Yahudi Tunjukkan Kekuatan Syiah di Dunia Ilustrasi - Peta Iran (inet) dakwatuna.

com Beberapa hari terakhir, nasional mengalami pergolakan yang luar biasa karena isu BBM yang akan naik. Kenaikan BBM ditengarai oleh hal yang paling mendasar, menurut pemerintah kemampuan APBN yang tidak mencukupi untuk melakukan subsidi di saat harga minyak dunia naik. Beberapa hari terakhir harga minyak dunia salah satu harga minyak dunia naik dikarenakan isu timur tengah antara Amerika dan Iran memanas. Amerika melakukan serangan politik dan ekonomi terhadap Iran dengan alasan Iran melakukan pengayaan uranium untuk pembuatan senjata nuklir. Amerika dibantu oleh zion Israel melobi negara-negara dunia untuk memboikot Iran terutama memutus kerja sama impor minyak dari Iran. Di sinilah dalam hitung-hitungan ekonomi membuat harga minyak dunia yang juga membuat dampak hingga Indonesia. Ada yang harus diperhatikan, khususnya Amerika, Iran, dan Israel. Latar belakang pemerintahan mereka adalah Yahudi dan Syiah. Dari banyak penemuan informasi, Iran dengan basis Syiah adalah saudara akrab Yahudi, bahkan beberapa riwayat menjelaskan bagaimana Syiah itu ada dan bertahan sampai saat ini dilatarbelakangi oleh orang-orang Yahudi. Amerika telah memposisikan Iran sebagai musuh dengan basis ideologi Islamnya, negara Islam yang harus dikhawatirkan. Iran tampil dengan pidato-pidatonya sebagai republik Islam yang tidak takut kepada Amerika. Menunjukkan kepada dunia, Iran adalah sebagai negara yang memperjuangkan Islam. Secara langsung maupun tidak, masyarakat dunia melihat Iran sebagai negara Islam sehingga akan banyak yang berkiblat untuk melihat Islam itu seperti apa kepada Syiah Iran. Di Indonesia saja sudah banyak artikel-artikel memuji Iran sebagai negara yang berani kepada Amerika, lalu sosok seperti Ahmadinejad adalah sosok pemimpin ideal seharusnya. Salah satu kepentingan yang dilakukan Amerika dan Israel ialah menunjukkan kekuatan Iran ke pada dunia, bisa dianalisis isu-isu yang dikeluarkan Amerika adalah kekuatan-kekuatan yang dimiliki Iran. Ada apa dengan isu Iran memiliki nuklir? Negara yang memiliki nuklir adalah negara yang kuat dalam militer. Negara yang mampu mengaya uranium adalah negara yang maju dalam hal keilmuan, politik maupun ekonomi. Lalu kenapa minyak? Hampir di seluruh negara yang maju saat ini, berasal dari dua komoditas yang dimiliki yakni minyak atau nuklir. Lihatlah bagaimana Amerika melakukan sanksi politik maupun ekonomi kepada Iran, sebagian besar negara di dunia mengalami dampak krisis minyak, ekonomi maupun politiknya. Dibuktikan ketika kemarin Amerika baru bicara tentang pemboikotan minyak Iran, dunia sudah mengalami krisis tak hanya dalam negeri bahkan antar negara saling berselisih. Dilanjutkan dengan isu Israel akan menyerang Iran dan Amerika akan melakukan sanksi kepada Iran, seluruh dunia menanggapi dengan berbeda satu sama lain. Hingga isu-isu saat ini berkutat kepada Amerika, Israel, dan Iran. Inilah strategi mereka, Amerika ingin menunjukkan bahwa seluruh dunia membutuhkan Iran, ingin menunjukkan eksistensi Iran pada dunia. Jika Iran diserang, jika Iran menghentikan impor minyak, jika macam-macam dengan Iran, seluruh dunia akan mengalami krisis global. Inilah yang diinginkan mereka, mereka menginginkan Iran diterima di dunia sehingga ketika ada rasa kebutuhan atau ketergantungan pada Iran, Amerika, Israel, dan negara-negara yang ada hubungan dengan Yahudi dan Syiah, mereka mudah memasukkan kepentingan mereka ke dalam negara-negara dunia, khususnya misi-misi agama mereka, yahudisasi dan penyebaran Syiah. Juga bisa ditengok bagaimana kepentingan-kepentinngan mereka begitu mudahnya masuk ke dalam negeri ini, Indonesia. Bahkan negeri ini bagai boneka yang telah berjalan di rute perjalanan, pembekalan, dan garis finish yang telah ditentukan mereka musuhmusuh Islam.

Kehati-hatian pada diri kita sebagai umat muslim, seumum apapun masalah ekonomi, politik, maupun bidang yang lainnya yang dilakukan Amerika, Iran, Israel, jika iya dikatakan itu hanya masalah hubungan kenegaraan inilah yang harus diwaspadai. Bahwa ada hubungan agama dalam kasus ini, terutama sasarannya adalah umat muslim. Tidak bisa dilepaskan kaitan operasi Yahudi dan Syiah pada urusan yang dilakukan oleh Amerika, Israel dan Iran.

Muhammad Abduh
Mark Sedgwick, Mark J. Sedgwick Oneworld, Dec 31, 2009 - 152 pages Muhammad Abduh (1849-1905) is widely regarded as the founder of Islamic modernism. Egyptian jurist, religious scholar and political activist, he sought to synthesise Western and Islamic cultural values. Arguing that Islam is essentially rational and fluid, Abduh maintained that it had been stifled by the rigid structures implemented in the generations since Muhammad and his immediate followers. In this absorbing biography, Mark Sedgwick examines whether Abduh revived true Islam or instigated its corruption.
Muhammad Abduh (1849-1905) is widely regarded as the founder of Islamic modernism. Egyptian jurist, religious scholar and political activist, he sought to synthesise Western and Islamic cultural values. Arguing that Islam is essentially rational and fluid, Abduh maintained that it had been stifled by the rigid structures implemented in the generations since Muhammad and his immediate followers. In this absorbing biography, Mark Sedgwick examines whether Abduh revived true Islam or instigated its corruption.

Sufism:
the essentials

Mark J. Sedgwick American University in Cairo Press, 2000 - Religion - 112 pages Although it is the Sufi face of Islam that has often appealed to Westerners, Sufis and Sufism remain mysterious to many in the West and are still widely misunderstood. In this new book, Mark Sedgwick succinctly presents the essentials of Sufism and shows how Sufis live and worship. This book assumes no prior knowledge of the subject. It is a penetrating and concise introduction for everyone interested in Islam and Islamic societies.

This work is arranged into six chapters.

Muawiyah I (Arabic: ; Transliteration: Muwya ibn Ab Sufyn; 602680) was the first Caliph of the Umayyad Dynasty. In Sunni Islam, he is perceived as having his life divided in two parts.[citation

needed] During his first part, he was as one of the staunchest enemies of Muhammad(sm) and of Islam[citation needed]. After all, after the Battle of Badr, Muawiya was the heir-apparent to the pagan throne of Mecca, which was occupied by his father Abu Sufyan and mother Hind.[citation needed] After the defeat of his family, following the fall of Mecca in 8 AH, Muawiya converted to Islam and hence is regarded within Sunni Islam as a Sahabi (companion) of the Islamic prophet, Muhammad(sm). This is where the second part of Muawiyah's life starts. Also he was Katib Al-wai (scribe) he later became a member of the Umayyad caliphate in Damascus.
Bismillah Walhamdulillah Was Salaatu Was Salaam 'ala Rasulillah As-Salaam Alaikum Wa-Rahmatullahi Wa-Barakatuhu Prayer - 3rd Jumada al-Thani 1433 (24th April 2012) Narrated Hisham's father (Radi-Allahu 'anhu): Ibn 'Umar said, "Allah's Apostle (Sallallahu 'Alaihi Wa Sallam) said, 'Do not pray at the time of sunrise and at the time of sunset.' Ibn 'Umar said, "Allah's Apostle (Sallallahu 'Alaihi Wa Sallam) said, 'If the edge of the sun appears (above the horizon) delay the prayer till it becomes high, and if the edge of the sun disappears, delay the prayer till it sets (disappears completely).' " Bukhari Vol. 1 : No. 557

Ribuan Warga Jerman Masuk Islam

dakwatuna.com Penodaan dan penistaan terhadap Islam terjadi di banyak negara di Barat. Tak terkecuali di Jerman. Penodaan dalam beragam bentuk dan cara, terbaru adalah drama ayat -ayat setan. Sebagaimana yang lain, drama ini juga menebar kebencian dan penodaan terhadap Islam. Namun, pada waktu yang bersamaan justeru banyak warga negara Jerman yang masuk Islam, berbondongbondong, dari hari ke hari. Pekan lalu menjadi saksi, seorang Penulis sekaligus Wartawan kelahiran asli Jerman bernama Hendrik Bruder (61 th), yang sebelum-sebelumnya terkenal memojokkan Islam dan umatnya, masuk Islam. Masuk Islamnya dia boleh dibilang mendadak. Dia berkomentar : Dengarlah, saya telah memeluk Islam. Setelah terjadi pergolakan bantin yang hebat selama bertahun-tahun, karena interaksi dan diskusi intens yang ia lakukan dengan seorang Iman Masjid Ridha di Nicola. Statemen ia setelah masuk Islam, Saya tidak meninggalkan agama

, saya justeru kembali pada hakekat

agama yang benar, yaitu Islam. Karena Islam agama fitrah, semua anak manusia dilahirkan dalam kondisi demikian. pungkasnya. Cerita masuknya warga negara Jerman tidak hanya kali ini saja. Pada tahun sebelumnya, ribuan warga asli Jerman kembali pada pangkuan Islam. Pada tahun 2007 saja terhitung seribu orang masuk Islam, demikian diakui oleh Menteri Dalam Negeri Jerman. Sebuah Pusat LSM Islam menyebutkan dari tiga juta empat ratus (3,4 juta) penduduk muslim di Jerman, lima belas ribu (15 000) di antara penduduk Asli Jerman. Sebuah survai yang dilakukan oleh berbagai media massa di Jerman memaparkan, bahwa antara tahun 2004 dan 2006 merupakan jumlah terbanyak warga Jerman yang masuk Islam, sekitar tiga ribu (3000)

laki-laki dan perempuan. Survai tersebut juga menambahkan bahwa jumlah itu naik tiga kali lipat dibanding tahun-tahun sebelumnya. Sebuah perguruan tinggi Islam di Jerman menyebutkan bahwa di tahun 2006 warga Jerman yang masuk Islam berjumlah empat ribu orang (4000), dibandingkan tahun 2005, hanya seribu (1000) orang. Salim Abdullah, Direktur Perguruan Tinggi Islam itu menyebutkan, Delapan belas ribu warga asli Jerman telah masuk Islam. Penodaan dan penistaan yang dialamatkan pada Islam dan kaum muslimin yang terjadi di Barat, merupakan rahasia dan pemicu masuknya warga negara Jerman pada agama Islam. Orang-orang kafir itu membuat tipu daya, dan Allah membalas tipu daya mereka itu. Dan Allah sebaikbaik pembalas tipu daya. Ali Imran:54. (it/ut)

Sang Pencerah: Ahmad Dahlan dan Gerakan Muhammadiyah Bahagian II

Dr | Abduh Study Group, IRF Kegiatan Islah Kiyai Dahlan memainkan peranan yang aktif dalam pembangunan Muhammadiyah dengan menyusun aktiviti dakwah dan sosial yang konsisten dengan matlamat islah. Kegiatannya bercorak keagamaan dan pendidikan berteraskan usaha pemerkasaan wanita, pemberdayaan masyarakat, penyebaran ilmu dan pemacuan dakwah yang intens. Dalam tahun 1922, beliau meninggalkan Yogya untuk berdakwah, mendirikan cabang, dan menghadiri rapat di pelbagai daerah, dan menambahkan tenaga guru di Madrasah Muallimin Muhammadiyah Yogya.

(Gambar: Hospital Muhammadiyah) Berada di garis depan dalam kegiatan sosial rakyat

Muhammadiyah berdiri di garis depan dalam kegiatan rakyat, dan merintis usaha pemberdayaan dan pemerkasaan sosial, dengan membangunkan sekolah, menyediakan khidmat klinik percuma, mewujudkan pusat pendidikan untuk anak-anak yang terpinggir, menyara dan menyekolahkan anak-anak yatim, menerbitkan al-Quran dalam bahasa Jawa dan Melayu, membangunkan perpustakaan, mendirikan institusi pengajian untuk kaum wanita, mengadakan prasarana dakwah, dan sebagainya. Ia berhasrat menciptakan suatu masyarakat yang benar-benar menerapkan ajaran dan hukum-hukum Islam di dalamnya.

Muhammadiyah memberi tekanan yang penting terhadap usaha dakwah, bagi mengimbangi gerakan zending yang ditaja oleh badan-badan tabligh Kristian. Hal ini dinyatakan oleh Kraemer seperti yang termaktub di dalam buku Agama Islam yang dinukilkan oleh Solichin Salam: Sebab di kalangan umat Islam tidak ada badan-badan memperduli nasibnya (umat Muslim). Berdasar atas maksuditu pergerakan yang dipimpin oleh Kiyai Dahlan, dengan

bernama Muhammadiyah, mengadakan sekolah-sekolahnya di seluruh kepulauan Indonesia serta pula poliklinik dan lain-lain. Meskipun di antara umat Islam ada beberapa orang yang tidak setuju dengan maksud tujuan Muhammadiyah hasilnya tidak dapat dipungkiri .

Tentangan Perjuangan islah yang dipelopori K.H. Dahlan telah ditentang keras oleh ulama konservatif yang masih terbelenggu dengan wacana usang dan jumud dalam agama, dan terperangkap dengan kerangka pemikiran yang dogmatik, seperti diungkapkan oleh Solichin Salam:
Usaha islah KH Dahlan banyak ditentang oleh ulama konservatif (Gambar: Petikan Filem Sang Pencerah)

Tidak sedikit ujian dan rintangan yang dihadapinyaberbagai tuduhan , fitnah dan hasutan dilemparkan orang kepadanya. Ada yang menuduh, bahwa beliau hendak mendirikan agama baru yang menyalahi agama Islam, ada pula yang mengatakan, bahwa beliau adalah Kiyai palsu, karena sudah meniru-niru Kristen. Tekanan yang ditempuhnya dalam perjuangan islah cukup besar, lantaran masyarakat feudal yang dihadapinya mempertahankan dasar taqlid yang menolak usaha ke arah perubahan yang dianggap menggugat dan mencabar adat. Berfikir cara taqlid seperti ini yang diungkapkan oleh Hamka dalam bukunya Teguran Suci & Jujur Terhadap Mufti Johorketika mengupas pertentangan pandangan antara kaum tua dan muda dan sikapnya yang kritis dalam menilai khabar yang tidak bersandarkan kepada asas fikiran yang rasional: Kalau tuan menyatakan tidak percaya akan khabar-khabar seperti itu (khabar tentang kebolehan syaikh yang luar biasa yang akal tidak dapat menerima), atau tuan meminta sendiri cerita itu dan siapa perawinya, sebagai meneliti dan menapis hadith Nabi, awaslah! Itulah tanda bahawa tuan telah kaum-muda! Tuan telah dicap sesat! Pendeknya kalau memakai akal tuan akan dituduh kaum-muda! Dan kalau tuan sudi menjadi bodoh, tuan jadi kaum-tua! Kiyai Dahlan dicap sesat, zindiq, Wahabi, mulhid, Kiyai Kafir, Kiyai Kristen lantaran usahanya mengajar dengan alat-alat sekolah - hal mana mendapat ejekan daripada lawanlawannya - malah langgarnya (suraunya) dibongkar pada waktu malam atas perintah penghulu Kamaludiningrat. Hamun dan fitnah ini tidak menggasir semangat perjuangannya dan dengan ketahanan yang luar biasa Dahlan merespon dan mengenepikan setiap cemuhan yang dilemparkan dengan baik, sebagaimana lumrah penegak agenda islah yang lain seperti Abduh, Ridha, Hasan al-Banna, Sayyid Qutb, Zainab al-Ghazali, Mawdudi dan Ghannouchi yang terus bertahan dalam garis perjuangan biar dihentam, ditekan dan dipulaukan. Perjuangan Kiyai Dahlan dan ketahanan daya juang kaum muda menyingkirkan fahaman kolot dan bobrok ini akhirnya berhasil dan diakur sendiri oleh kaum tua yang tumpas dalam mempertahankan hujah mereka, seperti diungkapkan oleh Hamka tentang hasil yang

dicapai dari agenda islah dan perjuangan Muhammadiyah menentang gerakan zending di Indonesia: Berpuluh-puluh tahun lama pemerintah Belanda membiarkan kaum Kristen menyebarkan agama itu dan dibantu dengan wang berbilion-bilion rupiah, terutama di Tanah Jawa kerana di Jawa Tengah itu Islam kurang kuat. Kristen mendirikan rumah-rumah sakit, rumahrumah sekolah dan memujuk fakir miskin supaya masuk Kristen. Maka bangunlah al-Syeikh Ahmad Dahlan mendirikan perserikatan Muhammadiyah lalu mendirikan sekolah-sekolah pula dan rumah-rumah sakit pula dan diberi pendidikan Islam, sedang yang beliau dapat dari kaum-tua hanya cela dan maki, bahawa mendirikan sekolah itu haram! Bahawa dia Muktazilah, dia Khawarij dan lain-lain. Dan kaum tua sendiri baru 20 tahun, belakang menuruti!

Laskar Pelangi filem berdasarkan kisah benar. 10 anak miskin Pulau Belitong ini belajar di Sekolah Muhammadiyah!

Agenda Pembaharuan Dalam gerakan Muhammadiyah, Dahlan telah memperjuangkan dasar-dasar perubahan yang tuntas, dengan memperkenalkan upaya-upaya besar ke arah pemodenan dan islah. Usaha ini diperkukuh dan dilanjutkan dengan gerakan Hizbul Watan yang merupakan sayap pemuda yang tangkas menerajui kegiatan sosial dan dakwah yang berusaha menggarap kefahaman Islam yang holistik dan mengadakan usaha-usaha pembaharuan yang berkesan, seperti diungkapkan oleh Abdul Aziz Athaalabi, seorang pemikir Muslim yang terkenal, tentang gerak perjuangan yang dipimpin oleh Kiyai Dahlan dan peranannya dalam memugar kefahaman agama dan kegiatan rakyat: Saya telah mengetahui tentang pulau Jawa dan sebagian daripada pulau Sumatera. Dan saya mempelajari rakyat di sana dalam tahun 1913. Pada waktu itu gerakan kemasyarakatan masih belum matang. Akan tetapi telah mempengaruhi kepada jiwa saya setelah saya bertemu dengan seorang tua yang utama, lemah badannya, akan tetapi mempunyai jiwa yang besar yang bernama Syeikh Ahmad Dahlan. Sesungguhnya agama Islam itu hampir bangun di pulau-pulau jauh itu. Aspirasi pembaharuan yang diungkapkan Dahlan memfokuskan kepada pemerkasaan akal kerana menurutnya kekurangan pengetahuan itu menjadikan seseorang berpikiran sempit, dan menolak adat istiadat yang jelek yang jelas merupakan sesuatu yang bobrok, karena hanya berhukum kepada adat kebiasaan dan adat istiadat, padahal adat istiadat itu tidak boleh dijadikan dasar hukum dalam menentukan baik buruk, betul salah. Untuk menentukan baik buruk, betul salah hanyalah hukum yang sah dan sesuai dengan hati yang suci. [Abdul Munir Maikhan: Pesan-Pesan Dua Pemimpin besar Islam Indonesia Kyai Haji Ahmad Dahlan, dan Kyai Haji Hashim Asyari:] Gerakannya adalah berdasar kepada manhaj salaf, yang menekankan kepada akar kefahaman dan penghayatan terhadap ayat-ayat suci, dan dizahirkan dengan praktis yang jelas, seperti diperlihatkan daripada dialognya dengan Pak H. Soedja: Dalam kuliah subuh, berulang kali Kiyai mengajarkan tafsir surat al-Maun, hingga beberapa pagi tidak ditambah-

tambah. Kiyai! Mengapa pelajarannya tidak ditambah-tambah? Pak Soedja bertanya. Apakah kamu sudah mengerti betul? Tanya beliau. Kita sudah hafal semua, Kiyai. Jawab Pak Soedja. Kalau sudah hafal, apa sudah kamu amalkan?, Tanya Kiyai. Apanya yang diamalkan? Bukankah Surat Maun pun berulang kali kami baca untuk rangkapan Fatihah di kala kami salat?, jawab Pak H. Soedja. Bukan itu yang saya maksudkan. Diamalkan, artinya dipraktikkan, dikerjakan. Rupanya saudara-saudara belum mengamalkannya. Oleh kerana itu mulai pagi ini, saudara-saudara agar pergi berkeliling mencari seorang miskin. Kalau sudah dapat, bawa pulanglah ke rumah mu masing-masing. Berilah mereka mandi dengan sabun yang baik, berilah pakaian yang bersih, berilah makan dan minum, serta tempat tidur di rumah mu. Sekarang juga pengajian saya tutup, dan saudara-saudara melakukan petunjuk-petunjuk saya tadi, Jawab Kiyai. (Solichin Salam: K.H. Ahmad Dahlan Reformer Islam Indonesia) Berbeza dengan cara pesantren yang kolot, Dahlan menggariskan fatwa-fatwa berani yang menyentuh tentang faham agama dan hukum dengan dasar maqasid dan fiqh yang luas, seperti memperbolehkan bersembahyang dengan memakai bahasa jawa (bagi murid yang belum mengetahui bahasa Arab), menetapkan hisab hilal dengan rukyat bil ain, dan menukar arah kiblat Masjid Agung Yogya dan Masjid Besar Kauman, dengan memberi garisgaris putih pada setiap saf, mengikut darjah ukuran yang sebenar.

Pengiktirafan terhadap Kiyai Dahlan Sumbangan besar Kiyai Dahlan dalam merobah welstanchung dan pemikiran umat telah mengangkatnya sebagai Pahlawan Nasional Indonesia. Dahlan dijulang sebagai ulama pembaharu yang telah melakarkan pengaruh yang signifikan dalam perjuangan Islam di Indonesia. Usahanya mendirikan Muhammadiyah telah meraih dukungan yang padu daripada setiap lapisan umat. Perjuangannya yang tegas telah mencetuskan perubahan dan membangkitkan kesedaran Islam di kalangan rakyat. Pengiktirafan terhadap sumbangan manusia yang berjiwa besar ini diungkapkan oleh Prof. Sugarda Purbakawatja dengan tuntas: Sikap kami terhadap beliau lain tidak hanyalah kagum dan hormat, sebagai seorang anak yang berada di samping orang tuanyabeliau itu orang besar yang dapat melintasi batas yang memisahkan antara kaum Islam dan kaum agama lain-lainnyadan suatu keajaibanK.H.A. Dahlan tidak ragu-ragu masuk gereja dengan pakaian hajinya (ketika mengunjungi sahabatnya pastor van Lith di Muntilan). Gejala ini saja sudah menarik, sehingga dengan ini perhatian terhadap peribadi K.H.A. Dahlan bertambah meluas dan menimbulkan perhatian untuk mempelajari ilmunya . Dokter van de Borne pula menggambarkan ketinggiannya di kalangan pemuka agama: Kamu semua beruntung mempunyai Kiyai Dahlan ini. Beliau bukanlah sembarang orang. Saya baru sekali ini menjumpai seorang yang sifat-sifatnya demikian. Andaikata tanah Jawa (Indonesia) mempunyai orang yang demikian ini tiga saja, saya percaya tanah Jawa akan beruntung sekali dan berbahagia. Dengan kesedaran yang dicetuskannya Ahmad Dahlan telah mengukir sumbangan yang bermakna dalam memperbaharui kefahaman dan pemikiran Islam di Indonesia. Beliau telah

menyalakan semangat perjuangan yang tuntas dipertahankan hampir seabad setelah zamannya. Penerusan Agenda Islah dan Tajdid Kesan pemikiran KH Ahmad Dahlan dan idealisme perjuangannya telah meninggalkan legasi yang besar, dan mencetuskan perubahan yang signifikan dalam gerakan Islam di Nusantara. Aspirasi pembaharuan dan perjuangan dakwah yang dirintisnya telah membawa kefahaman baru tentang perubahan dan tajdid dan mencetuskan revolusi pemikiran dan kebangkitan yang jelas. Gerakan tajdid di rantau ini terkesan dengan pemikiran Ahmad Dahlan yang dinamik dan melangkaui zamannya. Pembelaannya terhadap Islam tiada taranya dari sudut kemanusiaan dan keagamaan. Usahanya memartabatkan akal dalam memahami agama, mengangkat kedudukan wanita, memajukan pesantren, memperbaharui pemikiran umat, melenyapkan taqlid, menolong golongan terpinggir, menyantuni anak yatim, dan menyemai persaudaraan yang erat sesama manusia patut diteladani. Legasi pemikirannya yang dinamis harus dilanjutkan dan pesan islah yang diungkap dan diperjuangkannya harus dinyala dan disemarakkan dalam agenda pembaharuan, dan diteruskan khususnya oleh generasi muballighin Muhammadiyah dan gerakan reformis di Nusantara hari ini. We will not go quietly into the night! We will not vanish without a fight!
Orang yang paling aku sukai adalah dia yang menunjukkan kesalahanku (Umar bin Khattab)

Qunut Dalam Solat Subuh Imam al-Tirmizi menyatakan perkara ini di dalam dua bab iaitu : Pertama, Bab Qunut Dalam Solat Subuh Kedua, Bab Meninggalkan Qunut Bab pertama : al-Tirmizi meriwayatkan daripada al-Barra' bin 'Azib r.a., bahawa Nabi s.a.w. membaca qunut ketika solat Maghrib dan Subuh. Abu Isa (al-Tirmizi) berkata, "Selepas ini saya akan menunjukkan kepada kewujudan hadith-hadith lain pada bab ini : [Hadith al-Barra', hadith Hasan Sahih, ahli ilmu telah berbeza pendapat dalam perkara membaca qunut dalam solat Subuh. Sebahagian ahli ilmu berpendapat, daripada kalangan sahabat-sahabat Nabi s.a.w. dan lain-lain : Qunut pada solat subuh, ia adalah pendapat Malik dan al-Syafi'i. Ahmad dan Ishaq berkata, "Tidak

ada qunut pada solat subuh kecuali datang bencana kepada orang-orang Islam. Apabila datangnya bencana, maka imam akan berdoa untuk tentera-tentera Islam.] Bab kedua : al-Tirmizi meriwayatkan daripada Abu Malik al-Asyja'i, seorang tabi'in, beliau berkata, "Saya berkata kepada ayah saya, 'Ayahku, sesungguhnya ayahanda pernah solat di belakang Rasulullah s.a.w., Abu Bakr, Umar, Uthman dan Ali bin Abu Talib di sini dan di Kufah dalam 50 tahun, adakah mereka membaca qunut?" Ayah menjawab, "Wahai anakku, sesungguhnya ia adalah perkara baru." Abu Isa (al-Tirmizi) berkata, "Hadith ini Hasan Sahih, dan ramai ahli ilmu mengamalkannya. Sufyan al-Thawri berkata, "Jika sekiranya membaca qunut dalam solat Subuh maka baik. Sekiranya tidak membaca qunut, maka ia baik dan saya memilih untuk tidak membaca qunut." Ibn al-Mubarak tidak berpendapat [boleh] membaca qunut pada solat Subuh. Fiqh al-Hadith 'inda A'immah al-Salaf bi Riwayah al-Imam al-Tirmizi, j. 1, hlm. 190-191. If anyone had any doubt that Bersih 3.0 is necessary, that doubt is now dispelled with this latest move. These amendments confirm our worst fears that the 13th GE will be the dirtiest yet. The audacity with which these amendments are proposed and the speed with which they were passed reflects the utter contempt being shown for the rakyats call for clean and fair elections .
Jangan sibuk dengan urusan harta, istri, anak, karena tidak akan lama engkau akan dipisahkan darinya. Jangan sibuk mengejar-ngejar dunia dan mencari kemuliaan dari makhluk, karena sesungguhnya mereka tidak akan dapat membelamu dihadapan ALLAH SWT. Engkau berprasangka buruk terhadap ALLAH SWT didalam setiap keadaanmu. DIA pasti mengetahui perbuatanmu dan DIA akan memurkaimu (Syaikh Abdul Qadir Jailani) Description : : (( : . ))

DBKL Bakal Dakwa Aktivis 'Occupy Dataran'

Oleh ARIFFUDDIN ISHAK

KUALA LUMPUR: Dewan Bandaraya Kuala Lumpur (DBKL) akan mendakwa aktivis 'Occupy Dataran', Mohd Fahmi Reza Mohd Zain atas dua kesalahan iaitu berkumpul tanpa permit dan mendirikan khemah di Dataran Merdeka tanpa kebenaran. Datuk Bandar Kuala Lumpur, Tan Sri Ahmad Fuad Ismail berkata kedua-dua kesalahan itu bertentangan dengan Undang-undang Kecil Kerajaan Tempatan (Dataran Merdeka) (Wilayah Persekutuan Kuala Lumpur) 1992 dan Seksyen 40 Akta Jalan, Parit dan Bangunan 1974.

