ajidedim.wordpress.
dalam program perluasan ekonomi Tiongkok (dan com/2017/02/04/siapa-berkuasa-upper-atau-
underworld/ diakses 30/01/2018 22:03.
pengaruh sosial-politik yang akan juga mereka
bawa) dengan menfokuskan pada perluasan area
yang nantinya akan menghubungkan pusat-pusat
ekonomi dunia. Sebuah program yang sangat
ambisius dari pemerintah Tiongkok, namun
sangat menjanjikan beragam keuntungan yang
dapat diraih.
Selanjutnya dalam konteks hubungan
antara negara/bangsa akibat pembangunan dalam
China BRI menyisakan berbagai kesempatan
untuk pembahasan lebih lanjut. Salah satunya,
dalam hubungan antar negara, bisa memberikan
penjelasan tentang potensi China BRI akan

TENTANG PARA PENULIS
Nazli Aziz adalah Wakil Dekan dan dosen senior di School of Social and Economic Development,
Universitas Malaysia Terengganu (UMT). Bisa dihubungi di nazli_aziz@umt.edu.my
Gilang Maulana Majid adalah mahasiswa magister LN jurusan Southeast Asian Studies di Universität
Frankfurt am Main. Bisa dihubungi di gilangmm20@gmail.com
Indriana Kartini adalah peneliti pada Pusat Penelitian Politik - Lembaga Ilmu Pengetahuan Indonesia.
Bisa dihubungi di indriana.kartini@gmail.com
Manggala Ismanto adalah dosen pada Fakultas Ilmu Budaya – Universitas Brawijaya. Bisa dihubungi
di manggala@ub.ac.id
Zainal Abidin Eko Putro adalah pegawai di Politeknik Negeri Jakarta, dan Cahyo Pamungkas adalah
peneliti bidang Asia Pasifik pada Pusat Penelitian Sumber Daya Regional - Lembaga Ilmu Pengetahuan
Indonesia. Bisa dihubungi di zabiep@gmail.com dan cahyopamungkas@gmail.com
Ahmad Helmy Fuady, Erwiza, Muzzar Kresna, dan Saiful Hakam adalah peneliti bidang Afrika
pada Pusat Penelitian Sumber Daya Regional - Lembaga Ilmu Pengetahuan Indonesia. Bisa dihubungi
di elhelmy@yahoo.com
Paulus Rudolf Yuniarto adalah peneliti bidang Asia Pasifik pada Pusat Penelitian Sumber Daya
Regional - Lembaga Ilmu Pengetahuan Indonesia. Bisa dihubungi di rudolfyuniarto@gmail.com
Tentang Penulis | 169

INDEKS
Nazli Aziz 89, 169 Zaenal Abidin Eko Putro 137, 169
Parlemen Malaysia 89 Cahyo Pamungkas 137, 169
Hansard 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 96, 97, 98 Agama Khonghucu 137, 138, 139, 140, 141,
Anggota parlemen 89 142, 143, 144, 145, 146, 147, 148, 149, 150,
152
Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat 89
Budha 153
Pengentasan kemiskinan 89
Shamanisme 137, 141, 143, 152
Malaysia 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98,
99, 112, 118, 169 Teks Xu she 137
Budaya massa 137, 152
Gilang Maulana Majid 101, 169 Korea Selatan 137, 138, 140, 141, 148, 151, 152
Mahasiswa Muslim Indonesia 101
Jerman 101, 112 Ahmad Helmy Fuady 155, 169
Push-pull factor 101, 103, 108 Erwiza 155, 169
Pendidikan tinggi 101 Muzzar Kresna 155, 169
haji 101, 112 Saiful Hakam 155, 169
Krisis 141, 153, 155
Indriana Kartini 115, 169 Sektor pertanian 155
Uni Eropa 115 Pembangunan infrastruktur 155, 163, 164, 166,
167, 168
Aceh Monitoring Mission (AMM) 115, 116
Teknologi keuangan 155
Gerakan Aceh Merdeka (GAM) 115
China 138, 139, 140, 141, 142, 143, 144, 145,
Aceh 115, 116, 118, 119, 120, 121, 122, 123
146, 147, 148, 149, 150, 152, 155, 156, 158,
Indonesia 101, 102, 103, 105, 106, 107, 108, 159, 160, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167, 168
109, 110, 111, 112, 113, 120, 121, 123, 127,
Kenya 155, 156, 157, 158, 159, 160, 161
137, 166, 169
Paulus Rudolf Yuniarto 163, 169

Manggala Ismanto 125, 169
China 138, 139, 140, 141, 142, 143, 144, 145,
Gerakan Masyarakat Adat 125
146, 147, 148, 149, 150, 152, 155, 156, 158,
Sami 125, 126, 129, 130, 131, 132, 133, 134, 159, 160, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167, 168
135, 136
Belt Road Initiative 163, 164, 166
Identitas 125, 126, 127, 128, 130, 134, 137, 138,
141, 142, 149, 152, 153
Otonomi 125, 128, 129, 130, 132, 133, 134, 135
Pengelolaan sumber daya alam 125
Norwegia 125, 126, 129, 130, 131, 132, 133,
134, 135

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ISSN: 2087-2119

Volume 8 Nomor 2, Desember 2017

POVERTY DEBATES IN THE DEWAN RAKYAT

THE LIFE OF MUSLIM INDONESIAN STUDENTS IN GERMANY:

THE EUROPEAN UNION’S ROLE AS AN INTERNATIONAL ACTOR

GERAKAN MASYARAKAT ADAT SAMI DAN KONTESTASI

AGAMA KHONGHUCU DAN BUDDHA DALAM LINTASAN SEJARAH KOREA

Volume 8 Nomor 2, Desember 2017

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Keywords: Confucianism, Buddhism, shamanism, Xu she scripture, and mass culture.

Keywords: Crisis, agricultural sector, infrastructure development, financial technology, China

PERDEBATAN KEMISKINAN DI DEWAN PERWAKILAN RAKYAT

Diterima: 08-08-2017 Direvisi: 14-09-2017 Disetujui: 02-11-2017

Nazli Aziz | Poverty Debates in89

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KEHIDUPAN PELAJAR MUSLIM INDONESIA DI JERMAN:

Gilang Maulana Majid

Diterima: 10-08-2017 Direvisi: 20-09-2017 Disetujui: 10-11-2017

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Diterima: 04-07-2017 Direvisi: 14-09-2017 Disetujui: 12-10-2017

INTRODUCTION August 15, 2005. The agreement, henceforth

In contemporary world affairs, the EU According to Caporaso, et.al., (1998, 214-

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SAMI INDIGENOUS MOVEMENT AND NATURAL RESOURCE’S

Diterima: 06-07-2017 Direvisi: 14-09-2017 Disetujui: 16-10-2017

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KONFUCIANISM AND BUDHISM IN THE HISTORY OF KOREA

Zaenal Abidin Eko Putro* dan Cahyo Pamungkas**

Diterima: 21-08-2017 Direvisi: 14-09-2017 Disetujui: 30-10-2017

Keywords: Confucianism, Buddhism, shamanism, Xu she scripture, and mass culture.

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CRISIS, GROWTH AND CHANGES IN SUB SAHARA AFRICA:

Ahmad Helmy Fuady, Erwiza, Muzzar Kresna and Saiful Hakam

Diterima: 08-07-2017 Direvisi: 20-09-2017 Disetujui: 17-10-2017

Keywords: Crisis, agricultural sector, infrastructure development, financial technology, China

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Source: Word Bank (2017)