"Pihak DBKL sedang menyediakan kertas siasatan untuk diperakukan oleh timbalan pendakwaraya bagi tujuan didakwa di mahkamah. "Kes Mohd Fahmi Reza akan dibuat oleh DBKL setelah mendapat sokongan dan keizinan daripada timbalan pendakwaraya," katanya pada sidang media di bangunan DBKL di sini, Isnin. Beliau berkata demikian bagi merujuk kepada status insiden tindakan DBKL menanggalkan khemah-khemah yang dipasang di Dataran Medeka sejak minggu lalu. Dalam kejadian pukul 8 pagi Sabtu lalu, Mohd Fahmi Reza ditangkap sepasukan anggota DBKL kerana enggan mengikut arahan supaya mengosongkan Dataran Merdeka. Bagaimanapun muncul seorang lelaki bernama Umar Mohamad Azmi yang bertindak agresif bertujuan menghalang tugas anggota penguat kuasa DBKL membawa Mohd Fahmi Reza ke Balai Polis Dang Wangi bagi membantu siasatan. Umar akhirnya turut ditangkap dan disiasat mengikut Seksyen 186 Kanun Keseksaan iaitu menghalang penjawat awam menjalankan tugas. Namun dia dilepaskan dengan jaminan polis sejurus selepas diambil keterangan. Mengulas lanjut Ahmad Fuad menafikan pihaknya menahan kedua-dua aktivis terbabit seperti yang didakwa banyak pihak. "Kami tidak menahan mereka. Penguat kuasa DBKL hanya mengiringi mereka ke balai polis untuk membuat laporan polis," katanya.

Universiti Malaya
The University of Malaya is a public research university located in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. It is the oldest university in Malaysia. In post-nominals the university's name is currently abbreviated as UM and Malaya during the pre-independence period. The University was founded in 1949 as a public-funded tertiary institution. Today, it has more than 2,500 faculty members of various expertise. In 2012, UM was granted autonomy status by the Ministry of Higher Education In 2011, UM is ranked at 401 to 500 in the Shanghai Jiao Tong Universitys 2011 Academic Ranking of World Universities (ARWU). And the THES QS World University Rankings has ranked UM in the top 200 universities of the world.

History King Edward VII Medical College of Medicine

The establishment of the university began with the issue of shortage of medical assistants inSingapore and Penang during the late 1890s. The problem was addressed in a report published by the Education Commission in April 1902. In the report, it was stated that the Commission was in favour to establish a medical school to produce the local inhabitants to fulfil the demand of medical assistants in government hospitals. However, such view was not in favour among the European community, as they aware that education had been given great attention in India, as a result that Colony often demands over their rights from the Government. In September 1904, a petition led by a prominent Chinese leader in Singapore, Tan Jiak Kim, presented to Sir John Anderson over the concern for the establishment of a medical school. Sir John took the idea into consideration. And within a month, he estimated that the cost for building the school would require a sum of $84,000. His main concern was to the petitioners willingness to raise the sum to fund the building of the school. As the Government willing to bear the expanses of

staff and maintenance of the school. The petitioners agreed to take Sir Johns offer, and a meeting was called at the Chinese Protectorate Office in Singapore. As a result, $87,077 was collected.

Duduk sehingga sebati di bumi Bantah sehingga berbara di hati

ERSIH 2.0 PRESS STATEMENT 20 April 2012

Yesterday, the 19th of April 2012, many Bills were rushed through Parliament. One of them which appears to have escaped the attention of the public was a Bill that sought to amend the Election Offences Act 1954. The amendments are, to say the least, shocking and have far reaching consequences upon the voting process.

They are designed solely for the purpose of making the voting process less transparent. Needless to say this Bill was passed.

1.

Those that publish defamatory, racist and sexist remarks may do so with impunity

Section 11(c) which had required any print materials to have the names and addresses of its printer and publisher is DELETED IN FULL.

This means that anyone can now put up anonymous defamatory, racist or sexist posters without identifying the publisher or printer. Poison posters will now become standard fare. This goes completely against Bersih 2.0s demand to end dirty politics.

2.

Election monitoring at ECs discretion

s14 1(A) is replaced with a clause which allows the Election Commission to appoint time slots to determine when polling agents or counting agents of a candidate may be present. Therefore the time when an agent of a candidate is allowed into the Polling Station is no longer fixed and is now left to the discretion of the EC to decide. They are free to remove Agents from Polling Station at will.

The reality is that polling and counting agents are usually appointed by the candidate and this ensures a more transparent process. However, with the new amendment there are possibilities of abuse. The time schedule is best understood by the candidates as they organise their agents according to their time availability, as most of them are volunteers. If the time schedule is at the discretion of the EC, this may mean that different persons are being rotated and this does not allow the agents to observe inconsistencies systematically. Worse, when such a time schedule is applied during vote counting, as it again may open up opportunities for mis-counting.

3.

Curbing candidates and their staff from checking on identity of voters

S26 1(e) which allowed for checking of the identity of any person entering a polling centre is DELETED IN FULL. The implication is that candidates and its election staff are not allowed to check on the identity of voters to establish if they are genuine or even to help them to identify if they are at the correct polling station. This also means that phantom voters or multiple voters will not be detected. The 50m exclusion zone outside the Polling Centre is now extended to 100m or more, depending on what the EC to decide. This makes it impossible for election monitors to see anything illegal going on. It will also make it impossible to see if a voter is marked with indelible ink thus minimizing its effect.

4.

Election agent or candidate disallowed at election booths (barong)

s26A Sub-section (2) and (3) are DELETED IN FULL. This means that all channels of election observation are sealed off as it now does not allow election candidates and staff to observe the registration of voters during polling day. Such an amendment opens up possibilities of abuse and fraud. There will be no more Barung Observers who were previously the only non-EC people able to look at the IC of the voter and pick up discrepancies. This is a major blow to the plans to weed out phantom voters. They can now walk in freely and the Polling Agent (even if he is allowed into the

Polling Station) will have no opportunity to look at the IC of the voter. The same point about indelible ink made above, will apply

These amendments which have been introduced so late and bull dozed through Parliament makes a mockery of our electoral process. More importantly it makes a mockery of the Parliamentary Select Committee (PSC) as it appears that these amendments were hidden from them. What does the PSC have to say about this?

Today, BERSIH 2.0 reiterates its call for the Election Commissioners to resign immediately as it has failed to uphold the rakyats demand for a clean, fair and democratic electoral system. In fact it is unashamedly doing the opposite.

If anyone had any doubt that Bersih 3.0 is necessary, that doubt is now dispelled with this latest move. These amendments confirm our worst fears that the 13th GE will be the dirtiest yet.

The audacity with which these amendments are proposed and the speed with which they were passed reflects the utter contempt being shown for the rakyats call for clean and fair elections. The EC must resign for allowing such amendments to be proposed.

We urge members of the public to read the amendments for themselves and then to fax the EC at 603-88889117 to express their views and if seen fit to call for their resignation.

Salam BERSIH 2.0! DUDUK BANTAH!

Dato Ambiga Sreenevasan Chairperson Steering Committee Coalition for Clean and Fair Elections (BERSIH 2.0)

The Steering Committee of BERSIH 2.0 comprises: Dato Ambiga Sreenevasan (Co-Chairperson), Datuk A. Samad Said (Co-Chairperson), Ahmad Shukri Abdul Razab, Andrew Khoo, Arul Prakkash, Arumugam K., Awang Abdillah (Kuching), Dominic Hii (Sibu), Dr Farouk Musa, Hishamuddin Rias, Liau Kok Fah, Mark Bujang (Miri), Maria Chin Abdullah, Niloh Ason (Kuching), Richard Y W Yeoh, Dr Subramaniam Pillay, Dato Dr Toh Kin Woon, Dr Wong Chin Huat, Dato Yeo Yang Poh and Zaid Kamaruddin.

Ilm al-Kalam
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

"Kalam" redirects here. For other uses, see Kalam (disambiguation). Ilm al-Kalm (Arabic: , literally the study of "speech" or "words"[1]) is the Islamic philosophicaldiscipline of seeking theological principles through dialectic. Kalm in Islamic practice relates to the discipline of seeking theological knowledge through debate and argument. A scholar of kalm is referred to as a mutakallim (plural mutakallimiin). There are many possible interpretations as to why this discipline was originally called "kalm"; one is that the widest controversy in this discipline has been about whether the Word of God, as revealed in the Qur'an, can be considered part of God's essence and therefore not created, or whether it was made into words in the normal sense of speech, and is therefore created.

Contents
[hide]

1 Criticism 2 Major Kalam schools 3 See also 4 References 5 External links

[edit]Criticism
Throughout history the place of kalam in Islamic thought has been controversial. A few traditional Sunni Muslim scholars have either criticized or prohibited it. Imams such as Abu Hanifa prohibited his students from engaging in kalam, stating that those who practice it are of the "retarded ones."[2] Malik ibn Anasreferred to kalam in the Islamic religion as being "detested",[3] and that whoever "seeks the religion through kalam will deviate".[4] In addition Muhammad Shafi'i said that no knowledge of Islam can be gained from books of kalam, as kalam "is not from knowledge"[5][6] and that "It is better for a man to spend his whole life doing whatever Allah has prohibited - besides shirk with Allah - rather than spending his whole life involved in kalam."[7] Ahmad ibn Hanbal also spoke strongly against kalam, stating his view that no one looks into kalam unless there is "corruption in his heart,"[8] and even went so far as to prohibit sitting with people practicing kalam even if they were defending the Sunnah,[9] and instructing his students to warn against any person they saw practicing kalam.[10] Today criticism of kalam also comes from modern day scholars of the Salafi movement. Contemporary scholars such as Nuh Ha Mim Keller, a Sheikh in the Shadili Order hold that the criticism of kalam from early scholars was specific to the Mu'tazila, going on to claim that other historical Muslim scholars such as Al-Ghazali, As-Subki,An-Nawawi and even the four Madh'hab saw both good and bad in kalam and cautioned from the speculative excess of unorthodox groups such as the Mu'tazilah and Jahmiyya. [11] As he states in his article "Kalam and Islam": "What has been forgotten today however by critics who would use the words of earlier Imams to condemn all kalam, is that these criticisms were directed against its having become "speculative theology" at the hands of latter-day authors. Whoever believes they were directed against the `aqida or "personal theology" of basic tenets of faith, or the "discursive theology" of rational kalam arguments against heresy is someone who either does not understand the critics or else is quoting them disingenuously."

[edit]Major

Kalam schools

Ash'ari Athari Imami Maturidi Murji'ah Mu'tazili

[edit]See

also

Jahm bin Safwan Jewish Kalam Logic in Islamic philosophy Kalam cosmological argument Madhab Qadr (doctrine)

[edit]References

1.

^ Wolfson, Harry Austryn (1976). "The Philosophy of the Kalam". (via Google Books). Harvard University Press. pp. 1. Retrieved May 01, 2011.

2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9.

^ al-Makkee, Manaaqib Abee Haneefah, pg. 183-184 ^ Dhammul-Kalaam (B/194) ^ Dhammul-Kalaam (Q/173/A) ^ Dhammul-Kalaam (Q/213) ^ Dhahabi, as-Siyar (10/30) ^ Ibn Abi Hatim, Manaaqibush-Shaafi'ee, pg. 182 ^ Jaami' Bayaanul-'Ilm wa Fadlihi (2/95) ^ Manaaqibul-Imaam Ahmad, pg. 205

10. ^ Ibn Battah, al-Ibaanah (2/540) 11. ^ [1]

[edit]External

links

Wolfson, Harry Austryn, The Philosophy of the Kalam, Harvard University Press, 1976, 779 pages, ISBN 978-0-674-66580-4, Google Books, text at archive.org

Living Islam The Kalam Kalam Cosmological Argument

Keywords: Muhammad Abduh, Islamic modernism, educational reform, Pan Islam, Western and Islamic ideals. Keywords: Quran and science, Abduhs ideas on science, scientific method of exegesis, modern tafsir of the Quran, on science Keywords: Muhammad Abduh, Islamic science, scientific exegesis, technology, Islamic reform. Ahmad N. Amir, Abdi O. Shuriye, Ahmad F. Ismail Kulliyyah of Engineering International Islamic University Malaysia Ahmad N. Amir, Abdi O. Shuriye, Ahmad F. Ismail Faculty of Engineering International Islamic University Malaysia Ahmad N. Amir, Abdi O. Shuriye, Ahmad F. Ismail Faculty of Engineering International Islamic University Malaysia

'Abduh, Muhammad (1849-1905)

The Egyptian reformer and Muslim apologist Muhammad 'Abduh was a pupil and friend of al-Afghani. Although deeply influenced by him, 'Abduh was less inclined to political activism and concentrated on religious, legal and educational reform. His best-known writings are a theological treatise, Risalat al-tawhid (translated into English as The Theology of Unity), and an unfinished Qur'anic commentary, Tafsir almanar (The Manar Commentary), on which he collaborated with Rashid Rida. One of the key themes of these works is that since modernity is based on reason, Islam must be compatible with it. But 'Abduh's 'modernism' went hand in hand with returning to an idealized past, and his 'rationalism' was tempered by a belief in divine

transcendence which limits the scope of intellectual inquiry. In ethics as in theology, he regarded the classical debates as arid and divisive, although on the issues of free will and moral law his position was in fact similar to that of the Mu'tazila. 1. Faith and reason 2. Ethics
1. Faith and reason

'Abduh trained as an 'alim (religious scholar) at al-Azhar where, under al-Afghani's influence, he developed an interest in Islamic philosophy and a revulsion for traditional teaching methods which encouragedtaqlid, the unquestioning acceptance of received opinion. The rational liberalism which he imbibed from al-Afghani was, however, only one facet of his thought. In his youth he was drawn to Sufism and, despite his subsequent attacks on popular superstition, he seems never to have lost his respect for those who in some conditions 'have access in part to the ultimate mysteries and true insights into the visionary world' (Risalat al-tawhid, in Musa'ad and Cragg 1966: 97) (see Mystical philosophy in Islam). A third influence - the one which is dominant in the Risalat al-tawhid (The Theology of Unity) and the Tafsir al-manar (The Manar Commentary) - is that of the fourteenth-century Hanbalite jurist Ibn Taymiyya, who fuelled his desire to purify Islam of later accretions and return to the essentials of the faith as practised by the first generations of Muslims. 'Abduh believed that Islam was the one true religion based on reason and revelation, but that in the course of time it had become distorted by various extrinsic factors. For instance, whereas the Qur'an fosters the scientific spirit by directing man to inquire rationally into the workings of the universe, the Islamic philosophers had uncritically accepted the theories of matter and physics propounded by Plato andAristotle, with the result that the Islamic world had come to lag behind Europe in science and technology. His rejection of Greek philosophy in favour of modern science was, however, only partial. He accepted the distinction between necessary being, possible things and impossible things, using it to prove the existence of God. He also accepted the distinction between essences and accidents, arguing that reason gives us knowledge of the latter but not of the former. A corollary of this is that it is pointless for theologians to argue about the divine attributes because we cannot know their nature (see Islamic theology).
2. Ethics

On the issue of free will versus predestination, 'Abduh's starting point is the recognition that the man of sound mind is conscious of acts which stem from his volition:

He weighs them and their consequences in his mind and evaluates them in his will, and then effectuates them by an inward power. To deny any of this would be tantamount to a denial of his existence itself, so opposed would it be to rational evidence. (Risalat al-tawhid, in Musa'ad and Cragg 1966: 62) However, 'Abduh is equally insistent that all events in the world are ordered by God in accordance with his knowledge and will. He rejects further inquiry into how human freedom and divine prescience can be reconciled, on the grounds that such speculation is forbidden. In discussing the moral law, 'Abduh again begins with an appeal to common sense, arguing that we have no difficulty in recognizing our voluntary actions as good or bad in themselves or by reference to their particular or general consequences. If actions are self-evidently good or bad in the absolute way in which 'Abduh alleges, however, it might be thought that religion is unnecessary. On the contrary, in matters of right and wrong, rational proof will not obviate conflict because people differ in intelligence, the vast majority being unable to understand Platonic philosophy or Aristotelian logic. Moreover, because of its stress on God's pleasure and wrath, religion has a greater impact on ordinary folk than the moralist's claim that some acts are beneficial and others harmful. In any case there are some elements of the Qur'anic revelation which could not be known by unaided reason. These include the certainty of the afterlife, and the various ritual prescriptions. All this is far-removed from the traditional Ash'arite position. It is possible that here 'Abduh was influenced by Mu'tazilism as mediated by al-Afghani's Shi'ism, or less probably that we should detect the influence of Kantian philosophy. There seems little doubt, however, that his ethical thinking was moulded by the needs of apologetics. This is particularly clear in his essay on Islam and Christianity, in which he replied to Hanotaux, a French cabinet minister who had contrasted the Semitic mentality of Islam - with its transcendentalism, predestinarianism and contempt for individuals with the Aryan humanism of Christianity, which through the Trinity raised human dignity to that of God. See also: al-Afghani; Islamic philosophy, modern NEAL ROBINSON Copyright 1998, Routledge.

List of works 'Abduh, M. (1874) Risalat al-waridat (Treatise of Mystical Inspirations), Cairo. 'Abduh, M. (1876) Hashiyya 'ala sharh al-Dawwani li 'l-'aqa'id al-adudiyya (Gloss on Dawwani's Commentary on the Sentences of Adud al-Din al-Iji), Cairo. 'Abduh, M. (1897) Risalat al-tawhid (The Theology of Unity), Cairo; trans. I. Musa'ad and K. Cragg, The Theology of Unity, London: George Allen & Unwin, 1966. (One of 'Abduh's major works on philosophical theology.) 'Abduh, M. (1902) al-Islam wa-'l-nasraniyya ma'a al-'ilm wa 'l-madaniyya (Islam and Christianity in Relation to Science and Civilization), Cairo. 'Abduh, M. and Rida, M.R. (1927-36) Tafsir al-Qur'an al-hakim (Commentary on the Wise Qur'an), Cairo. (Commentary on the Wise Qur'an usually referred to as Tafsir almanar because it originally appeared in instalments in the journal al-Manar).

References and further reading Abu Rabi, I. (1996) 'The Arab World', in S.H. Nasr and O. Leaman (eds) History of Islamic Philosophy, London: Routledge, ch. 64, 1082-1114. (Detailed description of the various ways in which modern Arabic philosophy has responded to the issues of modernity and Westernization.) Adams, C.C. (1933) Islam and Modernism in Egypt, London: Oxford University Press. (Classic work, unsurpassed despite its early date.) Amin, O. (1944) Muhammad Abduh essai sur les ides philosophiques et religieuses (Muhammad 'Abduh, Essay on his Philosophical and Religious Ideas), Washington, DC. (English translation of the standard Arabic biography.) Badawi, M.A.Z. (1978) The Reformers of Egypt, London: Croom Helm. (Critical analysis by an Egyptian scholar of the views of al-Afghani, 'Abduh and Rida.) Hourani, A. (1983) Arabic Thought in the Liberal Age 1798-1939, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. (Devotes only thirty pages specifically to 'Abduh, but strongly recommended for anyone who wishes to situate his work in its

historical context.) Jomier, J. (1954) Le commentaire coranique du Manar: tendances modernes de l'exgse coranique en gypte (The Manar Commentary on the Qur'an: Modern Trends in Qur'anic Exegesis in Egypt), Paris: Maisonneuve. (Painstaking thematic analysis of the Qur'anic commentary by a French Dominican; particularly valuable because of the way in which it distinguishes between the views of 'Abduh and Rida.)

The Theology Of Unity

by Muhammad Abduh

The first of his works to be translated into English, Risalat al-Tauhid, represents the most popular and systematic of Muhammad 'Abduh's work, and one of the most influential Muslim theological writings of the contemporary period. The essentials of 'Abduh's modernist thought are contained in this treatise.

URWA AL-WUTHQA, AL-: An entry from Macmillan Reference USA'sEncyclopedia of the Modern Middle East and North Africa 2 [HTML] [Digital]

Nikki Keddie (Author)

Digital: 1 pages

Publisher: Macmillan Reference USA (2004)

Rashid Rida
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Muhammad Rashid Rida (September 23, 1865, Ottoman Syria - August 22, 1935, Egypt) is said to have been "one of the most influential scholars and jurists of his generation" and the "most prominent disciple of Muhammad Abduh" [1] Rida was born near Tripoli in Al-Qalamoun, now in Lebanon but then part of Ottoman Syria within the Ottoman Empire). His early education consisted of training in "traditional Islamic subjects". In 1884-5 he was first exposed to al-`Urwa al-wuthqa, the journal of the Jamal al-Din al-Afghani and Muhammad Abduh. In 1897 he left Syria for Cairo to collaborate with Abduh and the following year they launched al-Manar, a weekly and then monthly journal comprising Quranic commentary[1] at which Rida worked until his death in 1935. Rida was an early Islamic reformer, whose ideas would later influence 20th-century Islamist thinkers in developing a political philosophy of an "Islamic state".

Contents
[hide]

1 Reformist ideas 2 Contributions to Islamist political thought 3 See also 4 References 5 External links

[edit]Reformist

ideas

Like his predecessors, Rida focused on the relative weakness of Muslim societies vis--vis Western colonialism, blaming Sufi excesses, the blind imitation of the past (taqlid), the stagnation of the ulama, and the resulting failure to achieve progress in science and technology. He held that these flaws could be alleviated by a return to what he saw as the true principles of Islam - salafiyya Islam which was purged of impurities and Western influences albeit interpreted (ijtihad) to suit modern realities.[2] This alone could he believed save Muslims from subordination to the colonial powers.[3] The corruption and tyranny of Muslim rulers ("caliphs") throughout history was a central theme in Rida's criticisms. Rida, however, celebrated the rule of Mohammad and the Rightly Guided Caliphs, and leveled his attacks at subsequent rulers who could not maintain Mohammad's example. He also criticized the clergy ("ulama") for compromising their integrity - and the integrity of the Islamic law ("sharia") they were meant to uphold - by associating with worldly corrupt powers.[4] Towards the end of his life, Rida became a staunch defender of the Saudi regime and an advocate of Wahhabism, saluting 'Abd al-Wahhab as the "renewer of the XII century (of the Hijra)". In fact, he died on his way back to Cairo from Suez, where he had gone to see Ibn Sa'ud off. [5]

[edit]Contributions

to Islamist political thought

Rida's ideas were foundational to the development of the modern "Islamic state". He "was an important link between classical theories of the caliphate, such as al-Mawardi's, and 20th-century notions of the Islamic state".[6] Rida promoted a restoration or rejuvenation of the Caliphate for Islamic unity, and "democratic consultation on the part of the government, which he called "shura"."[2] In theology, his reformist ideas, like those of Abduh, were "based on the argument that shari'a consists of `ibadat (worship) and mu'amalat (social relations). Human reason has little scope in the former and Muslims should adhere to the dictates of the Qur'anand hadith. The laws

governing mu'amalat should conform to Islamic ethics but on specific points may be continually reassessed according to changing conditions of different generations and societies.[1] Although he did not call for the revolutionary establishment of an "Islamic state" itself, rather advocating only gradual reform of the existing Ottoman government, Rida preceded Abul Ala Maududi, Sayyid Qutb, and later Islamists in declaring adherence to Sharia law as essential for Islam and Muslims, saying `those Muslim [rulers] who introduce novel laws today and forsake the Shari'a enjoined upon them by God ... They thus abolish supposed distasteful penalties such as cutting off the hands of thieves or stoning adulterers and prostitutes. They replace them with man-made laws and penalties. He who does that has undeniably become aninfidel.`[3]

[edit]See

also

List of Islamic scholars

[edit]References
a b c a b a b

1. ^ 2. ^ 3. ^

Encyclopedia of Islam and the Muslim World, Thompson Gale (2004), p.597

Glasse, Cyril, The New Encyclopedia of Islam, Altamira Press, 2001, p.384 Emmanuel Sivan, Radical Islam: Medieval Theology and Modern Politics, enl. Ed. (New Have: Yale

University Press, 1990), p.101 4. ^ Rida, Muhammad Rashid. 1934. Al-Khilafa aw al-Imama al-Uzma [The caliphate or the great imamate]. Cairo: Matba'at al-Manar bi-Misr, p. 57-65. 5. ^ Soage, Ana Beln. 2008. "Rashid Rida's Legacy". The Muslim World 98/1, p. 57-65. 6. ^ Eickelman, D. F., & Piscatori, J. (1996). Muslim politics. Princeton: Princeton University Press, p. 31.

[edit]External

links

An Analysis of George Habash And the Rise and Fall of the Palestinian Left
Jared Feldschreiber George Habash

An Analysis of George Habash And the Rise and Fall of the Palestinian Left The 1948 Arab-Israeli War caused great indignation and humiliation for the Palestinians. Since the
1948 War, the Palestinian narrative has been that the Zionists forcibly uprooted them from their homes, and kicked them out of Palestine. On May 15, 1948, Zionist forces and Palestinian mujahidin waged a bitter contest for control over the main communication routes. The Palestinian blockade against Jewish settlements tightened the shortage of combat material, disorganization, and factional rivals took the mujahidin to the point of collapse.[1] As a result, the essence of Palestinian nationhood may be a multivaried definition of an armed struggle against Israel, epitomized by its own fragmented society. As early as the Balfour Declaration of 1917, the Palestinians felt humiliated by the intrusion of their land by the Zionist Project, as a result of the British and French Mandates over Jewish and Arab territory. Thereafter, the Palestinians implemented an armed struggle they deemed necessary to defeat Israel, viewed as an imperialist presence in the Middle East. Until his death in 2004, Yasser Arafat, the Palestinian Liberation Organization Chairman, became the international face of the Palestinian struggle, especially after the 1967 Six-Day War. Perhaps too often overlooked were his radical cohorts, like the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestines George Habash, who often undermined hopes for statehood. These ideologues had varying interpretations of armed struggle. The PLO and PFLF, and their increasingly splintering radical groups, shaped the direction of the Arab-Israeli conflict in the 1960s until present, sometimes inspiring, but other times worsening their unique refugee experiences. This essay will focus on the rise and fall of the Palestinian Left, with a special emphasis on George Habashs Arab Nationalist Movement that became the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine. This internal strife within Palestinian society persists today. The seeds of the Israeli-Arab conflict over territory traces back to the end of the Ottoman Empire, which led to the British Mandate of Palestine. There were many skirmishes between the new Zionist immigrants and the Palestinians. The Palestinians were now governed by Britain and confronted with a Jewish state in the making. Their opposition expressed itself graphically in 1920-21, during which violent and anti-Jewish riots occurred. Continued Jewish immigration, coupled with the emergence of a clear trend within the Zionist movement calling for the voluntary or compulsory transfer of the Arab population to make way for a Jewish state, led to a further escalation of vi olence.[2] The 1948 Arab-Israeli War left the Palestinians disorganized and depressed. As their entire social infrastructure collapsed, so too did their strong sense of demoralization, feeling as though the Zionists had committed an injustice. To salvage their dire situation, Palestinians stressed the most appropriate strands of their identity; kinship, locality, religion and Arab ethnicity Palestinian nationalist patriotism was related to three principal factors. First was the degree to which government policies led to the marginalization of the stateless Palestinians, especially in the Arab confrontation states it followed that patriotic feeling was most likely to acquire a Palestinian nationalist character, when social mobility and economic access were blocked or could not be translated into political resources. [3] With this as its backdrop, the emergence of the Arab Nationalist Movement (ANM) took shape, emphasizing the importance of armed struggle. ANM was pan-Arab in focus, and not yet Palestinian Nationalist. In the 1950s, the future leaders of the organization of Fatah and the Palestinian Front for the Liberation of Palestine, with their various radical offshoots, concluded that the Palestinians must take an active, though non-ideological armed struggle against Israel. Various Palestinian students who attended

Arab schools throughout the Arab world ardently believed that armed struggle was necessary to achieve Palestinian statehood. The founder of the Arab Nationalist Movement (ANM), George Habash, a Palestinian Christian medical student at the American University of Beirut, articulated his views, providing a first-hand account of the Naqba )the Catastrophe(: I was born to well-to-do merchants, unable to return home; I had moved to Amman during Palestine [War] as I have no political motive to participate in the political struggle in the area except that which every Palestinian citizen has. Before 1948 I was so far from politics I was a student in Lydda, the town where I was born. And I have seen with my own eyes the Israeli army entering the town and killing its inhabitants. I am not exaggeratingThey have killed our people and expelled us from our homes, towns. On the way from Lydia to Ramallah I have seen children, young and old people dying. What can you do after you have seen all this? You cannot but become a revolutionary and fight for the cause. Your own cause as well as that of your own people[4] Subsequent to the 1948 Arab-Israeli War, clandestine groups that emerged among the scattered Palestinian communities were: al Qawmiyyin al-Arab and Palestinian National Liberation Movement )Harakhat al Tahrir al Watani al Filastini(.[5] This was universally known as Fatah. ANMs ideology mirrored the visions of Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nassers view of Pan-Arabism of the 1950s, who historically gave funding and arms for its missions. Its ideology centered on Arab nationalism with Palestine at the heart of the Arab nation, and was highly inspired by young Arab intellectuals. Nasser provided aid to ANM, even as it already had its financial support from its wealthy members. George Habash and a Syrian by the name of Hani al-Hindi were both volunteers in the 1948 ArabIsraeli War. They were deeply embittered in the wake of the war by Arab disunity and what they saw as the collusion of Arab governments with Great Britain.[6] Habash and Hindi joined al-Urwa al-Wuthqa )The Firmest Bond(, a student society, editing its newsletter and espousing the need for armed struggle. Habash and Wadi Haddad often took in potential recruits of ANM. These men included various Palestinians who had been wounded in the 1948 Arab-Israeli War.[7] Habash and his associates became active in a variety of Arab political movements in the late 1940s, paving the way to their increasingly violent guerrilla-style tactics in the ensuing decades. Habash organized Kataib al Fidai, which was a series of kidnapping plots against Iraqi, Syrian, and Jordanian officials. Throughout the 1950s Habash and his cohorts, Haddad, al-Yamani and Abd al-Karim, were extremely active in conducting a series of raids and terror attacks, seeking Al Thar )Arabic for revenge( against Israel, to liberate Palestine. ANM had strongly influential roots akin to the ideological springs of Fascism as the groups own dissidents were merely a phase of preparation and experimentation, in which combat teams could train.[8] ANM succeeded in extending its branches to a number of Arab states, including Lebanon, Syria, Jordan, Iraq, Kuwait, and throughout the Arabian Peninsula. As noted, ANM was also belligerent towards conservative Arab regimes, which they felt were not sufficiently hostile either against Israel or against Western countries. As a result, some of its members were arrested for their actions in Arab countries, including Habash. In 1957, Habash was actually expelled from Jordan on suspicion of working for Syrian intelligence.[9] ANMs influence was felt throughout the Arab world, led by Habash. Other members also included Jihad Dahi, Muhsin Ibrahim, and Abd al-Fattah Ismail, who served as the leader in South Yemen.[10] All of these men were dedicated to its Arab Nationalist philosophies and the liberation of Palestine. Despite its outreach, ANM would never achieve cohesion, and often lacked legitimacy.

ANM, while ultimately collapsing in the late 1960s gave rise to more radical and ideological groups, particularly the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine and its splintering factions. The Fatah organization, meanwhile, which would became the largest faction of the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO), which is seen as the internationally recognized body of the Palestinians, began in October 1959 by a group of twenty Palestinians meeting in Kuwait. Like ANM, they were also committed to armed struggle against Israel, and conducted raids into the country in 1965, launched from Jordan, Lebanon and Gaza. Its original Covenant called for the destruction of Israel and disavowed interest in the West Bank and Gaza Strip then held by Jordan and Egypt.[11] Fatah was also shaped by the 1948 Naqba. Its founders were professionals working in the Gulf States, and were refugees in Gaza, or Cairo, and came from the lower middle class. Their members initially were comprised of labor migrants in the Gulf, and then students and camp refugees. Its ideology was built on Palestinian nationalism, with a focus on identity and the establishment of a Palestinian state equal to other Arab states. Its political program, in practice, was built on an armed struggle, and, a war of liberation, and yet aspirations of brotherhood and politics to achieve a sovereign Palestinian state. Over the next decades, Fatah, unlike ANM (or later the PFLP), was dependent on funding and support from Arab states to achieve its nationhood.[12] The huge setback of the Six-Day War in June, 1967 devastated the Arab world, and would drastically, geographically and structurally reshape the Middle East. Israel recaptured the West Bank, Gaza and East Jerusalem. As a result, the Palestinians grew more divided, and displaced, as ANM had dissolved, giving way to George Habashs creation of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine. The Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine was formally established on December 11, 1967, as the result of the merger between the National Front for the Liberation of Palestine, led by Habash and Haddad, and Ahmad Jibrils Palestine Liberation Front, and the smaller Organization of the Heroes of the Return. There were many offshoots, including the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine-General Command.[13] The PFLP became a revolutionary Marxist-Leninist guerrilla organization, heavily influenced by leftist, even Maoist ideologies. It cultivated a radical, social, political, and military character, in both theory and practice. Spearheaded by Habash, it aspired to the vanguard of the Palestinian working class, viewing Zionism, imperialism and Arab reaction as the organically linked foes of the Palestinian people. It stressed the importance of revolutionary upheaval in the Arab world and beyond to the struggle against Israel.[14] While Habash accepted the necessity of Marxist transformation, he argued that the movement could also retain a pan-Arab organization to supervise the struggle at the Arab level. The new movement was named the Socialist Arab Action Party, and it ostensibly supervised all branches of the former movement, or what was left of them.[15] For Habash, the Socialist Arab Action only served as a vehicle for the newly created Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine. His ANM comrades soon broke ranks, underscoring the fragility of the Palestinian Left as a cohesive unit. Ahmad Jibril, born in Yazur, near Jaffa, moved to Syria where he was raised and where he served in the Syrian Army in the late 1950s. He had been a partner of Habash in the formation of PFLP, but by 1968, he had broken ranks with him, forming another splintering party, the pro-Syrian PFLP-General Command. Years later, he joined with Habash in their opposition of the Oslo Peace Accords of 1993. The PFLP-GC maintained cells in several European cities, which carried out anti-American and anti-Israeli operations on behalf of Syria, Libya and Iran. The credo of PFLP-GC, founded in 1968 was, All human

forces in every Arab country should unite in a strategic, revolutionary democratic alliance in order to realize the national tasks. These forces should work for the emergence of broad national fronts, including all classes of and forces which have the joint interest of struggling collectively for these tasks and in accordance with a joint program of struggle.[16] On April 11, 1974, three members of the PFLP-GC staged a raid in Kiryat Shmona, killing eighteen Israelis. Jibril was critical of Habash for undermining Arab governments, instead of investing more energy on attacking Israel.[17] This is highly suspect, as it was during this time on July 23, 1968 that two members of PFLP hijacked an El Al plane from Rome to Tel Aviv. They declared passengers and crew w ould be held as hostages until Palestinians in Israeli prisons were released. The hijack operations, they asserted, would enable the voice of the Palestinian resistance movement to reach world public opinion, despite the Israeli and colonialist siege and demolish a basic component of Israeli propaganda that the resistance movement is usually individualistic, always improvised, and hardly ever effective [18] The Black September Organization (BSO) was founded in 1971, taking its name from the Jordanian Civil War when Jordanian units suppressed guerrilla organizations. This organization was run by Fatah. Nayef Hawatmeh, who was an active part of ANM, split from PFLP in 1969. He founded the Marxist Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine; Israel blamed this group for a terror attack in Maalot, Israel at the Netiv Meir Elementary School, in which the group took hostage one-hundred and fifteen people, including teachers and students, ordering that twenty-three Palestinian prisoners be released from Israeli prisons, or all would be killed. Israels elite force, the Golani Brigade waged a failed rescue raid attempt, and as a result, twenty-five hostages, including twenty children were killed.[19] Like Habash, Wadi Haddad, was studying medicine at the American University of Beirut. The two had established a medical clinic together; now Haddad became the military wing of PFLP, organizing attacks on Israeli targets. He helped plan and orchestrate the more spectacular and first aircraft hijacking episodes in international terrorism. He also orchestrated the Dawson Field hijackings of 1970, conducting simultaneous hijackings of three planes in Jordan, leading to the Jordanian Civil War. He was expelled from the PFLP in 1973.[20] The founding document of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine reads: the military defeat suffered by the Arab armies served as the beginning of a new phase of work in which the revolutionary masses take their responsible leadership role in confronting the forces and weapons of imperialism and Zionism, which history has proved is the most to crush all forms of colonial aggression the entire masses of our Palestinian people live today for the first time since the catastrophe of 1948 on a completely occupied Palestinian territory, confronting a rapacious enemy face to face, and we now must take up this challenge to its conclusion or we must accept or surrender to the ambitions of the enemy and the daily humiliation of our people and absorbed fortunes of our lives. [21] In the 1970s, the PFLP staged high-risk international terror campaigns, concentrated on urban sabotage and terrorist activities as a way to expose the crisis within Palestine. Interestingly, the PFLPs strategies and operations often ran counter to Yasser Arafats more moderate Fatah, who garnered greater sympathy for a viable Palestinian nationhood, culminated by his address to the UN Assembly in 1974. The PFLP meanwhile maintained it had always been fully committed to the total liberation of Palestine through a popular war of liberation. To this end it fielded several thousand guerrillas in Jordan and Lebanon. It also complemented in [its] guerrilla campaign with political mobilization, particularly in the occupied territories.[22]

Politically, the PFLP was structured in three major departments: Political Bureau, Military Command and the Administrative Command. There exists a Central Committee, composed of the leaders of the three departments whose object is to define and supervise policy of the organizati on.[23] One of the main reasons for staging the spectacular attacks against international aviation was to gain favor with the Muslim masses in Arab lands. Finally they were able to extract some degree of revenge on the worlds stage. The PFLP had long resented the rise of Yasser Arafat, who became Chairman of the PLO in 1969. After the Six Day War the PLO was perceived as the umbrella group of the Palestinians. We say it clearly: let the PLO leadership halt its gradual fall into participation in the settl ement, wrote Habash. Let it halt its subservience to the Arab reactionary and capitulationism regimes. Let it stop its secret and unsecret contact with contacts with the imperialist enemy. Let it take a nationalist, revolutionary stand that rejects the liquidationist settlement and relies on the masses and the nationalist revolutionary stand but if the PLO leadership continues in its capitulationist course, it will not only find us outside it, but also against it.[24] Habash also saw growing dissension in his own faction, as Hawatmeh founded the Marxist Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine, believing that the PFLP had become, under Habash, too focused on military matters, and would have been better served as a more grassroots organization. The PLOs principles and goals were articulated by the Palestine National Covenant, which was first adopted in 1964 and revised four years later. According to Article 9, armed struggle is the only way to liberate Palestine. Article 15 also said, the liberation of Palestine, from an Arab viewpoint is a national duty to repulse the Zionist and imperialist aggression from the great Arab homeland and to eliminate the Zionist presence from Palestine.[25] At least on paper, it seemed as though the PFLP and PLO were very similar in their aims, but ultimately proved very divergent in its execution. The PLO relied on Arab States for financial and military aid, not to mention, as a base from where it could launch attacks on Israel. As a result of these attacks, Arafat and the PLO gained legitimacy. The PFLP, meanwhile, declared war against these same Arab States, and were thus treated as pariahs, even in the Palestine National Council, which met sporadically throughout the decades. The fact that the PLO has been able to achieve and maintain such a dual character is largely due to one man: Yasser Arafat when Arafat assumed leadership in 1969, Fatah was, if anything, more activist and extreme than the original leadership. Arafat has deliberately and skillfully steered the PLO towards acceptability by the world community. The turning point- and Arafats personal triumph- was the formal recognition of the PLO by the United Nations in 1974.[26] The more leftist groups like the Popular Democratic Front felt that George Habash was not radical enough, and broke away. Other Palestinian groups that splintered included the Vanguards of the War of Popular Liberation, the Arab Liberation Front, the Arab Sinai Organization (ASO) and the Palestine National Liberation Front, a Jordanian-based organization that was formed in 1968.[27] The ensuing decades included the Palestinians tumultuous path toward statehood and often tenuous relations with Arab governments, beginning with Jordan, then Lebanon and then finally Tunisia. After recognition from the United Nations, oil-rich kingdoms like Saudi Arabia and Kuwait also provided military and financial aid to the PLO, as did Algeria and Iraq. Arafats rift with Habash stemmed from the PFLPs refusal to participate in preparations for the Palestine National Council in 1974. As a result, Fatah emerged as the most powerful, viable, and legitimized Palestinian organization. Arafat became Chairman of the PLO Executive Committee.[28]

Despite its fragmented society, the irony was that the PLO reached a historic highpoint in this period. The political support it enjoyed in the occupied territories, coupled with the continuing armed activity of its clandestine cells, reinforced its claim to the central Palestinian representative Arafat sought determinedly to capitalize on the PLOs stature to achieve a diplomatic breakthrough. [29] In 1974, the Palestine National Council met in Cairo and adopted a program for gradual liberation of Palestine, declaring that it would establish a state on any part of Palestine liberated from the Zionists. There, the PNC rejected UN Security Council Resolution 242, which included Israels withdrawal to its pre -1967 borders.[30] Thereafter, the PFLP, and the Palestinian Left in general, continued to lose relevance, culminating with the breakup of the Soviet Union. The Marxist-Leninist element of the Palestinian struggle has mostly disappeared. The PFLP joined the PNC only met five times- in 1967, 1969, 1972, 1981 and 1992.[31] As ANM transformed into the PFLP, effectively switching its ideologies from pan-Arabism to Marxism, little changed in its hopes for achieving its brand of Palestinian nationalism. The Palestinian Left may have employed Marxist-Leninist terminology and spoken in terms of class conflict after 1967, but in reality there was little social or economic analysis in its programmes. As was the case for the mainstream PLO leadership, the predominance of nationalist politics and the rapid emergence of a statist option, financed by Arab oil wealth, precluded a transformative project and instead encouraged rentier politics even on the left.[32] Even Habash conceded: Socialism was not part of our agenda at the beginning, even though we knew that the masses were the basis for everything. In that sense, we were progressive. We issued a very important circular outlining in the states in which socialism had to be realized. That was the first step toward greater democracy with regard to the movements ideology. In those days were still able to evolve without creating splits within the movement. Had that state of affairs continued, the ANM would not have broken down. [33] In contrast, the PLO has received financial backing from many wealthy Arab sources, and garnered sympathy from the world community in achieving Palestine. The armed struggle has gone from the notion of a state within a state )as it was in Jordan then Lebanon in the 1970s to mid 1980s( to a viable state in exile.[34] Habash contended: The PFLP and PLO shared the notion of armed struggle, but Arafat had caved in for being too moderate. We always differed on major issues. For example, we always stressed interdependence of the Palestinian and Arab nationalist dimensions, that the liberation of Palestine cannot be achieved without this interdependence. Fatahs grave error its fatal error was to disengage the Palestinian cause from the Arab Nationalist cause.[35] Theres no chance of justice for Palestinians through a peace process, Habash said in 1998. Theres no hope for diplomacy to work with the Israelis. It was wrong to break ranks with Arab negotiating partners, forgetting that the Palestinian cause is at the core of the Arab-Israel conflict. And forgetting the true nature of Zionism. The PLO lost its Arab backing, especially from Syria and Lebanon, as well as Palestinian backing represented by Palestinian unity.[36] Arafat and Habash shared the belief that armed struggle was a necessary means to achieve Palestinian nationhood. It was Habashs contention, as leader of the PFLP, that there should be no

retreat from its basic principles. There could be no acquiescence to imposed conditions or demands from other countries in order achieve a liberated Palestine. George Habashs relevance waned as did that of the Palestinian Left. The rift that existed between Habash and Arafat epitomized the fragmentation that stalls the hopes for the Palestinians. George Habash died in Amman, Jordan in January, 2008.

Notes: [1] Yezid Sayigh. Armed Struggle and the Search for State, 3 [2] Sayigh, 2 [3] Sayigh, 37 [4] Sayigh, 74 [5] Sayigh, 74 [6] Sayigh, 86 [7] Sayigh, 86 [8] Sayigh, 88 [9] Wallid Kazziha, Revolutionary Transformation in the Arab World: Habash and His Comrades from Nationalism to Marxism. 62. [10] Sayigh [11] http://www.palestinefacts.org/pf_1991to_now_plo_fatah.php [12] Helga Baumgarten, The Three Faces/Phases of Palestinian Nationalism Journal of Palestine Studies, 44 [13] Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine Simon, Mattar, Bulliet, Encyclopedia of the Modern Middle East, 1470-1471 [14] Simon, Mattar, Bulliet, 1471 [15] AbuKhalil, 99 [16] Kazziha, 91 [17] Kazziha, 93 [18] Sayigh, 213 [19] Sayigh

[20] AbuKhalil, 99 [21] http://www.pflp.ps/english/?=founding-document-popular-front-liberation [22] Simon, Mattar, Bulliet, 1471 [23] Paul A. Jureidini Palestinian Movement in Politics 37 [24] George Habash Interview, Kazziha, 70 [25] Laqueur, Walter, Rubin, Barry. The Israel-Arab Reader [26] Owen, PLO, From Terror to Cocktails, The Times. November 7, 1981 [27] Jureidini [28] http://www.mideastweb.org/plo1974.htm [29] Sayigh, 685 [30] http://www.mideastweb.org/plo1974.htm [31] http://www.mideastweb.org/plo1974.htm [32] Sayigh, 679 [33] Taking Stock: An Interview with George Habash 91 [34] Sayigh, 677 [35] Taking Stock: An Interview with George Habash 91 [36] Halsell

Bibliography
Books AbuKhalil, Asad. George Habash and the Movement of Arab Nationalists: Neither Unity nor Liberation Journal of Palestine Studies Volume 28, No. 4 (Summer 1999), pp. 91-103 Jureidini, Paul A. Hazen, William E. Palestinian Movement in Politics. Lexington Books, 1976. Kazziha, Wallid Revolutionary Transformation in the Arab World: Habash and His Comrades from Nationalism to Marxism, Charles Knight. 1975 Laqueur, Walter, Rubin, Barry. The Israel-Arab Reader: Revised Edition Penguin USA, 2008 Miller, Aaron David. The PLO and the Politics of Survival: Praeger New York. 1983 Quandt, William B. and Fuad Jabber and Ann M. Lesch. The Politics of Palestinian NationalismBerkley; University of California Press, 1973

 Rubin, Barry. The Revolution until Victory: The Politics and History of the PLO, Harvard University Press, 1994 Sayigh, Yezid. Armed Struggle and the Search for State: The Palestinian National Movement 19491993. Oxford: Clarendon Press 1997 Simon, Reeva S. Phillip Mattar, Richard W. Bulliet. Popular Front of the Liberation of PalestineEncyclopedia of the Modern Middle East, 3 New York: Macmillan Reference 1996 Articles Fedayeen Men of Service, Intelligence Report Reference Title Esau XLVIII Directorate of Intelligence Taking Stock: An Interview with George Habash Journal of Palestine Studies. Vol. 28, No. 1 (Autumn, 1998) pp. 86-101 Baumgarten Helga. The Three Faces/Phases of Palestinian Nationalism, 1948-2005 Journal of Palestine Studies Vol. 34, No. 4 (Summer 2005) 25-48 Halsell, Grace. A Visit with George Habash: Still the Prophet of Arab Nationalism an d Armed Struggle against Israel Washington Report on Middle East Affairs, September 1998 Owen, Richard. The PLO, from Terror to Cocktails, The Times August 7, 1981. Internet http://www.mideastweb.org/plo1974.htm http://news.bbc.co.uk/onthisday/hi/dates/stories/may/29/newsid_2542000/2542263.stm http://www.jcpa.org/art/brief1-13.htm http://www.palestinefacts.org/pf_1991to_now_plo_fatah.php http://www.pflp.ps/english/?=founding-document-popular-front-liberation

Anti-British Muslim newspaper. Edited from Paris by Jamal al-Din al-Afghani and Muhammad Abduh, al-Urwa al-Wuthqa was published between March and October 1884. The title, meaning "the firmest bond," alludes to the Quran; it had been used by Afghani in 1883 to refer to the pan-Islamic caliphate of the Ottoman sultan. After eighteen issues had appeared in 1884, the paper suddenly ceased publication, probably owing to lack of funds. (The closing is usually atributed to the British banning the paper from entering India and Egypt, but since it was distributed free throughout the Muslim world, this measure should not have stopped it.) The financing of al-Urwa al-Wuthqa is unclear, although documents suggest that a Tunisian general, probably Wilfrid Blunt, and possibly the former Egyptian Khedive Ismail were involved. Subsidization afforded wide distribution, which helped to enhance the reputation of the paper and its editors. Most of the political articles in the paper championed the struggle against British imperialism in Muslim lands. The more theoretical articles were mainly devoted to an activist reinterpretation of Islamic ideas and to a call for unity among Muslims. Al-Urwa al-Wuthqa, which contributed to

the fame of its editors in the Muslim world, was the first forum in which Afghani stressed Muslim unity, or pan-Islam, the ideology with which he is most associated. NIKKI KEDDIE

Read more: http://www.answers.com/topic/al-urwa-al-wuthqa#ixzz1l4TeStZe

Muhammad Asad (1900-1992), born Leopold Weiss, was an Austrian Jewish convert to Islam. He wrote extensively about his experiences and his religious beliefs. In the 1980s he published his own English translation of the Qur'an. In an appendix to that work, he discusses the reality of the jinn...

ON THE TERM AND CONCEPT OF JINN By Muhammad Asad In order to grasp the purport of the term jinn as used in the Quran, we must dissociate our minds from the meaning given to it in Arabian folklore, where it early came to denote all manner of demons in the most popular sense of this word. This folkloristic image has somewhat obscured the original connotation of the term and its highly significant almost self-explanatory verbal derivation. The root-verb is janna, he [or it] concealed or covered with darkness: cf. 6:76, which speaks of Abraham when the night overshadowed him with its darkness (janna alayhi). Since this verb is also used in the intransitive sense (he [or it] was [or became] concealed, resp. covered with darkness), all classical philologists point out that al-jinn signifies intense [or confusing] darkness and, in a more general sense, that which is concealed from [mans] senses, i.e., things, beings, or forces which cannot normally be perceived by man but have, nevertheless, an objective reality, whether concrete or abstract, of their own. In the usage of the Quran, which is certainly different from the usage of primitive folklore, the term jinn has several distinct meanings. The most commonly encountered is that of spiritual forces or beings which, precisely because they have no corporeal existence, are beyond the perception of our corporeal senses: a connotation which includes satans and satanic forces (shayatin) as well as angels and angelic forces, since all of them are concealed from our senses (Jawhari, Raghib). In order to make it quite evident that these invisible manifestations are not of a corporeal nature, the Quran

states parabolically that the jinn were created out of the fire of scorching winds (nar as-samum, in 15:27), or out of a confusing flame of fire (marij min nar, in 55:15), or simply out of fire (7:12 and 38:76, in these last two instances referring to the Fallen Angel, Iblis). Parallel with this, we have authentic ahadith [recorded traditions] to the effect that the Prophet spoke of the angels as having been created out of light (khuliqat min nur: Muslim, on the authority of Aishah) light and fire being akin, and likely to manifest themselves within and through one another. The term jinn is also applied to a wide range of phenomena which, according to most of the classical commentators, indicate certain sentient organisms of so fine a nature and of a physiological composition so different from our own that they are not normally accessible to our sense-perception. We know, of course, very little as to what can and what cannot play the role of a living organism; moreover, our inability to discern and observe such phenomena is by no means a sufficient justification for a denial of their existence. The Quran refers often to the realm which is beyond the reach of human perception (al-ghayb), while God is frequently spoken of as the Sustainer of all the worlds (rabb al-alamin): and the use of the plural clearly indicates that side by side with the world open to our observation there are other worlds as well and, therefore, other forms of life, different from ours and presumably from one another, and yet subtly interacting and perhaps even permeating one another in a manner beyond our ken. And if we assume, as we must, that there are living organisms whose biological premises are entirely different from our own, it is only logical to assume that our physical senses can establish contact with them only under very exceptional circumstances: hence the description of them as invisible beings. Now that occasional, very rare crossing of paths between their life-mode and ours may well give rise to strange because unexplainable manifestations, which mans primitive fantasy has subsequently interpreted as ghosts, demons and other such supernatural apparitions. Occasionally, the term jinn is used in the Quran to denote those elemental forces of nature including human nature which are concealed from our senses inasmuch as they manifest themselves to us only in their effects but not in their intrinsic reality. Instances of this connotation are found, e.g., in 37:158 ff. (and possibly also in 6:100), as well as in the earliest occurrence of this concept, namely, in 114:6. Apart from this, it is quite probable that in many instances where the

Quran refers to jinn in terms usually applied to organisms endowed with reason, this expression either implies a symbolic personification of mans relationship with satanic forces (shayatin) an implication evident, e.g., in 6:112, 7:38, 11:119, 32:13 or, alternatively, is a metonym for a persons preoccupation with what is loosely described as occult powers, whether real or illusory, as well as for the resulting practices as such, like sorcery, necromancy, astrology, soothsaying, etc.: endeavours to which the Quran invariably refers in condemnatory terms (cf. 2:102; also 6:128 and 130, or 72:5-6). In a few instances (e.g., in 46:29-32 and 72:1-15) the term jinn may conceivably denote beings not invisible in and by themselves but, rather, hitherto unseen beings. Finally, references to jinn are sometimes meant to recall certain legends deeply embedded in the consciousness of the people to whom the Quran was addressed in the first instance (e.g., in 34:12-14) the purpose being, in every instance, not the legend as such but the illustration of a moral or spiritual truth. [Asad, Muhammad, trans. and ed. The Message of the Quran. Gibraltar: Dar al-Andalus, 1984.]

NOTE: A useful biography of Asad, "Berlin to Makkah: Muhammad Asad's Journey into Islam" by Ismail I. Nawwab, appeared in the January-February 2002 issue of SAUDI ARAMCO WORLD magazine. Recent issues of that publication are available in PDF format on the Saudi Aramco website, http://www.saudiaramco.com. To find the PDF file, click on Publications on the bottom of the homepage, then Magazines, then Saudi Aramco World, then Archives. Click on the January-February 2002 issue to see the table of contents... Sura Fil

(The Elephant) No. 105 (Verses 1-5) )1( )2( )3( )4( )5(

In The Name of Allah, The Beneficent, The Merciful 1. Have you not seen how your Lord dealt with the companions of the elephant? 2. Did He not make their stratagem go awey? 3. And He sent upon them birds in flocks, 4. Pelting them with stones of petrified clay, 5. Thus He made them like straw eaten up. The Occasion Of Revelation: Ali-ibn-al-Hosain (p.b.u.h.) says in a tradition: Abu-Taleb always defended, with his sword, the Messenger of Allah (p.b.u.h.), in the wars. He continued and said: (One day) Abu-Taleb said: 'O my nephew, are you appointed for all peoples, entirely, or only for your own people in particular?' The Prophet (p.b.u.h.) said that he had been appointed for all the human beings, entirely, whether they are white or black, Arab or non-Arab, and by Him in Whose hand was his soul, he was (appointed) to invite to the portent (the religion), all peoples, either white or black whether they were on the tops of the mountains or in the depths of the seas, and he was (appointed) to invite (the speakers of all) languages in Persia (Iran) and Rome. Then, the Quraish, (hearing that), became astonished and considered it great and said: 'Do you not hearken to your nephew and what he says? By Allah, if Persians and Romans hear this, they will snatch us from our land and surely they will break the Ka'ba into pieces of stone'. Hence, Allah sent down this verse: They say: 'If we were to follow the guidance with thee, we should be snatched away from our land'. Have We not established for them a secure santuary, to which are brought as tribute fruits of all kinds... (Sura Qasas, No. 28, verse 57). And for the phrase that they said: 'They break the Ka'ba into pieces of stone', He sent down Sura Fil (in order to tell them that no one could accomplish such an action). The Stoty of the Companions of the Elephants: Commentators and historians have cited this story differently and they are divided as to when it had happened. But, the story, on the whole, is so well-known that it is counted in the line of widely transmitted chains of narrations. Here is a summary of it according to what is mentioned in 'Sirah' by Ibn-i-Husham, Buluq-ul-Irab, Bihar-ul-Anwar, and Majma'-al-Bayan. Zu-Nuwas, the king of Yemen, persecuted the Christians of Najran, who lived there, in order to force them to leave their Faith. (The Qur'an has pointed out with the terms of /ashab-i-ukhdud/ 'the makers of the pit of Fire' in Sura Buruj, No. 85. The story of that persecution is mentioned in Volume 1 of this commentary. pages 295-296.)

After that terrible massacre, a man by the name of 'Dus' was able to escape and went for refuge to the Caesar of Rome, who was Christian, and described to him the event. Since there was a long distance between Rome and Yemen. Caesar wrote a letter to Najashi, the king of Yemen, advising him to take revenge on the murder and sent the letter by the man, himself. Najashi prepared an army of about seventy thousand men and sent them to Yemen under the leadership of 'Irbat'. Abrahah was also one of the commanders of that army. The army invaded Yemen and before long defeated Zu-Nuwas, and 'Irbat' became the ruler of Yemen. But, after a short time, Abrahah rose against him and killing him, substituted Irbat. The news reached Najashi who decided to punish Abrahah. Abrahah shaved the hair of his head and with some soil of Yemen sent this to Najashi as a sign of complete submission and loyalty. When Najashi understood the situation, he forgave him and retained him in his position. Then, to show his good behaviour and gratification, Abrahah had built a great, beautiful, splendid church unsurpassed in the world at that time. After that he introduced it as 'Ka'ba', to the people of Arabia, instead of the real Ka'ba and decided to make it the center for the Arab Hajj pilgrimage and to transfer the great central place of gatherings of Mecca to that place. For this purpose, he sent many preachers to different places and among the Arab tribes in Arabia. But, Arabs, who intensely loved Mecca and the Ka'ba and knew it as the greatest sign of Prophet Abraham, the Khalil (a.s.), felt danger. According to some narrations, a group of people hiddenly burnt the church. and according to some other narrations some people hiddenly desecrated it and thus they showed their intense reaction against that vast invitation and discredited Abrahah's church. Abrahah became very angry and decided to destroy the Ka'ba, totally, both in order to take revenge, and to attract Arabs to the new temple. He set out to invade Mecca with an army which consisted of soldiers and elephants. Approaching the outskirts of Mecca, Abrahah's men captured 200 camels belonging to AbdulMuttalib, the grandfather of the holy Prophet (p.b.u.h.). Abrahah sent a man to Mecca to find the supreme chief of Mecca and tell him of his intentions of destroying the Holy Ka'ba and to inform the authorities that if they did not stand against him he would not kill anyone. The man arrived in Mecca and looked for the chief of the city. Everyone showed Abdul-Muttalib to him and he gave him the message. Abdul-Muttalib said that they were not in a position to fight with them and the Ka'ba would be protected by Allah ,Himself.

The man told Abdul-Muttalib that he should accompany him to see Abrahah. when AbdulMuttalib approached the military camp he was received, respectfully, and Abrahah gave him an honourable seat near him and then he asked him about the purpose of his visit. Abdul-Muttalib said that he had come to complain to Abrahah about the two hundred camels that Abrahah's men had taken away and to request him to return his animals to him. Abrahah was taken aback when Abdul-Muttalib spoke like this. The conversation between the two is reported thus:what? I have come to destroy your place of worship, the Ka'ba, and you, instead of pleading to save the Holy House, speak of your camels! Abdul-Muttalib replied: The camels belong to me and I, as the owner of the camels, have come for them. The Ka'ba belongs to Allah and it is the concern of the Owner of the Ka'ba to save it or to leave it to its fate in your hands. (This statement shook Abrahah and he ordered that the camels be returned to AbdulMuttalib). Abdul-Muttalib returned to Mecca and advised the citizens to take refuge in the mountains around the city so as to be safe from being hurt by the invaders and he, himself, with a group of men went beside the Ka'ba to pray to Allah and ask for help. O Lord! I hope not against them save Thee. O Lord! Withdraw Thou therefore Thy protection from them. O Lord! Verily he who is the enemy of this House is Thine enemy. Verily, they have not defeated Thy forces. Then, Abdul-Muttalib went to the valleys around Mecca with a group of the Quraish and sent one of his sons over Abu-Qubays mountain to see what was happening. He returned and said that he had seen a black cloud coming from the Red Sea. Abdul-Muttalib became happy with that news and said: O citizens of Quraish! Return to your houses because Allah has sent you His help. This was the scene on one side. On the other side, when Abrahah, riding on his elephant by the name of 'Mahmood' and intending to destroy the Ka'ba, entered the city, a huge flock of tiny birds, like a cloud, appeared in the sky; each bird with three small stones, as small as a pea, carrying one in its tiny beak and two in its claws. They dropped them on the invading soldiers and they were killed at once. Abrahah tried to go forth on elephant-back, but the animal did not move until it turned its head and moved swiftly toward Yemen, and there Abrahah, too, died in San'a, the capital of Yemen. Ideas are divided as to the number of elephants that Abrahah had brought with himself in that invasion. Some have mentioned only one, Mahmood; some others have cited eight elephants; some ten; and some have considered them twelve elephants.

In the same year, the holy Prophet was born and brightened the world with the light of his being. Some believe that there is a relation between these two happenings. At any rate, this miraculous event was so important that that year was called /amulfil/ 'the year of the elephant' and was known as a beginning date in the history of Arabs. **** Commentary: In the first verse, of this Sura, the holy Prophet (p.b.u.h.) is addressed and questioned: Have you not seen how your Lord dealt with the companions of the elephant? They had come, with that massive army and power, to destroy the Ka'ba when Allah with an apparently very small army; tiny birds and small stones, destroyed it to show them that no power, even with those strong elephants, can prevail over the plan of Allah and made Man's weakness, in that case, manifest. The pharse 'Have you not seen' refers to the occurence of the event which was very close to the time of the birth of the Prophet (p.b.u.h.) though he was not born yet, or at his birth time. Besides, the happening was so well-known and famous as if the Prophet had seen it with his own eyes, and, of course, some people of his time like Abdul-Muttalib had witnessed it. The term 'the companions of the elephant' (1), used in the verse, refers to the few elephants that were brought from Yemen both to scare the Arab defenders and their horses and camels, on the battlefield. **** Did He not make their stratagem go awry? They intended to destroy the Ka'ba hoping that they would make the new established church, in Yemen, the Center for all Arabs of Arabia. But, they not only did not succeed in discrediting and destroying the Ka'ba, but it increased the fame and importance of the Holy Ka'ba and Mecca throughout Arabia, and attracted more loving thoughts and eager hearts to Mecca than ever before; it proved to be a location of security and of sanctuary; better and more wide spread. The purpose of using the term /tadlil/ which means 'to lead astray' is that 'they never succeeded'. **** Then, describing the details of the happening, it says: And He sent upon them birds in flocks. The term /ababil/, inspite of what is known among people, is not the name of that kind of bird, but, it has an adjectival sense. Some have considered it with the meaning of 'separate groups', i.e.

the mentioned birds came from all sides in 'separate groups' towards 'the army which had elephants'. However, the term /tayr/, here, has the plural meaning and these two terms, /tayr/ and /ababil/, both mean 'birds in a flock'. What kind of birds were those birds? As it was mentioned in the description of the story, it is commonly known that some birds, like swallows, appeared from the side of the Red Sea as hosts above the head of that army of Abrahah. **** Pelting them with stones of petrified clay. Further, in the description of the event which has been compiled from history, commentaries, and Islamic narrations, it was said that each of these small birds had three tiny stones with them as small as a pea, or smaller than that of which one was carried in its tiny beak and two in its claws. Any one of these small stones would immediately kill anyone on whom it was dropped. Thus He made them like straw eaten up The term /'asf/ means 'leaves and stalks of corn or plants of which the grain has been eaten by cattle'; in other words, it means 'straw'. The phrase /ma'kul/ 'eaten up' indicates that this straw has been ground and smashed, completely, by the teeth of the animal, then, in the stomach of the animal, it has been ground for the third time. This meaning shows that the small stones would smash the one upon whom it would fall. This idea, besides being an evidence for the intense action of crushing, points to the weakness and unworthiness of that tyrant, arrogant group who were apparently forceful. **** Explanation: This House Has An Owner. It is interesting that as a means of waking Man up, the Holy Qur'an tells this long story in a few short sentences which are extremely eloquent and expressive, and illustrates the weakness of arrogant Man compared to the great Power of Allah. This happening shows that it does not necessarily need, as some people think, miracles to occur by the intercession of the Prophet or sinless Imams (p.b.u.th.) but in any condition that Allah wishes or necessitates, He does it. The purpose is that people may become acquainted with the greatness of Allah and the legitimacy of His religion.

This miraculous punishment has a clear difference with the miracles that happened for the punishment of other disobedient nations such as in Noah's Flood, a shower of stones for Lot's people, the storm for 'Ad's people, and lightning for Thamood's people. They were a series of natural happenings which were miracles only in those special circumstances, but the story of Abrahah and the birds pelting his army with little stones from their beaks and claws is not something like a natural event. The raising up of these little birds, coming towards that army, carrying the little stones, their accurately pelting exactly upon the soldiers of Abrahah, and destroying a very large army simply with some little stones is something extraordinary, but we know that they are naught compared with the Power of Allah. Allah, who has put the power of the atom inside the very little stones which produces a great explosion when it is released, can easily charge them with a property that makes the bodies of Abrahah's army like 'straw eaten up'; and there is no need of saying, as some Egytian commentators did to justify the event as a natural occurence, that the stones were poisoned with some microbes of plague, typhoid fever, small pox, or some other justifications. The thing that we can say is that the stones contained such a surprising effect which destroyed the bodies, and we know no more, but, in any event, there is nothing difficult for the Power of Allah to perform. **** The Gravest Punishment by the Least Means! It is noteworthy that Allah has shown the oppressors His Power in the most suprizing ways. There may be no divine punishment, in the world, more grievous than the punishment of Abrahah's army where a great many forces were so destroyed that they changed into a state of 'straw eaten up' and that they were destroyed by the means of tiny clay-stones carried by some little birds which is, itself, astonishing to all the arrogant, tyrant, oppressors of the world, and is a sign for them to know how weak they are when the Power of Allah works. Still, sometimes Allah gives these grand missions to some smaller agents to perform. For example, He commissions a microbe, which is never visible to the naked eye, to increase into a very large, massive number through reproduction, in a very short time. Then, they infect the strong members of a society or societies with a dangerous, contagious disease, like a plague, during a short length of time which destroys them all, rapidly. This is the Power of Allah when He wills. **** The Purposes of the Story of the 'Elephant'.

The Sura after this one, Sura Quraish, illustrates, well, that one of the purposes of Sura Fil is the remembrance of the splendid blessings of Allah for the Quraish tribe to show them that had it not been for the Grace of Allah neither any trace of this sacred center, i.e. Mecca and Ka'ba, would remain nor of the Quraish tribe, themselves, in order that they might reduce their pride and arrogance and accept the invitation of the holy Prophet (p.b.u.h.). On the other hand, this event, which was nearly close to the time of the birth of the holy Prophet (p.b.u.h.), in fact, paved the way for that great advent, and was the messenger of the importance of that rising. This is the same thing that is called /irhas/ 'indication' by commentators. And, again, on the other hand, it is a warning to all arrogant ones in the world, whether they are from the Quraish or not, to know that they can never stand against the Power of Allah; they should submit to His Command and accept the right and justice. And, further, it refers to the importance of the Holy House, the Ka'ba, that when the enemies plotted to destroy it and decided to transport its center of importance, which had a background from Abraham's (a.s.) time, to another land, Allah taught them such a lesson which serves as an example for all others and increased the importance and honour of that sacred center. Moreover, Providence, Who accepted the supplication of Abraham, the Khalil (a.s.), about the security of that sacred land and guaranteed it, proved in that event that the Will of Allah has designed this center of monotheism and worship to remain secure forever. **** A Certain Historial Event. It is interesting to note that the story of 'Ashab-i-Fil', 'the companion of the Elephant', was so well-known and certain, among Arabs, that it became the beginning point of the date in history for Arabs. And, as it was said before, the Holy Qur'an mentions it with the phrase /a lam tara/ 'Have you not seen?' and, also, addressing the Prophet (p.b.u.h.) who was not present at the event and did not see it, which is another sign of the certainty of that happening being sure. Besides, when the holy Prophet (p.b.u.h.) recited these verses for the pagans of Mecca no one denied it. If it were a doubtful matter, at least a group of people would reject it and that rejection, like their other rejections, would be recorded in history, especially since the Qur'an has stated the matter with the phrase /a lam tara/, 'Have you not seen?'. By the way, the splendor of this Sacred House is evidently proven with this certain historical miracle. **** Supplication:

O Lord! Grant us the success to protect this great Center of Monotheism. O Lord! Cut off the hands of those who intend to keep only outward aspects of this Sacred Center and not to hearken to its real message from it. O Lord! Sustain us, its Pilgrims, to visit it with complete acknowledgement.

(1) The word 'elephant' is used, here, in the singular, but, it has the meaning of the plural form.

Aql
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Part of a series on Shah Islam

Ismlism

Concepts

The Qur'n The Ginans Reincarnation Panentheism Imm Pir D l-Mulaq Aql Numerology Taqiyya hir Bin

Seven Pillars

Guardianship Prayer Charity Fasting Pilgrimage Struggle Purity Profession of Faith

History

Shoaib Nabi Shu'ayb Seveners Qarmatians Fatimids Baghdad Manifesto Hafizi Taiyabi Hassan-i Sabbah Alamut Sinan Assassins Pir Sadardin Satpanth Aga Khan Jama'at Khana Huraat-ul-Malika Bszrmny

Early Imams

Ali assan usain as-Sajjad al-Baqir a-diq Isml Muammad Abdullah /Wafi Ahmed / at-Taq Husain/ az-Zak/Rabi al-Mahd al-Q'im al-Manr al-Muizz al-Azz al-kim az-Zhir al-Mustansir Nizr al-Mustal al-Amr al-Qim

Groups and Present leaders

Nizr Aga Khan IV Dawd Dr. Burhanuddin Sulaiman Al-Fakhri Abdullah Alav ayyib Ziy'u d-Dn

Aql (Arabic: , meaning "intellect"), is an Arabic language term used in Islamic theology or philosophy to the intellect the rational faculty of the soulor mind. It is the normal translation of the Greek term nous. In jurisprudence, it is associated with using reason as a source for sharia "religious law" and has been translated as "dialectical reasoning".[1][2][3][4]

While predominantly expounded by Sh thinkers, Sunni Muslims such as Barelvis and Sufis share similar beliefs.
Contents
[hide]

1 Shah Legal Implementation 2 History 3 Notes 4 References 5 External references

[edit]Shah

Legal Implementation

In Shah jurisprudence, aql is the process of using intellect or logic to deduce law. Legal scholars in both Sunni and Shah Islamic traditions share Quranic interpretation, the Sunnah, and Ijma "consensus" as sources of Islamic law and judicial decisions (ukm). However, Twelvers of the Jafarschool of law utilize aql whereas Sunnis use qiyas "analogical reasoning" as the fourth source of law. Among Twelvers, Akhbrs (associated with exotericism and traditionalism and theological schools in Qom) and Usulis (associated with esotericism and rationalism and theological schools in Baghdad) were contending subschools: the former reject ijtihd outright; the latter advocate ijtihad and have been predominant for the last 300 years.[2][5] In Sh Islam, "the gates of ijtihd" were never closed and with the use of aql, Sh mujtahids "practitioner of ijtihd" and faqhs "legal specialists" are able to respond as issues arise that were not explicitly dealt with in the Qur'an or Sunnah.

[edit]History
In Islam, the term aql was heavily elucidated by early Shah thinkers; it came to replace and expand the pre Islamic concept of ilm (Arabic: " )serene justice and self-control, dignity" in opposition to the negative notions of ignorance (jahl) and stupidity (safah).[2] The "possessor of aql", or al-ql (plural al-uqql) realises a deep connection with God. Jafar a-diq (d. 765, notably an Imm) described this

History
In Islam, the term aql was heavily elucidated by early Shah thinkers; it came to replace and expand the pre-Islamic concept of ilm (Arabic: " )serene justice and self-control, dignity" in opposition to the [2] negative notions of ignorance (jahl) and stupidity (safah).

The "possessor of aql", or al-ql (plural al-uqql) realises a deep connection with God. Jafar adiq (d. 765, notably an Imm) described this connection as a realisation that God loves some, that God is Truth and that only ilm "sacred knowledge" and its development can help humanity fulfil its potential. His son, Imm Ms al-Kim (d. 799), expanded this exegesis by defining aql as the "faculty for apprehending the Divine, a faculty of metaphysical perception, a light in the heart, through which one can [2] discern and recognize signs from God." He further noted that where the A'immah )Imms( are [2] the ujjatu -hirah "External proof [of God]", aql is the ujjatu l-Binah "Secret proof". While in early Islam, aql was opposed to jahl "ignorance", the expansion of the concept meant it was now opposed to safah "[deliberate] stupidity" and junn "lack of sense, indulgence". Under the influence [2] of Mutazil thought, aql came to mean "dialectical reasoning". [edit]Notes

1.

^ Esposito, John (2004), The Oxford Dictionary of Islam, Oxford paperback reference, Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, p. 22, ISBN 0-19-512559-2

2.

a b c d e f

Moezzi, Mohammad Ali Amir (1994), The Divine Guide in Early Shiism: The Sources of

Esotericism in Islam, Albany: State University of New York Press, p. 6, ISBN 0-7914-2121-X 3. 4. 5. ^ Kitab al-Kafi ^ Campbell, Anthony (2004), The Assassins of Alamut, pp. 84 ^ Masud, Muhammad Khalid; Messick, Binkley Morris; David Stephan, Powers (1996), Islamic Legal Interpretation: Muftis and Their Fatwas, Harvard studies in Islamic law, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, p. 14, ISBN 0-674-46870-8

[edit]References

Wehr, Hans; Cowan, J. Milton (1994), A Dictionary of Modern Written Arabic: (Arabic-English) (4th ed.), Ithaca, NY: Spoken Language Services, ISBN 0-87950-003-4

ibn Ab lib, Al, Nahj al-balghah

[edit]External

references

A Philosophical Discourse by Dr Syedna Yusuf Najmuddin (Translation of Falsafato Faydhil Aql by Syedna Taher Saifuddin)

Contemporary Islamic philosophy

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
(Redirected from Modern Islamic philosophy)

This article has multiple issues. Please help improve it or discuss these issues on the talk page. It needs additional citations for verification. Tagged since September 2009. It may contain original research. Tagged since April 2007.

Main article: Islamic philosophy Aziz Abbassis English translation found in the following pages was made from the French Introduction la critique de la raison Arabe, translated from Arabic to French by Ahmed Mahfoud and Marc Geoffroy, published by La Dcouverte in 1994.The occasion of this French publication was an effort to provide an introduction to alJabris thought prior to publication of a translation of his three-volume Naqdd al-aql al-Arabi referred to earlier. The essays contained were selected from al-Jabris earlier work, especially his collection Nahnu wa-al-Tuath. The author helped and advised in the selection of the texts and revised the French edition, thus making it authoritative. And, although the present text was translated from the French, it was compared with the Arabic original. During the past few years, al-Jabri has published essays and shorter monographs on issues ranging from democracy and human rights in the Arab World to further elaboration and discussions of his main theses in his previously published work. Because al-Jabris work is a direct and critical intervention in problems and issues that are central to modern and contemporary Arab thought, and because his interpretations and readings of modern and classical Arab thought in more than one instance challenge that thought, I will not only summarize some of his ideas but also discuss briefly the main trends that have dominated intellectual discussions in the Arab world during the past few decades Also contemporary Islamic philosophy revives some of the trends of medieval Islamic philosophy, notably the tension between Mutazilite andAsharite views of ethics in science and law, and the duty of Muslims and role of Islam in the sociology of knowledge and in forming ethical codes and legal codes, especially the fiqh (or "jurisprudence") and rules of jihad (or "just war"). See list of Islamic terms in Arabic for a glossary of key terms used in Islam.[citation needed]

Contents
[hide]

1 Key figures of modern Islamic philosophy 2 References

o o

2.1 See also 2.2 External links

[edit]Key

figures of modern Islamic philosophy

Key figures representing important trends include:

Fazlur Rahman was professor of Islamic thought at the University of Chicago and McGill University, and an expert in Islamic philosophy. Not as widely known as his scholar-activist contemporary Ismail Raji alFaruqi, he is nonetheless considered an important figure for Islam in the 20th century. He argued that the basis of Islamic revival was the return to the intellectual dynamism that was the hallmark of the Islamic scholarly tradition (these ideas are outlined in Revival and Reform in Islam: A Study of Islamic Fundamentalism and his magnum opus,Islam). He sought to give philosophy free rein, and was keen on Muslims appreciating how the modern nation-state understood law, as opposed to ethics; his view being that the shari'ah was a mixture of both ethics and law. He was critical of historical Muslim theologies and philosophies for failing to create a moral and ethical worldview based on the values derived from the Qur'an: 'moral values', unlikesocioeconomic values, 'are not exhausted at any point in history' but require constant interpretation. Rahman was driven to exile from his homeland, Pakistan, where he was part of a committee which sought to interpret Islam for the fledging modern state. Some of his ideas from English (which he claimed were from the Islamic tradition) were reprinted in Urdu and caused outrage among conservative Muslimscholars in Pakistan. These were quickly exploited by opponents of his political paymaster, General Ayyub Khan, and led to his eventual exile in the United States.[citation needed]

Muhammad Iqbal sought an Islamic revival based on social justice ideals and emphasized traditional rules, e.g. against usury. He argued strongly that dogma, territorial nationalism and outright racism, all of which were profoundly rejected in early Islam and especially byMuhammad himself, were splitting Muslims into warring factions, encouraging materialism and nihilism. His thought was influential in the emergence of a movement for independence of Pakistan, where he was revered as the national poet. Indirectly this strain of Islam also influenced Malcolm X and other figures who sought a global ethic through the Five Pillars of Islam. Iqbal can be credited with at least trying to reconstruct Islamic thought from the base, though some of his philosophical and scientific ideas would appear dated to us now. His basic ideas concentrated on free-will, which would allow Muslims to become active agents in their own history. His interest in Nietzsche (who he called 'the Wise Man of Europe') has led later Muslim scholars to criticise him

for advocating dangerous ideals that, according to them, have eventually formed in certain strains of panIslamism. Some claim that the Four Pillars of the Green Party honor Iqbal and Islamic traditions.[citation needed]

Muhammad Hamidullah (9 February 1908 - 17 December 2002) belonged to a family of scholars, jurists, writers and sufis. He was a world-renowned scholar of Islam and International Law from India, who was known for contributions to the research of the history of Hadith, translations of the Qur'an, the advancement of Islamic learning, and to the dissemination of Islamic teachings in the Western world.[citation needed]

Muhammad Baqir al-Sadr (March 1, 1935 April 9, 1980) was an Iraqi Shi'a cleric, a philosopher, and ideological founder of Islamic Dawa Party born in al-Kazimiya, Iraq. Mohammad Baqir Al-Sadr's political philosophy, known as Wilayat Al-Umma (Governance of the people), set out his view of a modern day Islamic state. His most famous philosophical works include: Falsafatuna (Our Philosophy), in which he refutes modern Western philosophical schools and asserts an Islamic view, Iqtisaduna (Our Economy), consisting of an exegesis of Islamic economics coupled with a critique of Western political economy as manifested in the Soviet Union on one hand and the United States on the other, and Al-Usus alMantiqiyyah lil-Istiqra' (The Logical Basis of Induction) in which he develops a theory which allows one to reach certainty through inductive methods.

Morteza Motahhari was a lecturer at Tehran University. Motahhari is considered important for developing the ideologies of the Islamic Republic. He wrote on exegesis of the Qur'an, philosophy, ethics, sociology, history and many other subjects. In all his writings the real object he had in view was to give replies to the objections raised by others against Islam, to prove the shortcomings of other schools of thought and to manifest the greatness of Islam. He believed that in order to prove the falsity of Marxism and other ideologies like it, it was necessary not only to comment on them in a scholarly manner but also to present the real image of Islam.[citation needed]

Ali Shariati was a sociologist and a professor of Mashhad University. He was one of the most influential figures in the Islamic world in the 20th century. He attempted to explain and provide solutions for the problems faced by Muslim societies through traditional Islamic principles interwoven with and understood from the point of view of modern sociology and philosophy. Shariati was also deeply influenced byMowlana and Muhammad Iqbal.

Musa al-Sadr was a prominent Muslim intellectual and one of the most influential Muslim philosophers of 20th century. He is most famous for his political role, but he was also a philosopher who had been trained by Allameh Tabatabaei. As Professor Seyyed Hossein Nasr said: "his great political influence and fame was enough for people to not consider his philosophical attitude, although he was a well-trained follower of long living intellectual tradition of Islamic Philosophy". One of his famous writings is a long introduction for the Arabic translation of Henry Corbin's History of Islamic Philosophy.[citation needed]

Syed Zafarul Hasan was a prominent twentieth-century Muslim philosopher. From 1924 to 1945 he was professor of philosophy at the Muslim University, Aligarh - where he also served as Chairman of the Department of Philosophy and Dean of the Faculty of Arts. There, in 1939, he put forward the 'Aligarh Scheme'. From 1945 until the partition of the sub-continent, Dr Hasan was Emeritus Professor at Aligarh. Dr. Zafarul Hasan was born on February 14, 1885. He died on June 19, 1949.[citation needed]

Ismail al-Faruqi looked more closely at the ethics and sociology of knowledge, concluding that no scientific method or philosophy could exist that was wholly ignorant of a theory of conduct or the consequences a given path of inquiry and technology. His "Islamization of knowledge" program sought to converge early Muslim philosophy with modern sciences, resulting in, for example, Islamic economics andIslamic sociology.

Hossein Nasr, a political ecologist, argues that khalifa in Islam is fundamentally compatible with ideals of the ecology movement and peace movement, more so than conventional interpretations of Islam. He argues for an ecology-based ecumenism that would seek unity among the faiths by concentrating on their common respect for life as a Creation, i.e. the Earth's biosphere, Gaia, or whatever name. Pope John Paul II has made similar suggestions that "mankind must be reconciled to the Creation", and there is a Parliament of World Religionsseeking a "global ethic" on similar grounds.[citation needed]

M. A. Muqtedar Khan (1966 - present) is a Professor of Islam and International Relations at the University of Delaware. He is a prominent Muslim intellectual and philosopher and commentator on Islamic Thought and Global Politics. He organized the first contemporary Islamic Philosophers conference at Georgetown University in 1998. His work is on the subject of the philosophy of identity and rationality, Ijtihad, Islam and democracy and Islamic reform.

Akbar S. Ahmed is an anthropologist, filmmaker and an outstanding scholar on Islam, International Relations/Politics and Contemporary Islamic philosophy from Pakistan. He is Ibn Khaldun Chair of Islamic Studies at the American University in Washington DC and was theHigh Commissioner of Pakistan to UK. He has advised Prince Charles and met with President George W. Bush on Islam. His numerousbooks, films and documentaries have won awards. His books have been translated into many languages including Chinese and Indonesian. Ahmed is the worlds leading authority on contemporary Islam according to the BBC.[citation needed]

Javed Ahmad Ghamidi is a well-known Pakistani Islamic scholar, exegete, and educator. A former member of the Jamaat-e-Islami, who extended the work of his tutor, Amin Ahsan Islahi. He is frequently labeled a modernist for his insistence on the historical contextualization of Muhammad's revelation in order to grasp its true moral import.[citation needed]

Feisal Abdul Rauf is a well-known proponent of cultural reconciliation between the Muslim World and the West, basing his views on Classical Islamic governance's similarity to Western governance models in terms of religious freedoms and democratic inclination. Abdul Rauf is a highly-visible American-Egyptian

Imam at New York's Masjid al-Farah in addition to being Founder and Chairman of Cordoba Initiative, a non-profit organization seeking to bridge the divide between the Muslim world and the West. [citation needed]

Nader El-Bizri a British-Lebanese philosopher, historian of science, and architectural theorist. He taught at the University of Cambridge, the University of Nottingham, and the University of Lincoln. He is also affiliated with the French CNRS in Paris, and the Institute of Ismaili Studies in London. He published and lectured widely on Ibn al-Haytham, Ibn Sina, Ikhwan al-Safa', and also on Heidegger and onphenomenology. He served on various editorial boards with academic publishers like Oxford University Press, Cambridge University Press, Springer, Brill, I. B. Tauris. He acted as consultant to the Aga Khan Trust for Culture in Geneva, the Science Museum in London, and the Guggenheim Museum in New York. He contributed also to various BBC radio and TV programs on Islamic philosophy and the history of the exact sciences in Islam. His approach to Islamic philosophy is historical and at the same time informed at the interpretive levels by readings from contemporary Continental Thought and Anglo-American Analytic Philosophy.

Mohammad Azadpur is an associate professor of philosophy at San Francisco State University. He teaches courses on Islamic philosophy, mysticism, and political philosophy. His research focuses on Alfarabi and Avicenna, and he does comparative work between Islamic and Heideggerian thought as well.

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References
also

[edit]See

List of Muslim reformers

[edit]External

links

Leaman, Oliver; Islamic Philosophy Leaman, Oliver; Modern Islamic Philosophy Marranci, Gabriele (ed); Contemporary Islam Dynamics of Muslim Life, (an academic journal). Mohammad Azadpur; Department of Philosophy - Mohammad Azadpur

A solution to the problem of why Muhammad Abduh prayed with his shoes on
In Muhamamd Abduh I noted that Muhammad Abduh was reported to have issued a fatwa allowing prayer with shoes on, and himself to have prayed with his shoes on, and said that the explanation of this was unknown (pp. 101, 114). An explanation is now indicated, thanks to Thomas Eich, who drew my attention to M.J. Kister's article, "'Do not Assimilate Yourselves...' L tashabbah...," Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 12 (1989), pp. 321-353.

According to Kister, the general practice of removing shoes before prayer is a development that may be dated to as late as the seventh/thirteenth century (p. 346). There are numerous hadithon the issue of whether or not shoes should be removed for prayer, pointing both ways. In Kister's view, the original logic was the since the Jews of Arabia removed their shoes to pray, Muslims should not; this was part of a general trend towards encouraging differences in behavior between Muslims on the one hand and Jews and Christians, whose religions were understood to have been abrogated, on the other hand (pp. 336-40). The practice of wearing shoes for prayer later changed, however, as "a result of the significant changes in the social and material conditions of life," notably the building of elaborate mosques with floors covered with carpets (pp. 346-47), which had not existed in Arabia at the time of the Prophet. Shoes are not good for carpets. Kister's analysis is convincing.

Evidently, Muhammad Abduh was aware of the discussion that Kister has analyzed. There would then be two possible reasons for him to revert to the earlier practice of prayer wearing shoes. He might simply have decided that prayer wearing shoes was the practice of the Prophet and his immediate followers, but this is unlikely, since there are no other known examples of such a decision based purely on such grounds. Alternatively--and this is more in character--he might have decided that a practice of the Muslims that was at variance with the practices of Europe did not, in fact, have any real justification, and so could be abandoned.

Afghn on Empire, Islam, and CivilizationPolitical Theory June 2009 37: 398-422,

AFN, JAML-AL-DN
Outstanding ideologist and political activist of the late 19th century Muslim world, whose influence has continued strong in many Muslim countries (1254-1314/1838 or 39-97).
AFN, JAML-AL-DN (1254-1314/1838 or 39-97), an outstanding ideologist and political activist of the late 19th century Muslim world, whose influence has continued strong in many Muslim countries. Although for much of his life he claimed to be of Afghan origin, probably in order to present himself as a Sunni Muslim and to escape oppression by the Iranian government, overwhelming documentation now proves that he was born and spent his childhood in Iran. (One of the chief documentary sources that demonstrates this, as well as many other points about his life, is Afns collection of papers left in Iran upon his expulsion in 1891, catalogued in . Afr and A. Mahdav, eds., Mama-ye asnd va madrek-e p naoda dar bra-ye Sayyed Jaml-al-dn

mahr be Afn, Tehran, 1963. Other primary documentation is found in N. R. Keddie, Sayyid Jamal ad-Din al-Afghani: A Political Biography, Berkeley, 1972.) Life. Jaml-al-dn was born in the village of Asadbd, near Hamadn, into a family of local sayyeds. According to the best evidence, he was educated first at home, then taken by his father for further education to Qazvn, to Tehran, and finally, while he was still a youth, to the atabt, the Shiite shrine cities in Iraq. Judging from his early copying and lifelong retention of treatises by leaders of Shaikhism, he was influenced by this Shiite school, which was noted for its Fourth Pillar, the need for the world always to have a perfect man. This idea was echoed in Afns famous speech that caused his expulsion from Istanbul in 1870 (see below). Afn was also influenced by the ideas of certain Muslim philosophers, especially Iranian ones; works of such figures as Avicenna, Nar-al-dn s, and Moll adr are found among his books. In addition, Afns approach to modern problems was influenced by the still living school of traditional Islamic philosophy with its strong emphasis upon the use of the rational faculty. In Iraq Jaml-al-dn apparently quarreled with some of the olam, possibly over heterodox religious ideas, and in 1856-57 he left the atabt to go to India, where he remained over a year. His stay coincided with the Indian Mutiny, and it seems likely that the strong anti-British sentiments voiced by Afn throughout his career have their origin in his Indian experience. After India he may have gone to Mecca, Baghdad, the shrine cities, and perhaps Istanbul. The first irrefutably dated documentation of his movements (in Mama) comes from the mid 1860s. In 1865-66 he traveled through Iran, stopping briefly with his family in Asadbd ; then he went to Tehran and on to Afghanistan via Khorasan. Government of India and Mama sources show that in Afghanistan he called himself the Sayyed Rm (Anatolian) or Estanbol and claimed to be from Istanbul. The government of India reporter noted that he was a stranger to Afghanistan and spoke Persian like an Iranian. He was adopted as adviser by the temporarily successful claimant to be amir of Afghanistan, Aam Khan, who showed him great respect, possibly due in part to secret papers he had brought with him, which the British representative thought were from the Russians. Jaml-al-dn advised the amir to ally Afghanistan with the Russians and to oppose the British, but he did not voice any of the reformist ideas later attributed to him. When, late in 1868, Aam Khan was beaten in battle by the new amir, r Al, Jaml-al-dn did not, as later claimed, wish to accompany Aam to Iran; he stayed in Kabul and tried unsuccessfully to influence the pro-British r Al, who before long expelled him from Afghanistan. There he was soon forgotten until a 1916 newspaper article drew attention to him as a native son. After a brief trip to India and a short stay in Cairo, Afn went to Istanbul, then the center of Muslim power. In 1869-70 the secularist reform movement known as the Tanmt was in its last years, and Jaml-al-dn moved in Tanmt circles. He became a member of the reformist Council of Education, and a friend of the director of the new university, the Darlfnun. The university

announced a series of public lectures on modern subjects in 1870, and Afn either volunteered or was persuaded to give a scientific talk on industries and the crafts. Instead of speaking on the intended subject, he trod on dangerous ground, comparing philosophy to prophecy not wholly to the advantage of the latter and implicitly calling prophecy a craft (see Keddie, op. cit., ch. IV). Leading Ottoman olam, already hostile to the new secular university and led by the eyhlislam, influenced the Ottoman government to dismiss the university head and to expel Afn late in 1870. From Istanbul Jaml-al-dn returned to Cairo, where he stayed from 1871 to 1879 and did some of his most fruitful work. Probably because of the good impression he made on the Egyptian statesman R Pasha he was given a monthly stipend by the Egyptian government. Contemporary sources disagree over whether he ever taught at al-Azhar, but he clearly taught young men at home and in cafes. He was one of the first to reintroduce the teaching of Muslim philosophy in Egypt, and texts he owned on the subject often carry his annotations dating from his period of teaching them in Cairo. In Cairo and elsewhere Afn made use of a number of ideas and practices more prevalent in the Iranian Shiite world than in the Sunni world. As an originally persecuted group, the Shiites developed early the use of taqa or ketmn(precautionary dissimulation), which legitimized the hiding or distortion of ones true beliefs when revealing them might put one in danger. Related ideas were held by Sufis and by philosophers, who also influenced Afn. The philosophers (as seen in the writings of Avicenna, Averroes, and others on the double truth) believed that the ultimate truth could be understood only by an intellectual elite, while the vast majority of the population could only comprehend literalist religion. Afn adapted such ideas, which were more widespread in Iran than farther west, when teaching his disciples; he would speak to them at the level of their understanding and gradually lead them to the level of rationalism he found possible and appropriate. This use of different levels of teaching helps account for the different primary accounts regarding Afn that come from different followers; e.g., some of them said that he was very religious, while others held that he was anti-religious. But from his first appearance in Afghanistan until his death, Afns interests were much more political than religious. In Afghanistan he did not appear at all as a religious figure, but as one giving purely political, anti-British, advice. In Istanbul he attached himself to reformist politics, and his only known talks concern either political and educational reformism or matters that many considered more anti-religious than religious. In Egypt when the political scene was relatively quiet in the early 1870s Afn devoted himself to teaching, but this teaching opened young minds to the modern political possibilities that came to the fore in the turbulent latter part of the decade. Afns chief disciple in Egypt was the young Moammad Abdoh, whom he helped lead from Sufism to both philosophical and political concerns. A series of other young disciples were among the

founders of the first political newspapers in Egypt and active in the early Egyptian nationalist movement that eventually allied itself with the revolt and government of Col. Orb (1880-82). From 1875 on Afn entered directly into Egyptian nationalist and anti-British politics in several ways: 1. He helped found the Eastern Star as an Arab Masonic lodge, and became its elected head. Then he tried to use it for political purposes, i.e., to promote the abdication of the Khedive Esml, whom he saw as a tool of foreigners, and the accession of his son Tawfq, whom for a time he considered an ally. 2. Afn promoted the formation of politically oriented newspapers by his disciples and allowed them to write down his words as articles. 3. He gained a mass following through public speeches directed against the growing financial and political power of the British and French in Egypt. When Esml was in fact replaced by Tawfq in 1879, it was due to British-French pressure (Esml having taken on a nationalist tinge), and Tawfq acted in accordance with European wishes rather than those of Afn. When Afn continued his public attacks on France and especially England, implicitly calling on Tawfq to change his policies, he was expelled from Egypt to India in August, 1879. Although later accounts attribute this expulsion, and also the earlier Afghan one, to the British, British documents of the time provide no evidence for this claim; the British were far less concerned about Afn than he thought, though they did consider him a nuisance. In Egypt Afn left a permanent legacy of disciples, several of whom, especially Moammad Abdoh and the later leader of the Wafd Party, Sad Zall, played important roles in Egyptian politics from the time of Orb until after World War I. Afns stay in Egypt was longer and his direct politicaleducational role greater than anywhere else. In India Afn went to the Muslim principality of Hyderabad, where he spent most of his stay. He came to know the great prime minister, Sir Salar Jang, and engaged in teaching and disputation. His chief work was literary; he wrote a series of Persian articles, originally published in a newspaper, and also his longest work, known after its Arabic title as The Refutation of the Materialists, which was directed rather against the pro-British Sir Sayyed Amad Khan than against materialism, as will be indicated in the survey of Afns writings, below. After being held under surveillance by the British in Calcutta until they defeated Orb, Afn left for Paris, stopping briefly in England where he met the anti-imperialist Arabophile Wilfrid Blunt. In London and Paris he wrote newspaper articles, mainly against the British occupation of Egypt, and also his famous and irreligious Answer to Renan, published in French. He encouraged Moammad Abdoh to join him in Paris, and together they published the modernist and anti-British newspaper, al-Orwat al-woq, in which Afn gave the first public expression to the view most associated with him, pan-Islam. Until then he had identified with the nationalism of the country

where he found himself but now, taking a leaf from the Young Ottoman Namik Kemal, he began to speak of the unity of all Muslims behind the Ottoman sultan as the only means to ward off increasing Western aggression. Although the paper lasted only several months in 1884, it was subsidized apparently by Blunt and others, and sent free to important persons throughout the Muslim world, upon whom it exercised some influence. In 1884-85 the British were fighting the Sudanese Mahdi, and Blunt tried to use Afn and his followers to bring about a peaceful British withdrawal. Sensing Blunts interests Afn claimed ties to the Mahdi, for which there is no documentary evidence. Blunt brought Afn to London to meet with governmental leaders, and encouraged an abortive scheme for him to accompany Sir Henry Drummond Wolff on a mission to Istanbul that was to arrange partial British withdrawal from Egypt. (Blunt had earlier failed to interest Gladstone in using Afn with the Mahdi, and it is presumably these events, publicized by Blunt, that account for the strange idea held by some that Afn was a British agent.) From the French and British period date the only documentation of Afns relations with a woman; in general reports indicate that he shunned women and disliked talking of them. From England Afn sailed to the Iranian port of Behr, where his long-time servant, Ab Torb, had shipped his seized books and papers from Egypt. He arrived in the spring of 1886, apparently planning only to pick up his books and then go on to Russia, where the Russian chauvinist editor and publicist Katkov had invited him. He stayed some months in Behr, however, apparently due to ill health, and in these months the Iranian Minister of Press and Publications, Etemd-al-salana, invited him to Tehran, presumably with the blessing of Ner-al-dn Shah, although there is no evidence the shah had any important plans for him. On his way north he stayed for several days with the shahs eldest son and governor of Isfahan, ell-al-soln, who is reported to have given him financial support, and whom Afn may have supported in his plans to succeed to the throne upon the shahs death. In Tehran Jaml-al-dn was the guest of the wealthy merchant Amn-al-arb, a client of the prime minister, Amn-al-soln. The shah was evidently put off by the strong antiforeign statements made by Jaml-al-dn in their first interview and broke relations with him, soon asking Amn-al-arb to take him to Russia. Afn spent 1887-89 in Russia in futile attempts to promote a Russian war against the British (which he hoped would lead to Muslim uprisings). Although he failed to see important members of the shahs party when they passed through Russia in 1889, later that year he caught up with them in Munich, insisting that Amn-al-soln had given him a mission in Russia and then invited him to Iran, claims which Amn-al-soln denied (evidence here is indecisive). Upon returning to Iran in late 1889, Jaml-al-dn wrote Amn-al-soln that he had carried out his mission to placate the Russians over recent Iranian concessions to the British, but Amn-al-soln refused to see him. In both stays in Iran Jaml-al-dn attracted a small band of nationalists, who profited from his expertise in such matters as forming secret societies and issuing leaflets. The shah may have feared Afns activities, and in the summer of 1890 he made plans to

expel him; Afn got wind of them and took bast (sanctuary) at the shrine of Shah Abd-al-Am, south of Tehran, where disciples continued to visit him. In January, 1891, the shah and Amn-alsoln were enraged by a leaflet attacking the government for a series of concessions, including the tobacco monopoly given to a British subject in 1890. Attributing the leaflet, probably rightly, to Afn and his followers, they had his sanctuary violated and him taken by forced march in the dead of winter to Iraq. While Afn was in Iraq a mass movement against the British tobacco concession, led by the olam and the merchants, broke out in Iran; a motahed from rz, expelled from Iran for his participation in the movement, went to Afn, who now wrote a famous letter against the shah and the concession to the leading motahed at the atabt, Mrz asan rz. Though months and many events intervened between Afns letter and rzs effective call for Iranians to boycott tobacco in December, 1891, Afn had some influence on the cancellation of the concession and the victory of the movement against the concession. In 1891-92 Afn spent several months in England, where he joined the Iranian modernist Malkom Khan in making public speeches against the shah and his policies and in writing for Malkoms liberal newspaper, Qnn. Afn had tried to establish relations with the Ottoman Sultan Abdlhamid at least as early as 1885; in 1892 these efforts came to fruition when a member of the Ottoman court, using a combination of threats and promises, asked Afn to come to reside in Turkey. Afn accepted, and for a time was used by the sultan to direct an Iranian and Shiite circle in writing letters to Shiite olam asking them to support the (Sunni) sultan-caliph. Among this circle were the Mrz q Khan Kermn and Shaikh Amad R, who had formerly been Azal-Bb but were now irreligious and who were more concerned to undermine the shah than to support the caliph. The Iranian ambassador complained of the implicitly anti-shah activities of the group, and Kermn, R, and another member of the circle were arrested and sent to Trabzon. Meanwhile, an ex-servant and disciple of Afn, Mrz Re, after being freed from jail in Iran, came to Istanbul and found Afn. The latter encouraged him to return to Iran and kill the shah (against whom Afn retained a personal as well as a political grudge). Mrz Re returned and on 1 May 1896, as Ner-al-dn Shah was preparing for the 50th lunar anniversary of his accession, Mrz Re pretended to offer a petition but instead shot the shah dead. He was hanged and the Iranian government tried to extradite Afn; but the sultan, probably fearful of the secrets of his court Afn knew, insisted Afn was an Afghan and not extraditable. However, the three progressives at Trabzon, who had been in jail there since before the assassination was planned and had no connection with it, were returned to Iran and killed by crown prince Moammad Al Mrz in Tabrz. Afn died of cancer of the jaw in 1897. His illness is well attested and there is no good evidence for the story that the sultan poisoned him. In his years at Istanbul he was not allowed to publish, and after a short time his influence with the sultan declined, so that at the time of his death he was at a low point in his career.

Writings. Primary sources agree that Afn disliked writing and that many of his Arabic writings were composed from his utterances by Abdoh and other disciples. No published writings by Afn remain from before his stay in Egypt, but during the last years of that stay he published a number of articles in newspapers edited by his disciples, especially Mer. Among these was an anti-British article, The True Reason for Mans Happiness (al-Ellat al-aqqya le-sadat al-ensn, reprinted in al-Manr 23, 28 January 1922), in which he applied traditional philosophical categories to formulating a call to patriotism, liberty, and opposition to autocratic rulers. Similar arguments are employed in two transcriptions of Afns words by Abdoh, Falsafat al-tarba and Falsafat alena (reprinted in Rad Re, Tar al-ost al-emm al-ay Moammad Abdoh, Cairo, 19311948, 3 vols., II). An article Despotic Government (al-okmat al-estebddya, Mer 2/33, 14 February 1879) is one of the few writings by Afn suggesting he preferred constitutional and even republican government, although it concentrates on how an enlightened despotism should properly act. A report in Mer, 24 May 1879, of a speech by Afn, entitled The Sage of the East (akm alarq), attacks the backwardness that has allowed foreigners to control Egypt and the East, claims that backwardness is caused by fanaticism and tyranny, and calls for the development of an enlightened national party. It is also his only recorded call for greater rights for women, on the ground that it is mothers who first educate men. Afns history of Afghanistan, Tatemmat al-bayn f tar al-Afn, was apparently first published in 1879 in Egypt, and was written during the Second Afghan War. Although this short book has chapters on history, genealogy, and ethnology, its main aim, as indicated on its first pages, is to highlight the courage of the Afghans against the British and to show the possibility of resisting British encroachments. These 1878-79 writings show Afn attacking British imperialism in the strongest terms, but more benevolent toward the French and Russians; attacking fanaticism and despotism and asking for the strengthening of modern education and parliamentary rule; and calling for speakers and journalists to spread new ideas and awaken patriotism and zeal for the national Egyptian interest; nowhere does he defend Islam or pan-Islam. In Hyderabad 1880-81 Afn published six Persian articles in the journalMoallem-e afq, which were reprinted in Urdu and Persian in various editions ofMaqlt-e Jamlya. The three major themes of these articles are: 1. advocacy of linguistic or territorial nationalism, with an emphasis upon the unity of Indian Muslims and Hindus, not of Indian Muslims and foreign Muslims; 2. the benefits of philosophy and modern science; and 3. attacks on Sayyed Amad Khan as a tool of the British. On nationalism, he writes in The Philosophy of National Unity and the Truth about Unity of Language that linguistic ties are stronger and more durable than religious ones (he was to make exactly the opposite point in the pan-Islamic al-Orwat al-woq a few years later). In India he felt the best anti-imperialist policy was Hindu-Muslim unity, while in Europe he felt it was pan-Islam. The article also attacks the pro-British reformers around Sayyed Amad Khan as well as religious conservatives who oppose Western learning. Similar points are made in his 1882 Calcutta lecture

On Teaching and Learning (tr. in N. R. Keddie, An Islamic Response to Imperialism, Berkeley, 1968, pp. 101-08). An Indian article, The Benefits of Philosophy, praises philosophy above religion and sees the Islamic revelation as a step toward the higher truth of philosophy; Islam is to be commended for encouraging the development of philosophy among the Arabs; the meanings of the Koran are infinite, encompassing all potential knowledge, so no stage of philosophy or knowledge is final and perfect (tr. ibid., pp. 109-22). In The True Causes of Mans Happiness and Distress Afn equates patriotism and religious faith as forces which arouse the desire to protect fatherland and religion. This equation is one of many indications of why it was easy for Afn to pass back and forth among nationalism, Islam, and pan-Islam. The attacks on Sayyed Amad Khan (q.v.) were not really on his rationalism, reformism, and scant orthodoxyall of which Afn shared. Rather, Afn attacked these things in order to undermine Sayyed Amad Khans pro-British influence. This can be seen both in two articles directed against Sayyed Amad Khan and in the treatise directed against his near or naturalist followers, which has come to be known by its translated Arabic title, The Refutation of the Materialists. Written first for an Indian audience but finding a wider one after its Arabic version by Moammad Abdoh was published, this treatise has often been taken as a defense of Islam, but its arguments are not religious but pragmatic and political. Like the philosophers, he notes once more that religion has the practical values of tying together the community and keeping men from evil. He suggests a path to reform through stressing certain parts of the Koran and Muslim tradition, and reinforces pride in Islam as against British claims to cultural superiority. Also influential were articles in al-Orwat al-woq written in Arabic in 1884, whose formulation was Abdohs but whose ideas were Afns. These included attacks on British imperialism, particularly in Egypt and the Sudan, as well as articles praising pan-Islam and the Ottoman Sultan Abdlhamid. More general articles, like Predestination (al-Qa wal-qadar), attacked fatalism as a misinterpretation of Islam, and several others stressed the urgent need to return the Muslim world to its early unity and activism. With appropriately interpreted quotations from the Koran, Afn identifies military strength, political unity, and the protection of Islamic territory as the leading principles of Islam, and says that Muslims have only declined since their rulers abandoned these principles. In contrast to his Indian article, al-Orwat al-woq stresses religious unity as being more important than linguistic or national unity. In fact, it is only after 1883 that Afn published the pan-Islamic ideas that have come to be associated with him. In May, 1883, Afn published in French his Answer to Renan (tr. in Keddie,Islamic Response), which he and Abdoh kept from being translated into Arabic and which states most clearly his

philosophical and instrumental view of religion. Like Renan, Afn presents himself as an advocate of philosophy and modern science, but he says that the masses are hostile to them and moved rather by religious arguments, while the true arguments of science and reason appeal only to a small elite. Religion is useful to keep the masses, who may gradually evolve toward greater rationalism but seem not destined fully to reach it, moral and obedient. Despite this article, Abdoh tried with fair success to suppress doubts about Afns orthodoxy in the apologetic Arabic biography he wrote about him, the main basis of later biographies. After 1884 Afn wrote only a few articles, particularly those from England (1891-92) directed against the shah of Iran. Two of these, written as open letters to the Iranian olam for the ArabicEnglish newspaper al-feqayn (of which Afn was not, contrary to reports, co-editor) and asking the olam to depose the shah, were circulated among Iranians. (They were reprinted by Rad Re and partly translated by E. G. Browne in The Persian Revolution of 1905l909[Cambridge, 1910].) In Istanbul during 1892-96 the sultan did not permit Afn to publish. Influence. Afns anti-imperialism and his stress on certain virtues in the early periods of Islam with appropriate interpretations of the Koran and Hadith entered the mainstream of Islamic modernism, reformism, nationalism, movements for self strengthening, and anti-imperialism. Although more a reformer than a conservative, his emphasis on self strengthening and defense of the Muslim world against the West, as well as his frequent dissimulation of his true ideas, allowed his legacy to be used by groups much more conservative than himself. Nonetheless, his writings and example had an immediate modernist influence, particularly on Egyptian and Iranian nationalists. To mention all persons and movements that claim to be influenced by Afn would be far beyond the scope of this article. Since at various times Afn touched on many themes that were of growing importance in the Muslim world, it is natural that many men and movements have claimed him as their predecessor, even when they might have acted in much the same way had he never lived. Direct influences are to be found especially on Islamic modernists and nationalists in Egypt, particularly Moammad Abdoh and Sad Zall. More conservative men and movements that invoked the Islamic strains in the later, public Afn include Rad Re, the Salafya movement in Egypt and North Africa, and the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt and elsewhere. In India, where he had little influence in his lifetime, the post-World War I elfat movement that combined pan-Islam, MuslimHindu cooperation, and anti-imperialism appealed back to Afn, as did the influential poet and thinker, Moammad Eqbl. In Iran as elsewhere Afns immediate influence was less than is suggested by such writers as E. G. Browne and Rad Re, but methods of political struggle that he helped to introduce such as secret societies and pamphlets continued to be important after he left. Religious reformers or

revolutionaries influenced by Afn included Shaikh Hd Nambd, Malek-al-motakallemn, and Shaikh Moammad abab. In the 20th century interest in Afn as a great and influential Iranian grew, in large part among liberals and nationalists, but in the most recent decades his works and works about him have been published and found an audience especially among the religious opposition, who stress both his presumed devotion to the Muslim religion and his opposition to despotism and imperialism. Iran, Egypt, and Afghanistan are the countries of his greatest influence; his combination of reformed Islam and anti-imperialism continues to have widespread appeal.

Bibliography: Many books and articles have been written about Afn, but as most of them are unreliable, mention here will be made only of works based chiefly on primary sources, the main such collection of which is catalogued and partly photographed in I. Afr and A. Mahdav, Documents indits concernant Seyyed Jaml al-Dn Afghn, Tehran, 1963 (Persian title above). The main primary material in English is found in the Foreign Office (especially F.O. 60/694) and Commonwealth Relations Office, and in books by Wilfrid Blunt, all of which, along with other primary material, are listed in Keddie, Sayyid Jaml ad-Dn(below). In Arabic important contemporary memoirs and articles by Afn are to be found in M. Rad Re, Tar al-ost al-emm al-ay Moammad Abdoh I, Cairo, 1931. Secondary works with extensive use of new primary material are, in alphabetical order: N. R. Keddie, Sayyid Jaml ad-Dn "al-Afghn": A Political Biography, Berkeley, 1972. Idem, An Islamic Response to Imperialism: Political and Religious Writings of Sayyid Jamal adDin "al-Afghani", Berkeley, 1968; expanded paperback, 1982. E. Kedourie, Afghani and Abduh: An Essay on Religious Unbelief and Political Activism in Modern Islam, London, 1966. H. Pakdaman, Djamal-ed-Din Assad Abadi dit Afghani, Paris, 1969 (with translations of his Persian articles). See also A. A. Kudsi-Zadeh, Sayyid Jaml al-Dn al Afghn: An Annotated Bibliography, Leiden, 1970.

(N. R. Keddie)

Sayyid Jamal al-Din Muhammad b. Safdar al-Afghani (1838-1897)

Sayyid Jamal al-Din Afghani is considered to be the founding father of Islamic modernism. His place of birth, which has become a source of long-standing controversy, is not known, but he received his early education in various religious schools near Kabul, Afghanistan and Qazwin and Tehran, Iran. At the age of seventeen or eighteen, he went to India (1855/6) to continue his studies. During his stay in India until 1882, Afghani became closely acquainted with the positivistic ideas of Sayyid Ahmad Khan and wrote his famous The Truth about the Neichari Sect and an Explanation of the Necharis (Hakikat-i Madhhab-i Naychari wa Bayan-i Hal-i Naychariyan), first published in 1881 in Hyderabad, in rejection of S. A. Khan and his followers. The book was later translated by Muhammad Abduh into Arabic and published as The Refutation of the Materialists (al-Radd ala al-dahriyyin) in Beirut, 1886. In 1870, he traveled to Egypt and Istanbul where he received a warm welcome from Ottoman officials and intellectuals who were instrumental in the creation of the Tanzimat reforms. Afghani went to Egypt for the second time and stayed there for the next eight years (1871-9) during which time he began to spread his philosophical and political ideas through his classes and public lectures. At the beginning of 1883, Afghani spent a short time in London and then went to Paris. In Paris, Afghani begun to publish his famous journal al-Urwat al-wuthqa (The Firmest Robe a title taken from the Quran) with the close collaboration of his friend and student Muhammad Abduh whom he had invited from Lebanon to Paris. Due to a number of difficulties, alUrwah was discontinued in September 1884 after eighteen issues. Through his essays and especially his polemic against Ernest Renan, a French historian, philosopher and positivist, Afghani established considerable fame for himself in the Parisian intellectual circles. In 1886, he was invited by Shah Nasir al-Din to Iran and offered the position of special adviser to the Shah, which he accepted. Afghani, however, was critical of Shahs policies on the question of political participation. This

difference of opinion forced Afghani to leave Iran for Russia (1886 to 1889). In 1889 on his way to Paris, Afghani met Shah Nasir al-Din in Munich and was offered the position of grand vizier. But Afghanis unabated criticisms of the rule and conduct of the Shah led to his eventual deportation from Iran in the winter of 1891. Afghani was later implicated in the murder of Shah Nasir alDin in 1896. Afghani spent the last part of his life in Istanbul under the patronage and, later, surveillance of Sultan Abd al-Hamid II. The demands for Afghanis extradition by the Iranian officials for his alleged involvement in the assassination of Shah Nasir al-Din were rejected by Abd al-Hamid who, most probably, collaborated with Afghani for the implementation of his political program of pan-Islamism or Islamic unity (ittihad-i islam). To this end, Afghani sent a number of letters to various Islamic countries and leaders to mobilize and unite them against the British rule while at the same time trying to establish the foundations of a mutual rapprochement between the Sunnis and the Shi`ites. According to some historians, Abd al-Hamid grew suspicious of Afghanis meetings with some Arab leaders and the British officials in Istanbul and did not permit him to leave the country. Afghani died of cancer in March 9, 1897 and was buried in Istanbul. Afghanis career as a thinker and activist has had a deep impact on the Islamic world and continues to be a source of inspiration and controversy for many today. Afghanis project of Islamic modernism that he developed in his lectures, polemics, short essays, and newspaper columns was based on the idea of finding a modus vivendi between traditional Islamic culture and the philosophical and scientific challenges of the modern West. It would not be wrong to say that Afghani took a middle position between blind Westernization and its wholesale rejection by the traditional ulama. His basic assumption was shared by the whole generation of the 19th century Muslim thinkers and activists: modern Western science and technology are essentially separable from the ethos and manners of European nations and can and should be acquired by the Islamic world without necessarily accepting the theological and philosophical consequences emerging from their application in the Western context. As we shall see below, Afghanis views on science should be understood in the light of this general program of Islamic reform or renewal (islah or tajdid).

Afghani, unlike many of the revivalist thinkers of his generation, was well versed in traditional Islamic philosophy (hikmah), and considered philosophy essential for the revival of Islamic civilization. This is clearly reflected in his various lectures and particularly in The Refutation of the Materialists. In fact, Afghanis philosophical arguments against the naturalists and materialists derive their force from his philosophical training. As we see in his lecture The Benefits of Philosophy, Afghanis vision of a modern Islamic philosophy was closely tied to his confidence in the recent advancements made in the fields of science and technology. Unlike traditional theology (kalam), philosophy should articulate a cosmology based on the findings of modern science. These and similar ideas expressed by Afghani have been used by his critics and enemies to label him as a heretic. His role in the revival of the study of Islamic philosophy in the Arab and Indian worlds, however, remains unmistakable. Afghanis political program of pan-Islamism (ittihad-i islam) sought to mobilize Muslim nations to fight against Western imperialism and gain military power through modern technology. Afghanis call for the independence of individual Muslim nations has been a key factor in the development of the so-called Islamic nationalism and influenced such Muslim figures as Muhammad Iqbal, Muhammad Ali Jinnah and Abul Kalam Azad in the Indian subcontinent and Namik Kemal, Said Nursi and Mehmet Akif Ersoy in the Ottoman Turkey. Later in the 20th century, Afghani became a major source of inspiration for such revivalist movements as the Muslim Brethren of Egypt and the Jama`at-i Islami of Pakistan. In many ways, Afghani continues to be hailed by various Islamic activist groups as an important example of the activist-scholar type in the Islamic world. Afghani had also a deep impact on many Egyptian thinkers including Muhammad Abduh, Rashid Rida, Ali Abd al-Raziq, Qasim Amin, Lutfi al-Sayyid and Osman Amin. Before delving into Afghanis ideas on science, a word should be said about a long-standing controversy surrounding Afghanis ethnic origin and religious (madhhab) identity. One end of the controversy pertains to his being an Iranian or Afghan, and the other to his being Shi`ite or Sunni. Some have even claimed that Afghani was born into a Turkish speaking Azari family in Hamadan. Curiously enough, the root of the debate goes back to Afghani himself for he was acutely aware of the impact that his ethnic origin and religious position would have on both the Sunni and Shi`ite worlds. As a

matter of expedience, if not anything else, Afghani seems to have been willingly and deliberately ambiguous about both issues to ensure the reception of his ideas in the Islamic world. Be that as it may, Afghanis influence on the Islamic world as a whole has not been marred by the ways he has been portrayed up to our own day. As a public intellectual and activist, Afghani articulated and expressed most of his ideas through his lectures and wrote very little. He published only two books in his lifetime. One is a history of Afghanistan and the other his famous refutation of naturalism and materialism, which he singled out as the most urgent threat to humanity in general and to the Islamic world in particular. It is worth noting that Afghanis only published book of intellectual substance is directly related to the question of religion and science. Although very short, Afghanis letter to Ernest Renan in response to his celebrated lecture at Sorbonne given in 1883, in which Renan openly attacked Islam as an obstacle to philosophy and science, is another important document for the understanding of Afghanis position on Islam and modern science. In The Refutation of the Materialists, Afghani gives a scathing criticism of the naturalist/materialist position from the scientific, philosophical, ethical, and social points of view. He identifies the materialists as the epitome of evil intent on destroying human civilization. He traces the history of modern materialism to the Greek materialists, among whom he mentions Democritus, Epicurus, and Diogenes the Cynic. This short historical survey is followed by a scientific and philosophical criticism of Darwin and his evolutionary theory. Afghani rejects the idea of chance in nature and accuses the materialists of attributing perception and intelligence to atoms (i.e., matter) in and of themselves. He rejects totally the idea of universe as a selfregulating structure without a higher intelligence operating on it. This is without doubt the most philosophical section of the treatise. Afghani then moves to his social and ethical criticism of the materialists. According to him, the materialists are intent to undermine the very foundations of human society. They try to destroy the castle of happiness based on the six pillars of religion. These six pillars are divided into three beliefs and three qualities. The first belief is that man is a terrestrial angel, i.e., he is Gods vicegerent on earth. The second belief is that ones community is the noblest one both in the sense of belonging to the human

world against the animal and plant kingdoms, and in the sense of belonging to the best human and religious society. This inherent exclusivism, for Afghani, is the most important motive for the global race of goodness, which lies at the heart of all world civilizations. The third belief or doctrine that religion teaches is that man is destined to reach the highest world, i.e., his innate ability to transcend the merely material and realize the spiritual within himself. In addition, religion inculcates three ethical qualities in its followers. The first quality is what Afghani calls modesty (haya), that is, the modesty of the soul to commit sin against God and his fellowmen. The nobility of the soul increases in proportion to the degree of its modesty. Afghani considers this quality to be the most essential element for the ethical and social regulation of society. The second quality is trustworthiness, which underlies the very fabric of a society. The survival of human civilization is contingent upon mutual respect and trust, without which no society can have political stability and economic prosperity. The third quality promulgated by religion is truthfulness and honesty, which, for Afghani, is the foundation of social life and solidarity. Through these six pillars, Afghani establishes religion as the foundation of civilization and denounces materialism as the enemy of religion and human society. To stress this central point, Afghani mentions the Batinis and the Babis as followers of naturalism/materialism in the Islamic world. He also mentions Rousseau and Voltaire as modern materialists and uses a very strong language in condemning their sensualism and anti-moralism. He even goes so far as to classify socialists, communists and nihilists as nothing other than mere variations of materialism in the ethical sense of the term. He holds the materialists responsible for the destruction of such great nations in history as the Persian, Roman, and Ottoman Empires. Since the materialist does not recognize any reality other than gross matter and sensuality, he paves the way for the reign of passions and desires. In this sense, the materialist is immersed in the worst kind of metaphysical and ethical mistake and cannot be trusted even on a purely human level. In the last part of the treatise, Afghani turns to religion and, among religions, to Islam as the only way to salvation for humanity. He compares Islam to other world religions and asserts its superiority, implying that Islam is the only religion to cope with the challenges of the modern world. It is worth

noting that Afghani concludes his treatise with a short statement that has become the hallmark of Islamic modernism:
If someone says: If the Islamic world is as you say, then why are the Muslims in such a sad condition? I will answer: When they were [truly] Muslims, they were what they were and the world bears witness to their excellence. As for the present, I will content myself with this holy text: Verily, God does not change the state of a people until they change themselves inwardly. (Keddie, An Islamic Response to Imperialism, p. 173)

As already mentioned, Afghanis main target in the Refutation was Sayyid Ahmad Khan and his followers in India. It is not difficult to see from Afghanis tone how serious he took the imminent danger of naturalism/materialism for the future of the Islamic world. In this sense, Afghanis excessively polemical discourse against the materialists is of particular significance for its attempt to draw the attention of Muslim intellectuals to the philosophical and ethical challenges emanating from the encounter of the Islamic world with the modern Weltanschauung. When we turn to Afghanis famous response to Renan, however, we encounter a completely different perspective, tone, and language. As was mentioned earlier, Ernest Renan, in his lecture Islam and Science given at Sorbonne and published in the Journal des Dbats, March 29, 1883, attacked Islam and Arabs as innately incapable of doing philosophy and producing science. Renans quasi-racist attack was a result of his general typology of religion and provoked a number of responses and apologies by Muslim intellectuals, including the one by Namik Kemal, the famous Ottoman writer, poet and activist. Afghanis language remains apologetic throughout his letter to the Journal des Dbats. On the question of religion being an obstacle for the development of science and philosophy, Afghani basically agrees with Renan that all religions are intolerant in one way or another and that they suppress the free investigation of scientific and philosophical truth. Even though Afghani asserts that religions have played a vital role in bringing humanity from barbarism and myths to the level of advanced civilizations, both Islam and Christianity have turned against the free use of reason and thus stifled scientific progress at some point in their history. Here Afghani seems to forgo his essential distinction between revelation and its unfolding in history, viz., the distinction between Islam and Muslims. With the rise of the Enlightenment, European nations have freed themselves from the tutelage

of Christianity, that is, religion, and carried out stunning advancements in all fields of knowledge. Afghani is convinced that there is no reason for us not to hope for a similar thing happening in the Islamic world:
If it is true that the Muslim religion is an obstacle to the development of sciences, can one affirm that this obstacle will not disappear someday? How does the Muslim religion differ on this point from other religions? All religions are intolerant, each one in its way. The Christian religion, I mean the society that follows its inspirations and its teachings and is formed in its image, has emerged from the first period to which I have just alluded; thenceforth free and independent, it seems to advance rapidly on the road of progress and science, whereas Muslim society has not yet freed itself from the tutelage of religion. Realizing, however, that the Christian religion preceded the Muslim religion in the world by many centuries, I cannot keep from hoping that Muhammadan society will succeed someday in breaking its bonds and marching resolutely in the path of civilization after the manner of Western societyNo I cannot admit that this hope be denied to Islam. (Answer of Jamal al-Din to Renan Journal des Debats, May 18, 1883 in N. R. Keddie, An Islamic Response to Imperialism, p. 183)

As for Renans claim that the Muslim Arabs are innately incapable of philosophical thinking, Afghani gives some examples to refute the charge and repeats his earlier claim that the Arabs became pioneers in the history of philosophy and sciences only after they had accepted Islam. Strangely enough, however, Afghani concludes his letter by creating a very sharp contrast between religion and philosophy and establishes this as a general rule of history an assertion that Renan himself states many times. The claims of religion and philosophy, Afghani argues, are irreconcilable, and this is true across the religious boundaries whether we are talking about Islam, Christianity or Hinduism. Religious faith is based on dogma whereas philosophy demands free investigation, not bounded or aided by the revelation, to find the truth. The clash between the two, says Afghani, is an ineluctable part of human history. Religions, by whatever names they are called, all resemble each other. No agreement and no reconciliation are possible between these religions and philosophy. Religion imposes on man its faith and its belief whereas philosophy frees him of it totally or in part. Whenever religion will have the upper hand, it will eliminate philosophy; and the contrary happens when it is philosophy that reigns as sovereign mistress. So long as humanity exists, the struggle will not cease between dogma and free investigation, between religion and philosophy: a desperate struggle in which, I fear, the triumph will not be for free thought, because the masses dislike reason, and its teachings are only understood by some intelligences of the elite, and because, also, science, however beautiful it is, does not completely satisfy

humanity, which thirsts for the ideal and which likes to exist in dark and distant regions that the philosophers and scholars can neither perceive nor explore. (Keddie, p. 187) This somewhat abrupt and surprising end leaves a number of issues in obscurity, to say the least, as far as Afghanis position on the relation between religion, philosophy and, by derivation, science is concerned. It is, however, indicative of the general mood of the 19th century Muslim intellectuals concerning modern science and philosophy. Afghani, like many of his colleagues and contemporaries, was touched by the sheer power and supremacy of Western powers that were increasing their encroachment upon the Islamic world. The European countries were prosperous and powerful because of their scientific and technological superiority, and this was the most important conclusion for the activist-intellectuals of the 19th century. Since Western power thrives on modern science and technology, reasoned Afghani and others, it had to be possessed by Muslim countries deliberately and urgently. As we see in the case of the Ottoman Empire, this was considered to be the only way to stop the further decline and disintegration of the dar al-islam. This view, which is still held by many today, can be recognized throughout Afghanis political and intellectual career as far as modern Western science is concerned. Moreover, this conviction was supplemented by the presumed objectivity of modern physical sciences a point of view fully developed later by the generation of Muslim intellectuals deeply influenced by Afghani including Muhammad Abduh, Rashid Rida, M. Abd al-Raziq, Said Nursi and others.

Sayyid Jamal al-Din Muhammad b. Safdar al-Afghani (1838-1897)

Sayyid Jamal al-Din Afghani is considered to be the founding father of Islamic modernism. His place of birth, which has become a source of long-standing controversy, is not known, but he received his early education in various religious schools near Kabul, Afghanistan and Qazwin and Tehran, Iran. At the age of seventeen or eighteen, he went to India (1855/6) to continue his studies. During his stay in India until 1882, Afghani became closely acquainted with the positivistic ideas of Sayyid Ahmad Khan and wrote his famous The Truth about the Neichari Sect and an Explanation of the

Necharis (Hakikat-i Madhhab-i Naychari wa Bayan-i Hal-i Naychariyan), first published in 1881 in Hyderabad, in rejection of S. A. Khan and his followers. The book was later translated by Muhammad Abduh into Arabic and published as The Refutation of the Materialists (al-Radd ala al-dahriyyin) in Beirut, 1886. In 1870, he traveled to Egypt and Istanbul where he received a warm welcome from Ottoman officials and intellectuals who were instrumental in the creation of the Tanzimat reforms. Afghani went to Egypt for the second time and stayed there for the next eight years (1871-9) during which time he began to spread his philosophical and political ideas through his classes and public lectures. At the beginning of 1883, Afghani spent a short time in London and then went to Paris. In Paris, Afghani begun to publish his famous journal al-Urwat al-wuthqa (The Firmest Robe a title taken from the Quran) with the close collaboration of his friend and student Muhammad Abduh whom he had invited from Lebanon to Paris. Due to a number of difficulties, alUrwah was discontinued in September 1884 after eighteen issues. Through his essays and especially his polemic against Ernest Renan, a French historian, philosopher and positivist, Afghani established considerable fame for himself in the Parisian intellectual circles. In 1886, he was invited by Shah Nasir al-Din to Iran and offered the position of special adviser to the Shah, which he accepted. Afghani, however, was critical of Shahs policies on the question of political participation. This difference of opinion forced Afghani to leave Iran for Russia (1886 to 1889). In 1889 on his way to Paris, Afghani met Shah Nasir al-Din in Munich and was offered the position of grand vizier. But Afghanis unabated criticisms of the rule and conduct of the Shah led to his eventual deportation from Iran in the winter of 1891. Afghani was later implicated in the murder of Shah Nasir alDin in 1896. Afghani spent the last part of his life in Istanbul under the patronage and, later, surveillance of Sultan Abd al-Hamid II. The demands for Afghanis extradition by the Iranian officials for his alleged involvement in the assassination of Shah Nasir al-Din were rejected by Abd al-Hamid who, most probably, collaborated with Afghani for the implementation of his political program of pan-Islamism or Islamic unity (ittihad-i islam). To this end,

Afghani sent a number of letters to various Islamic countries and leaders to mobilize and unite them against the British rule while at the same time trying to establish the foundations of a mutual rapprochement between the Sunnis and the Shi`ites. According to some historians, Abd al-Hamid grew suspicious of Afghanis meetings with some Arab leaders and the British officials in Istanbul and did not permit him to leave the country. Afghani died of cancer in March 9, 1897 and was buried in Istanbul. Afghanis career as a thinker and activist has had a deep impact on the Islamic world and continues to be a source of inspiration and controversy for many today. Afghanis project of Islamic modernism that he developed in his lectures, polemics, short essays, and newspaper columns was based on the idea of finding a modus vivendi between traditional Islamic culture and the philosophical and scientific challenges of the modern West. It would not be wrong to say that Afghani took a middle position between blind Westernization and its wholesale rejection by the traditional ulama. His basic assumption was shared by the whole generation of the 19th century Muslim thinkers and activists: modern Western science and technology are essentially separable from the ethos and manners of European nations and can and should be acquired by the Islamic world without necessarily accepting the theological and philosophical consequences emerging from their application in the Western context. As we shall see below, Afghanis views on science should be understood in the light of this general program of Islamic reform or renewal (islah or tajdid). Afghani, unlike many of the revivalist thinkers of his generation, was well versed in traditional Islamic philosophy (hikmah), and considered philosophy essential for the revival of Islamic civilization. This is clearly reflected in his various lectures and particularly in The Refutation of the Materialists. In fact, Afghanis philosophical arguments against the naturalists and materialists derive their force from his philosophical training. As we see in his lecture The Benefits of Philosophy, Afghanis vision of a modern Islamic philosophy was closely tied to his confidence in the recent advancements made in the fields of science and technology. Unlike traditional theology (kalam), philosophy should articulate a cosmology based on the findings of modern science. These and similar ideas expressed by Afghani have been used by his critics and enemies to label him as a heretic. His role in the revival of the study of Islamic philosophy in the Arab and Indian worlds, however, remains unmistakable.

Afghanis political program of pan-Islamism (ittihad-i islam) sought to mobilize Muslim nations to fight against Western imperialism and gain military power through modern technology. Afghanis call for the independence of individual Muslim nations has been a key factor in the development of the so-called Islamic nationalism and influenced such Muslim figures as Muhammad Iqbal, Muhammad Ali Jinnah and Abul Kalam Azad in the Indian subcontinent and Namik Kemal, Said Nursi and Mehmet Akif Ersoy in the Ottoman Turkey. Later in the 20th century, Afghani became a major source of inspiration for such revivalist movements as the Muslim Brethren of Egypt and the Jama`at-i Islami of Pakistan. In many ways, Afghani continues to be hailed by various Islamic activist groups as an important example of the activist-scholar type in the Islamic world. Afghani had also a deep impact on many Egyptian thinkers including Muhammad Abduh, Rashid Rida, Ali Abd al-Raziq, Qasim Amin, Lutfi al-Sayyid and Osman Amin. Before delving into Afghanis ideas on science, a word should be said about a long-standing controversy surrounding Afghanis ethnic origin and religious (madhhab) identity. One end of the controversy pertains to his being an Iranian or Afghan, and the other to his being Shi`ite or Sunni. Some have even claimed that Afghani was born into a Turkish speaking Azari family in Hamadan. Curiously enough, the root of the debate goes back to Afghani himself for he was acutely aware of the impact that his ethnic origin and religious position would have on both the Sunni and Shi`ite worlds. As a matter of expedience, if not anything else, Afghani seems to have been willingly and deliberately ambiguous about both issues to ensure the reception of his ideas in the Islamic world. Be that as it may, Afghanis influence on the Islamic world as a whole has not been marred by the ways he has been portrayed up to our own day. As a public intellectual and activist, Afghani articulated and expressed most of his ideas through his lectures and wrote very little. He published only two books in his lifetime. One is a history of Afghanistan and the other his famous refutation of naturalism and materialism, which he singled out as the most urgent threat to humanity in general and to the Islamic world in particular. It is worth noting that Afghanis only published book of intellectual substance is directly related to the question of religion and science. Although very short, Afghanis letter to Ernest Renan in response to his celebrated lecture at Sorbonne given in 1883, in which Renan openly

attacked Islam as an obstacle to philosophy and science, is another important document for the understanding of Afghanis position on Islam and modern science. In The Refutation of the Materialists, Afghani gives a scathing criticism of the naturalist/materialist position from the scientific, philosophical, ethical, and social points of view. He identifies the materialists as the epitome of evil intent on destroying human civilization. He traces the history of modern materialism to the Greek materialists, among whom he mentions Democritus, Epicurus, and Diogenes the Cynic. This short historical survey is followed by a scientific and philosophical criticism of Darwin and his evolutionary theory. Afghani rejects the idea of chance in nature and accuses the materialists of attributing perception and intelligence to atoms (i.e., matter) in and of themselves. He rejects totally the idea of universe as a selfregulating structure without a higher intelligence operating on it. This is without doubt the most philosophical section of the treatise. Afghani then moves to his social and ethical criticism of the materialists. According to him, the materialists are intent to undermine the very foundations of human society. They try to destroy the castle of happiness based on the six pillars of religion. These six pillars are divided into three beliefs and three qualities. The first belief is that man is a terrestrial angel, i.e., he is Gods vicegerent on earth. The second belief is that ones community is the noblest one both in the sense of belonging to the human world against the animal and plant kingdoms, and in the sense of belonging to the best human and religious society. This inherent exclusivism, for Afghani, is the most important motive for the global race of goodness, which lies at the heart of all world civilizations. The third belief or doctrine that religion teaches is that man is destined to reach the highest world, i.e., his innate ability to transcend the merely material and realize the spiritual within himself. In addition, religion inculcates three ethical qualities in its followers. The first quality is what Afghani calls modesty (haya), that is, the modesty of the soul to commit sin against God and his fellowmen. The nobility of the soul increases in proportion to the degree of its modesty. Afghani considers this quality to be the most essential element for the ethical and social regulation of society. The second quality is trustworthiness, which underlies the very fabric of a society. The survival of human civilization is contingent upon

mutual respect and trust, without which no society can have political stability and economic prosperity. The third quality promulgated by religion is truthfulness and honesty, which, for Afghani, is the foundation of social life and solidarity. Through these six pillars, Afghani establishes religion as the foundation of civilization and denounces materialism as the enemy of religion and human society. To stress this central point, Afghani mentions the Batinis and the Babis as followers of naturalism/materialism in the Islamic world. He also mentions Rousseau and Voltaire as modern materialists and uses a very strong language in condemning their sensualism and anti-moralism. He even goes so far as to classify socialists, communists and nihilists as nothing other than mere variations of materialism in the ethical sense of the term. He holds the materialists responsible for the destruction of such great nations in history as the Persian, Roman, and Ottoman Empires. Since the materialist does not recognize any reality other than gross matter and sensuality, he paves the way for the reign of passions and desires. In this sense, the materialist is immersed in the worst kind of metaphysical and ethical mistake and cannot be trusted even on a purely human level. In the last part of the treatise, Afghani turns to religion and, among religions, to Islam as the only way to salvation for humanity. He compares Islam to other world religions and asserts its superiority, implying that Islam is the only religion to cope with the challenges of the modern world. It is worth noting that Afghani concludes his treatise with a short statement that has become the hallmark of Islamic modernism:
If someone says: If the Islamic world is as you say, then why are the Muslims in such a sad condition? I will answer: When they were [truly] Muslims, they were what they were and the world bears witness to their excellence. As for the present, I will content myself with this holy text: Verily, God does not change the state of a people until they change themselves inwardly. (Keddie, An Islamic Response to Imperialism, p. 173)

As already mentioned, Afghanis main target in the Refutation was Sayyid Ahmad Khan and his followers in India. It is not difficult to see from Afghanis tone how serious he took the imminent danger of naturalism/materialism for the future of the Islamic world. In this sense, Afghanis excessively polemical discourse against the materialists is of particular significance for its attempt to draw the attention of Muslim intellectuals to the philosophical

and ethical challenges emanating from the encounter of the Islamic world with the modern Weltanschauung. When we turn to Afghanis famous response to Renan, however, we encounter a completely different perspective, tone, and language. As was mentioned earlier, Ernest Renan, in his lecture Islam and Science given at Sorbonne and published in the Journal des Dbats, March 29, 1883, attacked Islam and Arabs as innately incapable of doing philosophy and producing science. Renans quasi-racist attack was a result of his general typology of religion and provoked a number of responses and apologies by Muslim intellectuals, including the one by Namik Kemal, the famous Ottoman writer, poet and activist. Afghanis language remains apologetic throughout his letter to the Journal des Dbats. On the question of religion being an obstacle for the development of science and philosophy, Afghani basically agrees with Renan that all religions are intolerant in one way or another and that they suppress the free investigation of scientific and philosophical truth. Even though Afghani asserts that religions have played a vital role in bringing humanity from barbarism and myths to the level of advanced civilizations, both Islam and Christianity have turned against the free use of reason and thus stifled scientific progress at some point in their history. Here Afghani seems to forgo his essential distinction between revelation and its unfolding in history, viz., the distinction between Islam and Muslims. With the rise of the Enlightenment, European nations have freed themselves from the tutelage of Christianity, that is, religion, and carried out stunning advancements in all fields of knowledge. Afghani is convinced that there is no reason for us not to hope for a similar thing happening in the Islamic world:
If it is true that the Muslim religion is an obstacle to the development of sciences, can one affirm that this obstacle will not disappear someday? How does the Muslim religion differ on this point from other religions? All religions are intolerant, each one in its way. The Christian religion, I mean the society that follows its inspirations and its teachings and is formed in its image, has emerged from the first period to which I have just alluded; thenceforth free and independent, it seems to advance rapidly on the road of progress and science, whereas Muslim society has not yet freed itself from the tutelage of religion. Realizing, however, that the Christian religion preceded the Muslim religion in the world by many centuries, I cannot keep from hoping that Muhammadan society will succeed someday in breaking its bonds and marching resolutely in the path of civilization after the manner of Western societyNo I cannot admit that this hope be denied to Islam. (Answer of Jamal al-Din to RenanJournal des Debats, May 18, 1883 in N. R. Keddie, An Islamic Response to Imperialism, p. 183)

As for Renans claim that the Muslim Arabs are innately incapable of philosophical thinking, Afghani gives some examples to refute the charge and repeats his earlier claim that the Arabs became pioneers in the history of philosophy and sciences only after they had accepted Islam. Strangely enough, however, Afghani concludes his letter by creating a very sharp contrast between religion and philosophy and establishes this as a general rule of history an assertion that Renan himself states many times. The claims of religion and philosophy, Afghani argues, are irreconcilable, and this is true across the religious boundaries whether we are talking about Islam, Christianity or Hinduism. Religious faith is based on dogma whereas philosophy demands free investigation, not bounded or aided by the revelation, to find the truth. The clash between the two, says Afghani, is an ineluctable part of human history. Religions, by whatever names they are called, all resemble each other. No agreement and no reconciliation are possible between these religions and philosophy. Religion imposes on man its faith and its belief whereas philosophy frees him of it totally or in part. Whenever religion will have the upper hand, it will eliminate philosophy; and the contrary happens when it is philosophy that reigns as sovereign mistress. So long as humanity exists, the struggle will not cease between dogma and free investigation, between religion and philosophy: a desperate struggle in which, I fear, the triumph will not be for free thought, because the masses dislike reason, and its teachings are only understood by some intelligences of the elite, and because, also, science, however beautiful it is, does not completely satisfy humanity, which thirsts for the ideal and which likes to exist in dark and distant regions that the philosophers and scholars can neither perceive nor explore. (Keddie, p. 187) This somewhat abrupt and surprising end leaves a number of issues in obscurity, to say the least, as far as Afghanis position on the relation between religion, philosophy and, by derivation, science is concerned. It is, however, indicative of the general mood of the 19th century Muslim intellectuals concerning modern science and philosophy. Afghani, like many of his colleagues and contemporaries, was touched by the sheer power and supremacy of Western powers that were increasing their encroachment upon the Islamic world. The European countries were prosperous and powerful because of their scientific and technological superiority, and this was the most important conclusion for the activist-intellectuals of the

19th century. Since Western power thrives on modern science and technology, reasoned Afghani and others, it had to be possessed by Muslim countries deliberately and urgently. As we see in the case of the Ottoman Empire, this was considered to be the only way to stop the further decline and disintegration of the dar al-islam. This view, which is still held by many today, can be recognized throughout Afghanis political and intellectual career as far as modern Western science is concerned. Moreover, this conviction was supplemented by the presumed objectivity of modern physical sciences a point of view fully developed later by the generation of Muslim intellectuals deeply influenced by Afghani including Muhammad Abduh, Rashid Rida, M. Abd al-Raziq, Said Nursi and others.

Afghanis Major Works

1. Al-Taliqat ala sharh al-Dawwani lil-aqaid al-adudiyyah (Cairo, 1968). Afghanis glosses over Dawwanis commentary on the famous kalam book of Adud al-Din al-Iji calledal-aqaid aladudiyyah. 2. Risalat al-waridat fi sirr al-tajalliyat (Cairo, 1968). A work dictated by Afghani to his student M. Abduh when he was in Egypt. 3. Tatimmat al-bayan (Cairo, 1879). A political, social and cultural history of Afghanistan. 4. Hakikat-i Madhhab-i Naychari wa Bayan-i Hal-i Naychariyan. First published in Haydarabad-Deccan, 1298/1881, this is Afghanis most important intellectual work that he published during his lifetime. It is a scathing criticism and total rejection of naturalism which Afghani also calls materialism. The book has been translated into Arabic by M. Abduh as al-Radd ala al-dahriyyin (The Refutation of the Materialists). 5. Khatirat Jamal al-Din al-Afghani al-Husayni (Beirut, 1931). A book compiled by the Lebanese journalist Muhammad Pasha al-Mahzumi. Mahzumi was present in most of Afghanis talks in the last part of his life and developed his conversations in to the present book. The book contains important information about Afghanis life and ideas.

Ibrahim Kalin December 21, 2007

Selected Bibliography

Afshar, Iraj and Mahdawi, Asghar, Majmua-yi asnad wa madariki chap nashuda dar bara-yi Sayyid Jamal al-Din mashhur be-Afghani (Tehran: Tehran University Press, 1963) Enayat, Hamid, Modern Islamic Political Thought (Austin: The University of Texas Press, 1982) Gibb, H. A. R., Modern Trends in Islam (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1947) Hourani, Albert, Arabic Thought in the Liberal Age: 1789-1939 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982) Keddie, Nikki, An Islamic Response to Imperialism: Political and Religious Writings of Sayyid Jamal al-Din al-Afghani (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983) --------, Sayyid Jamal al-Din Afghani: A Political Biography (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1972) Kedourie, Elie, Afghani and Abduh: An Essay on Religious Unbelief and Political Activism in Modern Islam (London, 1966) Qudsi-zadah, Albert, Sayyid Jamal al-Din al-Afghani: An Annotated Bibliography (Leiden: Brill, 1970) Siddiqi, Mazheruddin, Modern Reformist Thought in the Muslim World (Islamabad: Islamic Research Institute, 1982)

Smith, W. Cantwell, Islam in Modern History (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1957)

Afghanis Major Works

1. Al-Taliqat ala sharh al-Dawwani lil-aqaid al-adudiyyah (Cairo, 1968). Afghanis glosses over Dawwanis commentary on the famous kalambook of Adud al-Din al-Iji called al-aqaid aladudiyyah. 2. Risalat al-waridat fi sirr al-tajalliyat (Cairo, 1968). A work dictated by Afghani to his student M. Abduh when he was in Egypt. 3. Tatimmat al-bayan (Cairo, 1879). A political, social and cultural history of Afghanistan. 4. Hakikat-i Madhhab-i Naychari wa Bayan-i Hal-i Naychariyan. First published in Haydarabad-Deccan, 1298/1881, this is Afghanis most important intellectual work that he published during his lifetime. It is a scathing criticism and total rejection of naturalism which Afghani also calls materialism. The book has been translated into Arabic by M. Abduh as al-Radd ala al-dahriyyin (The Refutation of the Materialists). 5. Khatirat Jamal al-Din al-Afghani al-Husayni (Beirut, 1931). A book compiled by the Lebanese journalist Muhammad Pasha al-Mahzumi. Mahzumi was present in most of Afghanis talks in the last part of his life and developed his conversations in to the present book. The book contains important information about Afghanis life and ideas.

Ibrahim Kalin

Islamic philosophy

Islamic philosophy may be defined in a number of different ways, but the perspective taken here is that it represents the style of philosophy produced within the framework of Islamic culture. This description does not suggest that it is necessarily concerned with religious issues, nor even that it is exclusively produced by Muslims (see Islam, concept of philosophy in).
1 The early years of Islamic philosophy

Islamic philosophy is intimately connected with Greek philosophy, although this is a relationship which can be exaggerated. Theoretical questions were raised right from the beginning of Islam, questions which could to a certain extent be answered by reference to Islamic texts such as the Quran, the practices of the community and the traditional sayings of the Prophet and his Companions. On this initial basis a whole range of what came to be known as the Islamic sciences came to be produced, and these consisted largely of religious law, the Arabic language and forms of theology which represented differing understandings of Islam. The early conquests of the Muslims brought them into close contact with centres of civilization heavily influenced by Christianity and Judaism, and also by Greek culture. Many rulers wished to understand and use the Greek forms of knowledge, some practical and some theoretical, and a large translation project started which saw official support for the assimilation of Greek culture (see Greek philosophy: impact on Islamic philosophy). This had a powerful impact upon all areas of Islamic philosophy. Neoplatonism definitely became the prevalent school of thought (see Neoplatonism in Islamic philosophy), following closely the curriculum of Greek (Peripatetic) philosophy which was initially transmitted to the Islamic world. This stressed agreement between Plato and Aristotle on a range of issues, and incorporated the work of some Neoplatonic authors. A leading group of Neoplatonic thinkers were the Ikhwan al-Safa (Brethren of Purity), who presented an eclectic philosophy designed to facilitate spiritual

liberation through philosophical perfection (see Ikhwan al-Safa). However, there was also a development of Aristotelianism in Islamic philosophy, especially by those thinkers who were impressed by the logical and metaphysical thought of Aristotle, and Platonism was inspired by the personality of Socrates and the apparently more spiritual nature of Plato as compared with Aristotle (see Aristotelianism in Islamic philosophy; Platonism in Islamic philosophy). There were even thinkers who seem to have been influenced by Greek scepticism, which they turned largely against religion, and Ibn ar-Rawandi and Muhammad ibn Zakariyya al-Razi presented a thoroughgoing critique of many of the leading supernatural ideas of Islam. Al-Kindi is often called the first philosopher of the Arabs, and he followed a broadly Neoplatonic approach. One of the earliest of the philosophers in Baghdad was in fact a Christian, Yahya Ibn Adi, and his pupil al-Farabi created much of the agenda for the next four centuries of work. Al-Farabi argued that the works of Aristotle raise important issues for the understanding of the nature of the universe, in particular its origination. Aristotle suggested that the world is eternal, which seems to be in contradiction with the implication in the Quran that God created the world out of nothing. Al-Farabi used as his principle of creation the process of emanation, the idea that reality continually flows out of the source of perfection, so that the world was not created at a particular time. He also did an enormous amount of work on Greek logic, arguing that behind natural language lies logic, so that an understanding of the latter is a deeper and more significant achievement than a grasp of the former. This also seemed to threaten the significance of language, in particular the language Arabic in which God transmitted the Quran to the Prophet Muhammad. A large school of thinkers was strongly influenced by al-Farabi, includingal-Amiri, al-Sijistani and al-Tawhidi, and this surely played an important part in making his ideas and methodology so crucial for the following centuries of Islamic philosophy. Ibn Sina went on to develop this form of thought in a much more creative way, and he presented a view of the universe as consisting of entirely necessitated events, with the exception of God (see Causality and necessity in Islamic thought). This led to a

powerful reaction from al-Ghazali, who in his critique of Peripatetic philosophy argued that it was both incompatible with religion, and also invalid on its own principles. He managed to point to some of the major difficulties with the developments of Neoplatonism which had taken place in Islamic philosophy, and he argued that while philosophy should be rejected, logic as a conceptual tool should be retained. This view became very influential in much of the Islamic world, and philosophy came under a cloud until the nineteenth century.
2 Philosophy in Spain and North Africa

A particularly rich blend of philosophy flourished in al-Andalus (the Islamic part of the Iberian penninsula), and in North Africa.Ibn Masarra defended a form of mysticism, and this type of thinking was important for both Ibn Tufayl and Ibn Bajja, for whom the contrast between the individual in society and the individual who primarily relates to God became very much of a theme. The argument was often that a higher level of understanding of reality can be attained by those prepared to develop their religious consciousness outside of the framework of traditional religion, a view which was supported and became part of a highly sophisticated account of the links between religion and reason as created by Ibn Rushd. He set out to defend philosophy strenuously from the attacks of al-Ghazali, and also to present a more Aristotelian account than had been managed by Ibn Sina. He argued that there are a variety of routes to God, all equally valid, and that the route which the philosopher can take is one based on the independent use of reason, while the ordinary member of society has to be satisfied with the sayings and obligations of religion. Ibn Sabin, by contrast, argued that Aristotelian philosophy and logic were useless in trying to understand reality since those ideas fail to mirror the basic unity which is implicit in reality, a unity which stems from the unity of God, and so we require an entirely new form of thinking which is adequate to the task of representing the oneness of the world. A thinker better known perhaps for his work on history and sociology than in philosophy is Ibn Khaldun, who was nonetheless a significant philosophical writer; he presents an excellent summary of preceding philosophical movements within the Islamic world, albeit from a conservative

(Asharite) point of view.

3 Mystical philosophy

Mystical philosophy in Islam represents a persistent tradition of working philosophically within the Islamic world (see Mystical philosophy in Islam). Some philosophers managed to combine mysticism with Peripatetic thought, while others saw mysticism as in opposition to Peripateticism. Al-Ghazali had great influence in making mysticism in its Sufi form respectable, but it is really other thinkers such as al-Suhrawardi and Ibn alArabi who produced actual systematic mystical thought. They created, albeit in different ways, accounts of how to do philosophy which accord with mystical approaches to reality, and which self-consciously go in opposite directions to Peripateticism. Ibn alArabi concentrated on analysing the different levels of reality and the links which exist between them, while al-Suhrawardi is the main progenitor of Illuminationist philosophy (see Illuminationist philosophy). This tries to replace Aristotelian logic and metaphysics with an alternative based on the relationship between light as the main principle of creation and knowledge, and that which is lit up the rest of reality. This tradition has had many followers, including al-Tusi, Mulla Sadra, Mir Damad and al-Sabzawari, and has been popular in the Persian world right up to today. Shah Wali Allah extended this school of thought to the Indian subcontinent.
4 Islamic philosophy and the Islamic sciences

Islamic philosophy has always had a rather difficult relationship with the Islamic sciences, those techniques for answering theoretical questions which are closely linked with the religion of Islam, comprising law, theology, language and the study of the religious texts themselves. Many theologians such as Ibn Hazm, al-Juwayni and Fakhr al-Din al-Razi presented accounts of Islamic theology which argued for a particular theory of how to interpret religious texts (see Islamic theology). They tended to advocate a restricted approach to interpretation, rejecting the use of analogy and also the idea that philosophy is an objective system of enquiry which can be applied to anything at all. Most theologians were Asharites (see Ashariyya and Mutazila), which meant that they were opposed to the idea that ethical and religious ideas could be

objectively true. What makes such ideas true, the Asharites argued, is that God says that they are true, and there are no other grounds for accepting them than this. This had a particularly strong influence on ethics (see Ethics in Islamic philosophy), where there was much debate between objectivists and subjectivists, with the latter arguing that an action is just if and only if God says that it is just. Many thinkers wrote about how to reconcile the social virtues, which involve being part of a community and following the rules of religion, with the intellectual virtues, which tend to involve a more solitary lifestyle. Ibn Miskawayh andAl-Tusi developed complex accounts of the apparent conflict between these different sets of virtues. Political philosophy in Islam looked to Greek thinkers for ways of understanding the nature of the state, yet also generally linked Platonic ideas of the state to Qur anic notions, which is not difficult given the basically hierarchical nature of both types of account (see Political philosophy in classical Islam). Even thinkers attracted to Illuminationist philosophy such as al-Dawani wrote on political philosophy, arguing that the structure of the state should represent the material and spiritual aspects of the citizens. Through a strict differentiation of role in the state, and through leadership by those skilled in religious and philosophical knowledge, everyone would find an acceptable place in society and scope for spiritual perfection to an appropriate degree. Particular problems arose in the discussions concerning the nature of the soul (see Soul in Islamic philosophy). According to the version of Aristotle which was generally used by the Islamic philosophers, the soul is an integral part of the person as its form, and once the individual dies the soul disappears also. This appears to contravene the notion of an afterlife which is so important a part of Islam. Even Platonic views of the soul seem to insist on its spirituality, as compared with the very physical accounts of the Islamic afterlife. Many of the philosophers tried to get around this by arguing that the religious language discussing the soul is only allegorical, and is intended to impress upon the community at large that there is a wider context within which their lives take place, which extends further than those lives themselves. They could argue in this way because of theories which presented a sophisticated view of different types of meaning

that a statement may have in order to appeal to different audiences and carry out a number of different functions (see Meaning in Islamic philosophy). Only the philosopher really has the ability to understand this range of meanings, and those who work in the Islamic sciences do not know how to deal with these issues which come outside of their area of expertise. While those skilled in dealing with the law will know how to adjudicate between different legal judgements, we need an understanding of the philosophy of law in Islam if we are to have access to what might be called the deep structure of law itself (see Law, Islamic philosophy of). Similarly, although the Quran encourages its followers to discover facts about the world, it is through the philosophy of science that we can understand the theoretical principles which lie behind that physical reality (see Science in Islamic philosophy). Many of the problems of religion versus philosophy arose in the area of aesthetics (see Aesthetics in Islamic philosophy). The rules of poetry which traditionally existed in the Arabic tradition came up against the application of Aristotles Poetics to that poetry. One of the interesting aspects of Islamic aesthetics is that it treated poetry as a logical form, albeit of a very low demonstrative value, along the continuum of logical forms which lie behind all our language and practices. This is explained in studies of both epistemology and logic (see Epistemology in Islamic philosophy; Logic in Islamic philosophy). Logic came to play an enormous role in Islamic philosophy, and the idea that logic represents a basic set of techniques which lies behind what we think and what we do was felt to be very exciting and provocative. Many theologians who attacked philosophy were staunch defenders of logic as a tool for disputation, and Ibn Taymiyya is unusual in the strong critique which he provided of Aristotelian logic. He argued that the logic entails Aristotelian metaphysics, and so should be abandoned by anyone who wishes to avoid philosophical infection. However, the general respect for logic provides the framework for the notion that there is a range of logical approaches which are available to different people, each of which is appropriate to different levels of society. For the theologian and the lawyer, for instance, dialectic is appropriate, since this works logically from generally accepted propositions

to conclusions which are established as valid, but only within the limits set by those premises. This means that within the context of theology, for example, if we accept the truth of the Quran, then certain conclusions follow if we use the principles of theology; but if we do not accept the truth of the Quran, then the acceptability of those conclusions is dubious. Philosophers are distinguished from everyone else in that they are the only people who use entirely certain and universal premises, and so their conclusions have total universality as well as validity. When it comes to knowledge we find a similar contrast. Ordinary people can know something of what is around them and also of the spiritual nature of reality, but they are limited to the images and allegories of religion and the scope of their senses. Philosophers, by contrast, can attain much higher levels of knowledge through their application of logic and through their ability to perfect their understanding and establish contact with the principles which underlie the whole of reality.
5 Islamic philosophy in the modern world

After the death of Ibn Rushd, Islamic philosophy in the Peripatetic style went out of fashion in the Arab world, although the transmission of Islamic philosophy into Western Europe started at this time and had an important influence upon the direction which medieval and Renaissance Europe was to take (see Averroism; Averroism, Jewish; Translators; Islamic philosophy: transmission into Western Europe). In the Persian-speaking world, Islamic philosophy has continued to follow a largely Illuminationist curriculum right up to today; but in the Arab world it fell into something of a decline, at least in its Peripatetic form, until the nineteenth century. Mystical philosophy, by contrast, continued to flourish, although no thinkers matched the creativity of Ibn al-Arabi or Ibn Sabin. Al-Afghani and Muhammad Abduh sought to find rational principles which would establish a form of thought which is both distinctively Islamic and also appropriate for life in modern scientific societies, a debate which is continuing within Islamic philosophy today (see Islamic philosophy, modern). Iqbal provided a rather eclectic mixture of Islamic and European philosophy, and some thinkers reacted to the phenomenon of modernity by developing Islamic fundamentalism (see Islamic fundamentalism). This resuscitated the earlier antagonism

to philosophy by arguing for a return to the original principles of Islam and rejected modernity as a Western imperialist instrusion. The impact of Western scholarship on Islamic philosophy has not always been helpful, and Orientalism has sometimes led to an overemphasis of the dependence of Islamic philosophy on Greek thought, and to a refusal to regard Islamic philosophy as real philosophy (seeOrientalism and Islamic philosophy). That is, in much of the exegetical literature there has been too much concern dealing with the historical conditions under which the philosophy was produced as compared with the status of the ideas themselves. While there are still many disputes concerning the ways in which Islamic philosophy should be pursued, as is the case with all kinds of philosophy, there can be little doubt about its major achievements and continuing significance.
How to cite this article: LEAMAN, OLIVER (1998). Islamic philosophy. In E. Craig (Ed.), Routledge Encyclopedia of Philosophy. London: Routledge. Retrieved April 26, 2012, from http://www.rep.routledge.com/article/H057

December 21, 2007

Selected Bibliography

Afshar, Iraj and Mahdawi, Asghar, Majmua-yi asnad wa madariki chap nashuda dar bara-yi Sayyid Jamal al-Din mashhur be-Afghani (Tehran: Tehran University Press, 1963) Enayat, Hamid, Modern Islamic Political Thought (Austin: The University of Texas Press, 1982) Gibb, H. A. R., Modern Trends in Islam (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1947) Hourani, Albert, Arabic Thought in the Liberal Age: 1789-1939 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982)

Keddie, Nikki, An Islamic Response to Imperialism: Political and Religious Writings of Sayyid Jamal al-Din al-Afghani (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983) --------, Sayyid Jamal al-Din Afghani: A Political Biography (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1972) Kedourie, Elie, Afghani and Abduh: An Essay on Religious Unbelief and Political Activism in Modern Islam (London, 1966) Qudsi-zadah, Albert, Sayyid Jamal al-Din al-Afghani: An Annotated Bibliography (Leiden: Brill, 1970) Siddiqi, Mazheruddin, Modern Reformist Thought in the Muslim World (Islamabad: Islamic Research Institute, 1982) Smith, W. Cantwell, Islam in Modern History (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1957)
al-Afghani, Jamal al-Din (1838-97)

Al-Afghani is often described as one of the most prominent Islamic political leaders and philosophers of the nineteenth century. He was concerned with the subjection of the Muslim world by Western colonial powers, and he made the liberation, independence and unity of the Islamic world one of the major aims of his life. He provided a theoretical explanation for the relative decline of the Islamic world, and a philosophical theory of history which sought to establish a form of modernism appropriate to Islam. 1. Life and times 2. Philosophy of history
1. Life and times

Jamal al-Din al-Afghani was born in 1838 about 180 miles from Kabul, of a distinguished family. He received a thorough training in a variety of languages of Islamic countries and the religious sciences. When he was eighteen years old he began the constant travels which were to mark his life. He visited much of the Islamic world as well as Europe, and set up a political organization which called on Muslims to fight

injustice and the imposition of imperialism. He had a great impact upon Muhammad 'Abduh and reactions by intellectual Egyptians to the incursion of the Europeans. He eventually sided with the Ottoman empire but soon became disillusioned with the Sultan, and died in suspicious circumstances in Turkey in 1897.
2. Philosophy of history

Al-Afghani's philosophical contributions are to be found in his book ar-Radd 'alaldahriyyin (Refutation of the Materialists). Citing philosophers such as Democritusand Darwin, he criticized the naturalist and materialist philosophers for their denial, either directly or indirectly, of the existence of God. He then went on to elaborate at great length on religion's contribution to civilization and progress. According to al-Afghani, religion has taught humanity three fundamental beliefs: its angelical or spiritual nature, the belief of every religious community in its superiority over other groups, and the assertion that our existence in this world is but a prelude to a higher life in a world entirely free from sorrow and suffering. Our angelic nature urges us to rise above our bestial proclivities and live in peace with our fellow human beings. The feeling of competitive superiority on the part of the various religious groups generates competitiveness, whereby the various communities will strive to improve their lot and persist in their quest for knowledge and progress. Finally, the third truth provides an incentive to be constantly aware of the higher and eternal world that awaits us. This in turn will motivate human beings to refrain from the evil and malice to which they may be tempted, and live a life of love, peace and justice. Al-Afghani mentions that religion implants in its believers the three traits of honesty, modesty and truthfulness. He further maintains that the greatness of the major nations of the world has always been entailed by their cultivation of these traits. Through these virtues the Greeks were able to confront and destroy the Persian empire. However, when the Greeks adopted the materialism and hedonism of Epicurus, the result was decay and subjection by the Romans. Likewise the ancient Persians, a very noble people, began with the rise of Mazdaism the same downward journey as the Greeks, which resulted in their moral erosion and subjection by the Arabs. Similarly, the Muslim empire, which rose on the same solid moral and religious foundation as did both the Greeks and Persians, became so weakened that a small band of Franks (that is, the crusaders), was able to score significant victories against them. Subsequently, the hordes of Genghis Khan were able to trample the whole land of Islam, sack its cities and massacre its people. Al-Afghani bases his philosophy on a theory of history in which religion is portrayed as a catalytic force in the progress of humanity. Interestingly, he stresses that religious beliefs must be founded upon sound demonstration and valid proof without any supernatural aspect. This rationalism manifests an important element of modernity in

al-Afghani's thinking. However, such modernity does not diminish his strong belief in religion as an integral component and fundamental force behind humanity's quest for morality, truthfulness and integrity. Al-Afghani's philosophical views revealed a great deal of faith in the human mind and its capacity for innovations based on knowledge rather than ignorance. He expressed great faith in humanity as being one of the greatest miracles of the universe, and believed that there are no areas which can remain forever closed to the human mind. Surprisingly, he predicted that people would reach the moon as a step in a series of strides by mankind, as he believed that nature and the universe were created so that we could continue the challenge of unravelling their secrets. In his criticism of Darwin's theory of evolution (see Evolution, theory of), al-Afghani presents a philosophical theory about nature in response to Darwin's theory. He believes in the nature of what he termed 'natural selection', whereby survival in nature will be for the strongest and the fittest. Thus if a number of plants are planted in a single space of earth which does not have food for all these plants, it will be noticed that the plants will compete among themselves for food. In due course, some of the plants will become more developed than the others, which will wither. He applies the same theory to the world of animals, including human beings, where the influence of power is more noticeable than elsewhere. He even goes further than Darwin by applying the theory to the area of ideas, maintaining that ideas are born out of other ideas and may be greater than those ideas; this explains why posterity may sometimes excel and be superior to its ancestry. Al-Afghani believes that these developments are due to the impact of nature's aspects and not necessarily the result of human effort. His criticism of Darwin's theory lessened gradually as he began to express views similar to those of Darwin. He cites earlier Muslim scholars such as Ibn Bashroun who had talked about the evolution from dust of plants and animals. Al-Afghani, however, continued to maintain strong disagreement with Darwin on one fundamental issue, that of the creation of life; this al-Afghani unequivocally ascribes to God. See also: 'Abduh, M.; Darwin, C.R.; Evolution, theory of; Islamic philosophy, modern ELSAYED M.H. OMRAN OLIVER LEAMAN Copyright 1998, Routledge.

List of works al-Afghani (1838-97) ar-Radd 'alal-dahriyyin (Refutation of the Materialists), Cairo, 1955. (The main philosophical contribution of al-Afghani.)

References and further reading Keddie, N. (1968) An Islamic Response to Imperialism: Political and Religious Writings of Sayyid Jamal al-Din al-Afghani, Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. (An useful series of essays linking al-Afghani's philosophical and political views.) Keddie, N. (1972) Sayyid Jamal ad-Din al-Afghani: A Political Biography, Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. (An important study of alAfghani's politics, with useful material on his general philosophical views.) Kedourie, E. (1966) Afghani and 'Abduh, London: Cass. (Deals extensively with Afghani's political philosophy and its influence on 'Abduh.)
al-Afghani, Jamal al-Din (1838-97)

Al-Afghani is often described as one of the most prominent Islamic political leaders and philosophers of the nineteenth century. He was concerned with the subjection of the Muslim world by Western colonial powers, and he made the liberation, independence and unity of the Islamic world one of the major aims of his life. He provided a theoretical explanation for the relative decline of the Islamic world, and a philosophical theory of history which sought to establish a form of modernism appropriate to Islam. 1. Life and times 2. Philosophy of history
1. Life and times

Jamal al-Din al-Afghani was born in 1838 about 180 miles from Kabul, of a distinguished family. He received a thorough training in a variety of languages of Islamic countries and the religious sciences. When he was eighteen years old he began the constant travels which were to mark his life. He visited much of the Islamic world as well as Europe, and set up a political organization which called on Muslims to fight injustice and the imposition of imperialism. He had a great impact upon Muhammad 'Abduh and reactions by intellectual Egyptians to the incursion of the Europeans. He

eventually sided with the Ottoman empire but soon became disillusioned with the Sultan, and died in suspicious circumstances in Turkey in 1897.
2. Philosophy of history

Al-Afghani's philosophical contributions are to be found in his book ar-Radd 'alaldahriyyin (Refutation of the Materialists). Citing philosophers such as Democritusand Darwin, he criticized the naturalist and materialist philosophers for their denial, either directly or indirectly, of the existence of God. He then went on to elaborate at great length on religion's contribution to civilization and progress. According to al-Afghani, religion has taught humanity three fundamental beliefs: its angelical or spiritual nature, the belief of every religious community in its superiority over other groups, and the assertion that our existence in this world is but a prelude to a higher life in a world entirely free from sorrow and suffering. Our angelic nature urges us to rise above our bestial proclivities and live in peace with our fellow human beings. The feeling of competitive superiority on the part of the various religious groups generates competitiveness, whereby the various communities will strive to improve their lot and persist in their quest for knowledge and progress. Finally, the third truth provides an incentive to be constantly aware of the higher and eternal world that awaits us. This in turn will motivate human beings to refrain from the evil and malice to which they may be tempted, and live a life of love, peace and justice. Al-Afghani mentions that religion implants in its believers the three traits of honesty, modesty and truthfulness. He further maintains that the greatness of the major nations of the world has always been entailed by their cultivation of these traits. Through these virtues the Greeks were able to confront and destroy the Persian empire. However, when the Greeks adopted the materialism and hedonism of Epicurus, the result was decay and subjection by the Romans. Likewise the ancient Persians, a very noble people, began with the rise of Mazdaism the same downward journey as the Greeks, which resulted in their moral erosion and subjection by the Arabs. Similarly, the Muslim empire, which rose on the same solid moral and religious foundation as did both the Greeks and Persians, became so weakened that a small band of Franks (that is, the crusaders), was able to score significant victories against them. Subsequently, the hordes of Genghis Khan were able to trample the whole land of Islam, sack its cities and massacre its people. Al-Afghani bases his philosophy on a theory of history in which religion is portrayed as a catalytic force in the progress of humanity. Interestingly, he stresses that religious beliefs must be founded upon sound demonstration and valid proof without any supernatural aspect. This rationalism manifests an important element of modernity in al-Afghani's thinking. However, such modernity does not diminish his strong belief in

religion as an integral component and fundamental force behind humanity's quest for morality, truthfulness and integrity. Al-Afghani's philosophical views revealed a great deal of faith in the human mind and its capacity for innovations based on knowledge rather than ignorance. He expressed great faith in humanity as being one of the greatest miracles of the universe, and believed that there are no areas which can remain forever closed to the human mind. Surprisingly, he predicted that people would reach the moon as a step in a series of strides by mankind, as he believed that nature and the universe were created so that we could continue the challenge of unravelling their secrets. In his criticism of Darwin's theory of evolution (see Evolution, theory of), al-Afghani presents a philosophical theory about nature in response to Darwin's theory. He believes in the nature of what he termed 'natural selection', whereby survival in nature will be for the strongest and the fittest. Thus if a number of plants are planted in a single space of earth which does not have food for all these plants, it will be noticed that the plants will compete among themselves for food. In due course, some of the plants will become more developed than the others, which will wither. He applies the same theory to the world of animals, including human beings, where the influence of power is more noticeable than elsewhere. He even goes further than Darwin by applying the theory to the area of ideas, maintaining that ideas are born out of other ideas and may be greater than those ideas; this explains why posterity may sometimes excel and be superior to its ancestry. Al-Afghani believes that these developments are due to the impact of nature's aspects and not necessarily the result of human effort. His criticism of Darwin's theory lessened gradually as he began to express views similar to those of Darwin. He cites earlier Muslim scholars such as Ibn Bashroun who had talked about the evolution from dust of plants and animals. Al-Afghani, however, continued to maintain strong disagreement with Darwin on one fundamental issue, that of the creation of life; this al-Afghani unequivocally ascribes to God. See also: 'Abduh, M.; Darwin, C.R.; Evolution, theory of; Islamic philosophy, modern ELSAYED M.H. OMRAN OLIVER LEAMAN Copyright 1998, Routledge.

List of works al-Afghani (1838-97) ar-Radd 'alal-dahriyyin (Refutation of the Materialists), Cairo, 1955. (The main philosophical contribution of al-Afghani.)

References and further reading Keddie, N. (1968) An Islamic Response to Imperialism: Political and Religious Writings of Sayyid Jamal al-Din al-Afghani, Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. (An useful series of essays linking al-Afghani's philosophical and political views.) Keddie, N. (1972) Sayyid Jamal ad-Din al-Afghani: A Political Biography, Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. (An important study of alAfghani's politics, with useful material on his general philosophical views.) Kedourie, E. (1966) Afghani and 'Abduh, London: Cass. (Deals extensively with Afghani's political philosophy and its influence on 'Abduh.)

Bibliographic information

Title Author Published

Refutation of the Materialists amladdn al-Afn 1968

Afghn on Empire, Islam, and Civilization

1. Margaret Kohn 1. University of Toronto

Abstract
This essay provides an interpretation of Sayyid Jaml ad-Dn al-Afghn, a controversial figure in nineteenth-century Islamic political thought. One aspect of this controversy is the tension between Refutation of the Materialists, Afghn's well-known defense of religious orthodoxy, and a short newspaper article entitled Reply to Renan that dismisses prophetic religi on as dogmatic and intellectually stifling. In this essay I argue that close attention to Afghn's theory of civilization helps resolve this apparent contradiction. Afghn's interest in Ibn Khaldn and the French historian Guizot is well known, but has not been fully explored in the literature. I suggest that understanding Guizot's distinctive approach to the concept of civilization illuminates Afghn's writings on the political utility of religion. Afghn was an ardent anti-imperialist and his goal was to encourage reform in Islamic countries while resisting Western hegemony. He concluded that the tension between prophetic religion and critical thought could help Islamic civilization to flourish.

Published originally in Paris in 18 weekly issues, from March 13 to Oct. 17, 1884 Organ of Jamiyat al-Urwah al-Wuthq Includes indexes

muhammad Abduh
Mark Sedgwick, Mark J. Sedgwick Oneworld, Dec 31, 2009 - 152 pages Muhammad Abduh (1849-1905) is widely regarded as the founder of Islamic modernism. Egyptian jurist, religious scholar and political activist, he sought to synthesise Western and Islamic cultural values. Arguing that Islam is essentially rational and fluid, Abduh maintained that it had been stifled by the rigid structures implemented in the generations since Muhammad and his immediate followers. In this absorbing biography, Mark Sedgwick examines whether Abduh revived true Islam or instigated its corruption.

Why Muhammad Abduh came to be called "Salafi"

In a new article (The Construction of Salafiyya: Reconsidering Salafism from the Perspective of Conceptual History,International Journal of Middle East Studies 42, August 2010, pp. 369-389), Henri Lauzire reviews the history of the use of the term "salafi," and shows how it became attached to Muhammad Abduh, after his death, as the result of its adoption as a business name by a successful Cairo bookstore and publisher. The use of "Salafiyya" by this publisher in the title of a short-lived modernist journal discussed by Massignon as an example of modernism caused confusion among Western scholars, and the adoption--years after Abduh's death--to describe modernism.

An excellent article that clears up almost 90 years of confusion!

Goldziher on Afghani
Thanks to Dietrich Jung for bringing to my attention Ignaz Goldziher's recollections of Afghani, with whom he spent time during his four-month visit to Cairo as a young man in 1873/74. Goldziher described Afghani as "the most original figure among [his] friends" in Cairo. He joined Afghani frequently in the coffee house in Abdin Street where Afghani "presided every evening over a group of young Azhar students and taught them all sorts of free-thinking stuff (ihnen alles mgliche freisinnige Zeug vormachte)" (Tagebuch, Leiden: Brill 1978, p. 68).

Goldziher wrote that he met Afghani again in Paris in 1883, and should one day write more about this. but apart from an entry in the Encyclopedia of Islam, seems not to have done so.

Publication date

The worldwide edition of Mark Sedgwick's biography of Muhammad Abduh is to bepublished by Oneworld, Oxford, on November 18 2009.

A Middle East edition will be published at about the same time by the American University in Cairo Press, Cairo.

The differences between the two editions are minor. The main difference is that the AUC Press edition, which is not on sale outside the Middle East, is priced at a level that makes it more easily available to readers in Muhammad Abduh's own country.

The worldwide edition is available for $36 from Amazon.com and for 28.50 from Amazon.co.uk.

Muhammad Abduh
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Muhammad Abduh

Religion

Islam

Personal

Born

January 1849, 1 Nile Delta, Egypt

Died

July 11, 1905 (aged 56) Alexandria

Muhammad Abduh (or Mohammed 'Abduh) (Arabic: ( ) Nile Delta, 1849 Alexandria, July 11, 1905) was an Egyptian jurist, religious scholar and liberal reformer, regarded as the founder of Islamic Modernism. A recent book titled "Islam and Liberty" regarded Muhammad Abduh as the founder of the so-called NeoMutazilism.[1]

Contents
[hide]

1 Biography 2 Thought 3 Works 4 See also 5 References 6 Notes 7 External links

[edit]Biography
Muhammad Abduh was born in 1849 into a family of peasants in Lower Egypt. He was educated by a private tutor and a reciter of the Quran. When he turned thirteen he was sent to the Amad mosque which was one of the largest educational institutions in Egypt. A while later Abduh ran away from school and got married. He enrolled at al-Azhar in 1866.[2] Abduh studied logic, philosophy and mysticism at the Al-Azhar University in Cairo. He was a student of Jamal al-Din al-Afghani,[3] a philosopher and religious reformer who advocated Pan-Islamism to resist European colonialism. Under al-Afghani's influence, Abduh combined journalism, politics, and his own fascination in mystic spirituality. Al-Afghani taught Abduh about the problems of Egypt and the Islamic world and about the technological achievements of the west. In 1877, Abduh was granted the degree of Alim and he started to teach logic, theology and ethics at al-Azhar. He was appointed professor of history at Cairo's teachers' training college Dr al-Ulm in 1878. He was also appointed to teach Arabic at the Khedivial School of Languages.[4] Abduh was appointed editor and chief of alWaqi al-Miriyya, the official newspaper of the state. He was dedicated to reforming all aspects of Egyptian society. He believed that education was the best way to achieve this goal. He was in favor of a good religious education which would strengthen a childs morals and a scientific education which would nurture a childs ability to reason. In his articles he criticized corruption, superstition, and the luxurious lives of the rich. [5] He was exiled from Egypt in 1882 for six years, for supporting the Urabi Revolt. He had stated that every society should be allowed to choose a suitable form of government based on its history and its present circumstances.[6] Abduh spent several years in Lebanon where he helped establish an Islamic educational system. In 1884 he moved to Paris, France where he joined al-Afghani in publishing The Firmest Bond (alUrwah al-Wuthqa), an Islamic revolutionary journal that promoted anti-British views. Abduh also visited Britain and discussed the state of Egypt and Sudan with high-ranking officials. In 1885, he returned to Beirut and was surrounded by scholars from different religious backgrounds. During his stay there he dedicated his efforts toward furthering respect and friendship between Islam, Christianity and Judaism.[7]

When he returned to Egypt in 1888, Abduh began his legal career. He was appointed judge in the Courts of First Instance of the Native Tribunals and in 1890, he became a consultative member of the Court of Appeal. In 1899, he was appointed Mufti of Egypt and he held this position until he died. While he was in Egypt, Abduh founded a religious society, became president of a society for the revival of Arab sciences and worked towards reforming al-Azhar by putting forth proposals to improve examinations, the curriculum and the working conditions for both professors and students. He travelled a great deal and met with European scholars in Cambridge and Oxford. He studied French law and read a great many European and Arab works in the libraries of Vienna and Berlin. The conclusions he drew from his travels were that Muslims suffer from ignorance about their own religion and the despotism of unjust rulers.[8] Muhammad Abduh died on 11 July 1905. People from all around the world sent their condolences.

[edit]Thought

I went to the West and saw Islam, but no Muslims; I got back to the East and saw Muslims, but not Islam.

Muhammad Abduh

Muhammad Abduh argued that Muslims could not simply rely on the interpretations of texts provided by medieval clerics, they needed to use reason to keep up with changing times. He said that in Islam man was not created to be led by a bridle, man was given intelligence so that he could be guided by knowledge. According to Abduh, a teachers role was to direct men towards study. He believed that Islam encouraged men to detach from the world of their ancestors and that Islam reproved the slavish imitation of tradition. He said that the two greatest possessions relating to religion that man was graced with were independence of will and independence of thought and opinion. It was with the help of these tools that he could attain happiness. He believed that the growth of western civilization in Europe was based on these two principles. He thought that Europeans were roused to act after a large number of them were able to exercise their choice and to seek out facts with their minds.[9] His Muslim opponents refer to him as an infidel; however, his followers called him a sage, a reviver of religion and a reforming leader. He is conventionally graced with the epithets al-Ustdh al-Imm and al-Shaykh alMuft. In his works, he portrays God as educating humanity from its childhood through its youth and then on to adulthood. According to him, Islam is the only religion whose dogmas can be proven by reasoning. Abduh does not advocate returning to the early stages of Islam. He was against polygamy and thought that it was an archaic custom. He believed in a form of Islam that would liberate men from enslavement, provide equal rights for all human beings, abolish the religious scholars monopoly on exegesis and abolish racial discrimination and religious compulsion.[10]

Mohammad Abduh made great efforts to preach harmony between Sunnis and Shias. Broadly speaking, he preached brotherhood between all schools of thought in Islam. However, he criticized errors such as superstitions coming from popular Sufism.[11] Abduh regularly called for better friendship between religious communities. As Christianity was the second biggest religion in Egypt, he devoted special efforts toward friendship between Muslims and Christians. He had many Christian friends and many a time he stood up to defendCopts.[12] During the Urabi revolt, some Muslim mobs had misguidedly attacked a number of Copts resulting from their anger against European colonialists.

[edit]Works

Peak of Eloquence with comments

Other works by Muhammad `Abduh

)1897(, Rislat al-tawd )Theology of unity; first edition( (1903), Tafsir Surat al-`Asr, Cairo. )1904(, Tafsir juz `Amma, al-Matb. al-Amiriyya, Cairo. (1927), Tafsir Manar, 12 volumes (1944), Muhammad Abduh. Essai sur ses ides philosophiques et religieuses, Cairo (19541961), Tafsir al-Qur'an al-Hakim al-Mustahir bi Tafsir al-Manar, 12 vols. with indices, Cairo. (1962 or 1963) (Islamic year 1382), Fatihat al-Kitab, Tafsir al-Ustadh al-Imam, Kitab al-Tahrir, Cairo. (no date), Durus min al-Qur'an al-Karim, ed. by Tahir al-Tanakhi, Dar al-Hilal, Cairo. (1966), The Theology of Unity, trans. by Ishaq Musa'ad and Kenneth Cragg. London.

[edit]See

also

List of Islamic scholars

[edit]References

Benzine, Rachid (2008). Les nouveaux penseurs de l'islam. Paris: Albin Michel. ISBN 978-2-226-17858-9. Black, Antony (2001). The History of Islamic Political Thought. New York: Routledge. ISBN 0415932432. Sedgwick, Mark (2009). Muhammad Abduh. Oxford: Oneworld. ISBN 978-1851684328. Watt, W. Montgomery (1985). Islamic Philosophy and Theology. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. ISBN 0-7486-0749-8.

[edit]Notes

1. ^ Ahmed H. Al-Rahim (January 2006). "Islam and Liberty", Journal of Democracy 17 (1), p. 166-169. 2. ^ Kgelgen, Anke von. "Abduh, Muammad." Encyclopaedia of Islam, THREE. Edited by: Gudrun Krmer, Denis Matringe, John Nawas and Everett Rowson. Brill, 2009. Brill Online. Syracuse University. 23 April 2009 <http://www.brillonline.nl.libezproxy2.syr.edu/subscriber/entry?entry=ei3_COM-0103.> 3. ^ Kedourie, E. (1997). Afghani and 'Abduh: An Essay on Religious Unbelief and Political Activism in Modern Islam, London: Frank Cass. ISBN 071464355. 4. ^ Kgelgen, Anke von. "Abduh, Muammad." Encyclopaedia of Islam, THREE. Edited by: Gudrun Krmer, Denis Matringe, John Nawas and Everett Rowson. Brill, 2009. Brill Online. Syracuse University. 23 April 2009 <http://www.brillonline.nl.libezproxy2.syr.edu/subscriber/entry?entry=ei3_COM-0103.> 5. ^ Kgelgen, Anke von. "Abduh, Muammad." Encyclopaedia of Islam, THREE. Edited by: Gudrun Krmer, Denis Matringe, John Nawas and Everett Rowson. Brill, 2009. Brill Online. Syracuse University. 23 April 2009 <http://www.brillonline.nl.libezproxy2.syr.edu/subscriber/entry?entry=ei3_COM-0103.> 6. ^ Kgelgen, Anke von. "Abduh, Muammad." Encyclopaedia of Islam, THREE. Edited by: Gudrun Krmer, Denis Matringe, John Nawas and Everett Rowson. Brill, 2009. Brill Online. Syracuse University. 23 April 2009 <http://www.brillonline.nl.libezproxy2.syr.edu/subscriber/entry?entry=ei3_COM-0103.> 7. ^ Kgelgen, Anke von. "Abduh, Muammad." Encyclopaedia of Islam, THREE. Edited by: Gudrun Krmer, Denis Matringe, John Nawas and Everett Rowson. Brill, 2009. Brill Online. Syracuse University. 23 April 2009 <http://www.brillonline.nl.libezproxy2.syr.edu/subscriber/entry?entry=ei3_COM-0103.> 8. ^ Kgelgen, Anke von. "Abduh, Muammad." Encyclopaedia of Islam, THREE. Edited by: Gudrun Krmer, Denis Matringe, John Nawas and Everett Rowson. Brill, 2009. Brill Online. Syracuse University. 23 April 2009 <http://www.brillonline.nl.libezproxy2.syr.edu/subscriber/entry?entry=ei3_COM-0103.> 9. ^ Gelvin , J. L. (2008). The Modern Middle East (2nd ed., pp. 161-162). New York: Oxford university Press. 10. ^ Kgelgen, Anke von. "Abduh, Muammad." Encyclopaedia of Islam, THREE. Edited by: Gudrun Krmer, Denis Matringe, John Nawas and Everett Rowson. Brill, 2009. Brill Online. Syracuse University. 23 April 2009 <http://www.brillonline.nl.libezproxy2.syr.edu/subscriber/entry?entry=ei3_COM-0103.> 11. ^ Benzine, Rachid. Les nouveaux penseurs de l'islam, p. 43-44. 12. ^ Benzine, Rachid. Les nouveaux penseurs de l'islam, p. 44.

[edit]External

links

Center for Islam and Science: Muhammad `Abduh

Islamic Modernism
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

This article has multiple issues. Please help improve it or discuss these issues on the talk page. It needs additional citations for verification. Tagged since June 2010. It may contain original research. Tagged since May 2010. It may need to be wikified to meet Wikipedia's quality standards. Tagged since June 2010.

Islamic Modernism is a movement that has been described as "the first Muslim ideological response"[1] to the cultural challenges which attempts to reconcile Islamic faith with modern values regarding nationalism, democracy, civil rights, rationality, equality and progress.[2] It featured a "critical reexamination of the classical conceptions and methods of jurisprudence" and a new approach to Islamic theology and Quranic exegesis.[1]
Contents
[hide]

1 Overview

1.1 History

2 Criticism of Modernism 3 A list of alleged Islamic Modernists 4 See also 5 References

[edit]Overview
Some trends in modern Islamic thought include:

Restricting traditional Islamic law by limiting its basis to the Quran and authentic Sunnah, limiting the Sunna with radical Hadith criticism.[3]A few, such as Ghulam Ahmed Pervez in Pakistan, go further and treat only the Quran as absolutely binding.

A more or less radical (re)interpretation of the authoritative sources. This is particularly the case with the Quranic texts on polygyny, thehadd (penal) punishments, jihad, and treatment of unbelievers, which conflict with "modern" views.[4]

An apologetic which links aspects of the Islamic tradition with Western ideas and practices, and claims Western practices in question were originally derived from Islam.[citation needed] Modernist apologetic has however been severely criticized by many scholars as superficial, tendentious and even psychologically

destructive, so much so that the term "apologetics" has almost become a term of abuse in the literature on modern Islam.[5]

[edit]History
In relation to the Islamic Caliphate, some Modernists argue there was no glorious history as the first three Caliphs were assassinated. Furthermore, Spain, Africa and Persia were autonomous at different points in history resulting in there being no one Caliphate state, contradicting traditional historiography which relates the Umayyad, Abbasid and Ottoman Caliphates as maintaining general political and territorial integrity with fragmentation and divisions being the exception.[citation needed]

[edit]Criticism

of Modernism

The neutrality of this section is disputed. Please see the discussion on the talk page. Please do not remove this message until the dispute is resolved. (December 2008)

Criticism of Islamic modernism comes mainly from supporters of Islamism who argue modernist thought is little more than the fusion of Western Secularism with spiritual aspects of Islam.[citation needed]. Other critics have described the modernist positions on politics in Islam as ideological stances.[6] Critics argue politics is inherently embedded in Islam, a rejection of the secular principle, "render unto Caesar what is Caesar's". They claim that there is a consensus in Muslim political jurisprudence, philosophy and practice with regard to the Caliphate form of government with a clear structure comprising a Caliph, assistants )muawinoon(, governors )wulaat(, judges )qudaat( and administrators (mudeeroon).[7][8] It is argued that Muslim jurists have tended to work with the governments of their times. Notable examples are Abu Yusuf, Mohammed Ibn al-Hasan, Shafii, Yahya bin Said, Abu Hamid al-Ghazali, Ismail bin Yasa, Ibn Tulun[disambiguation needed
]

, Abu Zura, Abu Hasan al-Mawardi andTabari.[9][10] Prominent theologians would

counsel the Caliph in discharging his Islamic duties, often on the request of the incumbent Caliph. Many rulers provided patronage to scholars across all disciplines, the most famous being the Abassids who funded extensive translation programmes and the building of libraries.

[edit]A

list of alleged Islamic Modernists

Jamal al-Din al-Afghani Muhammad Abduh Rashid Rida Maududi Agus Salim Hassan al Banna

Mohammad Natsir Sayyed Qutb Syed Ahmed Khan Mahmoud Shaltout Haji Abdul Malik Karim Amrullah Ali Shariati Muhammad Iqbal Ghulam Ahmed Pervez Javed Ahmad Ghamidi Syed Ameer Ali Hamiduddin Farahi Amin Ahsan Islahi Mahmoud Mohammed Taha(Neomodernist) Farag Fawda(Neomodernist) Yasir Qadhi

[edit]See

also

Islam and modernity Islamism Islamic revival Modern Islamic philosophy

[edit]References Constructs such as ibid., loc. cit. and idem are discouraged by Wikipedia's style guide for footnotes, as they are easily broken. Please improve this article by replacing them with named references (quick guide), or an abbreviated title. (May 2010)

1. 2. 3.

a b

Islamic modernism, nationalism, and fundamentalism By Mansoor Moaddel

^ [Encyclopedia of Islam and the Muslim World, Thompson Gale (2004) ^ Muhammad 'Abduh, for example, said a Muslim was obliged to accept only mutawatir hadith, and was free to reject others about which he had doubts - Risalat al-Tawhid, 17th Printing, Cairo: Maktabat alQahira, 1379/1960, pp. 201-3; English translation by K. Cragg and I. Masa'ad, The Theology of Unity London: Allen and Unwin, 1966, pp. 155-56. Ahmad Amin, in his popular series on Islamic cultural history, cautiously suggested that there were few if any mutawatir hadith (especially, Fajr al-Islam, 10th edition

Cairo: Maktabat al-Nahda al-Misriyya, 1965, p. 218; see also G. H. A. Juynboll, The Authenticity of the Tradition Literature: Discussions in Modern Egypt (Leiden: Brill, 1969), and my Faith of a Modern Muslim Intellectual, p. 113. 4. ^ See Quran 4:3 on polygyny, 5:38 on cutting off the hand of the thief, 24:2-5 on whipping for fornication (the provision for stoning for adultery is in the Hadith). On jihad and the treatment of unbelievers, the difficult passages for modernists are the so-called "verses of the sword," such as 9:5 on the Arab pagans and 9:29 on the people of the Book Shepard, W E, op cit, 1987, p. 330 5. ^ Smith's criticism of Farid Wajdi in Islam in Modern History, pp. 139-59, and Gibb's complaint about "the intellectual confusions and the paralyzing romanticism which cloud the minds of the modernists of today" Modern Trends in Islam, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1947, pp. 105-6. 6. ^ Shepard, E, Islam and Ideology: Towards a Typology, International Journal of Middle East Studies, Vol. 19, No. 3, Aug 1987, Cambridge University Press, p. 307 7. 8. 9. ^ Nabhani, T, "The Islamic Ruling System", al-Khilafah Publications ^ Mawardi, "Ahkaam al-Sultaniyyah" ^ Hallaq, W, The Origins and Evolution of Islamic Law, Cambridge University Press, 2005, pp.173 -6, 1827 10. ^ Salahi, A, Pioneers of Islamic Scholarship, The Islamic Foundation, 2006, pp. 51 -2

Al-Azhar University
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

"Al-Azhar" redirects here. For other uses, see Al-Azhar (disambiguation).

Al-Azhar University

Game'at Al-Azhar al-arf

Al-Azhar Mosque in Cairo Egypt

Established

970~972 AD

Type

Public

Religious affiliation

Sunni Islam

President

Dr. Osama al-A'bd

Location

Cairo, Egypt 300245N 311545ECoordinates: 300245N 311545E

Campus

Urban

Website

azhar.edu.eg/En/index.htm

Al-Azhar University (pronounced "AZ-har", Arabic: ; Game'at Al-Azhar al-arf, "the Noble Azhar University") is an educational institute in Cairo, Egypt. Founded in 970~972 as a madrasa, it is the chief centre of Arabic literature and Islamic learning in the world.[1] It is the oldest degree-granting university in Egypt. In 1961 non-religious subjects were added to its curriculum.[2] It is associated with Al-Azhar Mosque in Islamic Cairo. The university's mission includes the propagation of Islamic religion and culture. To this end, its Islamic scholars (ulamas) render edicts (fatwas) on disputes submitted to them from all over the Sunni Islamic world regarding proper conduct for Muslim individuals and societies. Al-Azhar also trains Egyptian government appointed preachers in proselytization (da'wa).[citation
needed]

Its library is considered second in importance in Egypt only to the Egyptian National Library and Archives.[citation
needed]

In May 2005, Al-Azhar in partnership with a Dubai information technology enterprise, ITEP launched the

H.H. Sheikh Mohammed Bin Rashid Al Maktoum Project to Preserve Al Azhar Scripts and Publish Them Online (the "Al-Azhar Online Project") with the mission of eventually providing online access to the library's entire rare manuscripts collection (comprising about seven million pages).[3][4]

Contents
[hide]

1 History 2 Magazine publishing 3 Political views

o o

3.1 On freedom of speech 3.2 Al-Azhar after 25th January Revolution

4 Notable persons associated with the university

o o o

4.1 19th early 20th centuries 4.2 1910s1950s 4.3 1950present

5 See also 6 References 7 Further reading 8 External links

[edit]History
Al-Azhar University concerns itself with the religious syllabus, which pays special attention to the Quranic sciences and traditions of the Islamic prophet Muhammad, on the one hand, while on the other hand the university teaches all the modern fields of science. In 1961, according to Al-Azhar university's legislatory law No. 103, new colleges of applied sciences, such as the faculties of Medicine and Engineering, were introduced to Al-Azhar university. These newly introduced faculties are not duplicates of their counterparts in other universities because they combine the empirical sciences with the religious sciences. Alongside the Egyptian students who are studying at Al-Azhar university, there are also many other students from various Islamic and European countries. These foreign Muslim students have exactly the same rights as the Egyptian students.[citation needed] The madrasa was founded by the Fatimid dynasty of Egypt, descended from Fatimah, daughter of Muhammad. Fatimah was called Az-Zahra (the brilliant), and the university was named in her honor.[citation needed] Studies began at Al-Azhar in the month of Ramadan, 975 AD. According to Syed Farid Alatas, the Jami'ah had faculties in Islamic law and jurisprudence, Arabic grammar, Islamic astronomy, Islamic philosophy, and logic.[5][6] In the 12th century, following the overthrow of the Ismaili Shia Fatimid dynasty, Sultan Saladin (the founder of the staunchly Sunni Ayyubid Dynasty ) converted Al-Azhar to a Shafi'ite Sunni center of learning.[1][7] Abd-el-latif delivered lectures on Islamic medicine at Al-Azhar, while

the Jewish philosopher Maimonides delivered lectures on medicine and astronomy there during the time of Saladin.[8] In 1961, Al-Azhar was established as a university under the government of Egypt's second President Gamal Abdel Nasser when a wide range of secular faculties were added for the first time, such as business, economics, science, pharmacy, medicine, engineering and agriculture. Before that date, the Encyclopaedia of Islam classifies the Al-Azhar variously as madrasa, center of higher learning and, since the 19th century, religious university, but not as a university in the full sense, referring to the modern transition process as "from madrasa to university".[2][9] An Islamic women's faculty was also added in the same year, six years after Zaib-un-Nissa Hamidullah had been the first woman to speak at the university.[citation needed].

[edit]Magazine

publishing

Since 1929, Al-Azhar has published a magazine (now monthly), the stated mission of which is to publicise religious rules, subjects related to Islamic literature, and basic jurisprudence (Fiqh), including sections on history, biographies, translated texts, and news concerning the Muslim world.[citation needed]

[edit]Political

views

Sheikh Tantawy noted that among the priorities of Muslims are "to master all knowledge of the world and the hereafter, not least the technology of modern weapons to strengthen and defend the community and faith". He added that "mastery over modern weaponry is important to prepare for any eventuality or prejudices of the others, although Islam is a religion of peace.".[10] Sheikh Tantawy also reasserted that his is the best faith to follow (a tenet common to proponents of many religions) and that Muslims have the duty of active da'wa. He has made declarations about Muslims interacting with non-Muslims who are not a threat to Muslims. There are non-Muslims living apart from Muslims and who are not enemies of Islam ("Muslims are allowed to undertake exchanges of interests with these non-Muslims so long as these ties do not tarnish the image of the faith"), and there are "the non-Muslims who live in the same country as the Muslims in cooperation and on friendly terms, and are not enemies of the faith" ("in this case, their rights and responsibilities are the same as the Muslims so long as they do not become enemies of Islam"). However, Shi'a fiqh (according to a fatwa by Al-Azhar, the most respected authority in Sunni Islam)[11] is accepted as a fifth school of Islamic thought.

[edit]On

freedom of speech

In October 2007, Muhammad Sayyid Tantawy, then the Grand Imam of Al-Azhar, drew allegations of stifling freedom of speech when he asked the Egyptian government to toughen its rules and punishments against journalists. During a Friday sermon in the presence of Egyptian Prime Minister Ahmed Nazif and a number of ministers, Tantawy is alleged to have stated that journalism which contributes to the spread of false rumours

rather than true news deserves to be boycotted, and that it is tantamount to sinning for readers to purchase such newspapers. Tantawy, a supporter of former Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak, also called for a punishment of eighty lashes to "those who spread rumors" in an indictment of speculation by journalists over Mubarak's ill health and possible death.[12][13] This is not the first time that he has criticized the Egyptian press regarding its news coverage nor is it the first time he in return has been accused by the press of opposing freedom of speech. During a religious celebration in the same month, Tantawy released comments alluding to "the arrogant and the pretenders who accuse others with the ugliest vice and unsubstantiated charges". In response, Egypt's press union issued a statement suggesting that Tantawy appeared to be involved in inciting and escalating a campaign against journalists and freedom of the press.[14]

[edit]Al-Azhar

after 25th January Revolution

Since its founding in the 10th century, al-Azhar has been an unrivaled touchstone of Islamic thinking, guiding the devout in their understanding of the faith and educating millions through its distinguished university and education system. Co-opted for decades by irreligious and autocratic Egyptian governments (with the president since 1961 having the exclusive power to appoint al-Azhar's top official the grand sheik), al-Azhar is perceived by some as just one more tool of state control. Many Egyptian leaders have in the past used the institution's good name to give their policies a religious blessing. In the aftermath of the 2011 Egyptian revolution, there is widespread agreement among politicians in Egypt that al-Azhar needs greater independence. Members of Egypt's two main Islamist groups the Muslim Brotherhood and the Salafist Al-Nour Party party who control between them an overwhelming majority in Egypt's new parliament sworn in in January 2012, are working on legislation that would strip the grand sheik of his lifetime appointment and that could give them a major role in choosing a successor. Egypt's ruling generals, days before the new parliament convened, approved a law that would authorize a committee of scholars to choose the grand sheik but that would effectively allow the current Grand SheikMohamed Ahmed el-Tayeb to pick the committee. The current grand sheik, el-Tayeb, is a Sorbonne-educated scholar who emphasizes interfaith dialogue and is known for his relatively progressive fatwas, the religious pronouncements that carry the weight of law when issued by al-Azhar. But he was also a committee member in Hosni Mubarak's National Democratic Party and was appointed by Mubarak himself. Politicians from An-Nour and the Muslim Brotherhood, who have been reluctant to directly challenge the nation's military rulers, argue that el-Tayeb is too closely tied to the old regime to lead an organization that will pass judgment on the religious merits of all legislation approved by Egypt's new government. They also recognize that, given al-Azhar's historical position as the center of Sunni Islamic thought and jurisprudence, it is poised to wield vast influence over how political Islam is implemented regionwide.[15]

[edit]Notable

persons associated with the university

Al-Azhar University has had a huge impact on the religious, cultural and political arena in Egypt, the Arab World, and the wider Muslim world

[edit]19th

early 20th centuries

Muhammad Abduh and Sayd Jamal edin Afghani, founder of Islamic Modernism Izz ad-Din al-Qassam, founder and leader of Black Hand Mohammad Amin al-Husayni, Mufti of Jerusalem Cheikh Chouab Doukkali, Former Moroccan minister of Justice, President of the Moroccan Appellate Court and a pioneer within the Moroccan independence movement

Ahmed Orabi, Egyptian nationalist and army general who led the Urabi Revolt against Khedive Tewfik

[edit]1910s1950s
Hassan al-Banna, founder of the Muslim Brotherhood (he graduated from Darul 'Uloom which is an affiliate of Cairo University)

Mehmed Handi, a leader of Bosnian revivalists, one of authors of Resolution of Sarajevo Muslims and chairman of the Committee of National Salvation

Omar Abdel Rahman, leader of Al-Gama'a al-Islamiyya, which has been designated a terrorist group by the governments of the United States and Egypt; currently serving a life term for the 1993 World Trade Center bombing

Taqiuddin al-Nabhani, the leader and founder of The Islamic Political Party, Hizb ut-Tahrir (The Party of Liberation)

Sheikh Ahmed Yassin, co-founder and leader of Hamas Saad Zaghlul, leader of 1919 revolution in Egypt Taha Hussein, Influential Egyptian writer and intellectual Muhammad Ma Jian, translator of the Qur'an into the Chinese language Ahmad Meshari Al-Adwani, Kuwaiti poet and writer of Kuwait's national anthem Al-Nasheed Al-Watani

[edit]1950present This article's list of alumni may not follow Wikipedia's verifiability or notability policies. Please improve this article by removing names that do not have independent reliable sources cited within this article showing they are notable and alumni or by incorporating the relevant publications into the body of the article through appropriate citations. (March 2011)

Mohammed Burhanuddin, Dai of Dawoodi Bohra done rediscovery of Al-Azhar University's past History and was Awarded Ph.d from Al-Azhar University.[16]

Shire Jama Ahmed, Somali linguist who devised a Latin script for the Somali language.[17] Mahmud Shaltut,[citation needed] Grand Sheik of Al-Azhar, issued in 1959 a Fatwa, declaring that Al-Azhar recognizes Shi'ism as a valid branch of Islam

Abdel-Halim Mahmoud,[citation needed] Grand Sheik of Al-Azhar, introduced the study of Sufism as a science through his prolific writings and lectures on the matter

Ahmed Subhy Mansour,[citation needed] Islamic scholar, cleric, and founder of the Quranists, who was exiled from Egypt, and lives in the United States as a political refugee

Taha Jabir Alalwani, President of Cordoba University (Ashburn, VA, USA), former Chairman of the Fiqh Council of North America, and the President of the International Institute of Islamic Thought in Herndon, Virginia (USA).[18]

Gus Dur,[citation needed] Former President of Indonesia Muhammad Sayyid Tantawy,[citation needed] former Grand Imam of Al-Azhar (March 17, 1996 to March 10, 2010)

Muhammad Metwally Al Shaarawy[citation needed] is an Egyptian Muslim jurist and made many publications under his name

Maumoon Abdul Gayoom, Former President of The Republic of Maldives. Abdulla Saeed, Former Chief Justice, and Justice Supreme Court of The Republic of Maldives.[19] Abdulla Mohamed, Chief Judge, Criminal Court of The Republic of Maldives.[20] Fathulla Jameel, Former Foreign Minister of Maldives. Muhammad Jameel Didi Maldives Author and writer who is known as teacher of the generation.

[edit]See
Egypt portal Islam portal

also

University portal

List of Presidents of Al-Azhar University List of universities in Egypt

Outside Egypt

Al-Azhar University Gaza Al-Azhar University Doha

Markazu Saqafathi Sunniya

[edit]References
a b a b

1. 2.

^ ^

Encyclopdia Britannica. "Britannica article". Britannica article. Retrieved 2010-03-21. Skovgaard-Petersen, Jakob. "al-Azhar, modern period." Encyclopaedia of Islam, THREE. Edited by:

Gudrun Krmer, Denis Matringe, John Nawas and Everett Rowson. Brill, 2010, retrieved 20/03/2010:

Al-Azhar, the historic centre of higher Islamic learning in Cairo, has undergone significant change since the late 19th century, with new regulations and reforms resulting in an expanded role for the university. 1. From madrasa to university

3. 4. 5.

^ "AME Info.com, 26 September 2005". Ameinfo.com. Retrieved 2010-03-21. ^ ITEP press release, 10 October 2006 ^ Alatas, Syed Farid (2006). "From Jami`ah to University: Multiculturalism and Christian Muslim Dialogue". Current Sociology 54 (1): 11232. doi:10.1177/0011392106058837

6.

^ Goddard, Hugh (2000). A History of Christian-Muslim Relations. Edinburgh University Press. p. 99. ISBN 0-7486-1009-X

7. 8. 9.

^ Encyclopdia Britannica p.37 1993 edition ISBN 0-85229-571-5 ^ Necipogulu, Gulru (1996). Muqarnas, Volume 13. Brill Publishers. p. 56. ISBN 90-04-10633-2 ^ Jomier, J. "al- Azhar (al-jmi al-Azhar)." Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition. Edited by: P. Bearman , Th. Bianquis , C.E. Bosworth , E. van Donzel and W.P. Heinrichs. Brill, 2010, retrieved 20/03/2010:

This great mosque, the 'brilliant one'...is one of the principal mosques of present-day Cairo. This seat of learning...regained all its activitySunn from now onduring the reign of Sultan Baybars...Al-Azhar at the beginning of the 19th century could well have been called a religious university; what it was not was a complete university giving instruction in those modern disciplines essential to the awakening of the country.

10. ^ "The Grand Imams of Al-Azhar". Retrieved 2006-06-24. 11. ^ al-Azhar Verdict on the Shia - Shi'ite Encyclopedia v2.0, Al-islam 12. ^ "allheadlinenews.com". Feedsyndicate.com. 2007-10-10. Retrieved 2010-03-21. 13. ^ aljazeera.net(Arabic Online) 14. ^ "International Herald Tribune". International Herald Tribune. 2009-03-29. Retrieved 2010-03-21. 15. ^ Seattle Times: "Ancient mosque caught in Egypt's political, religious crosscurrents" by Griff Witte March 10, 2012 16. ^ "Serving Dawoodi Bohras Worldwide". Mumineen.org. 2010-03-04. Retrieved 2010-03-21.

17. ^ David D. Laitin, Politics, Language, and Thought: The Somali Experience , (University Of Chicago Press: 1977), p. 102 18. ^ "Cordoba University". Cordoba University. Retrieved 2010-03-21. 19. ^ Supreme Court of the Government of the Maldives 20. ^ Supreme Court of the Government of the Maldives

[edit]Further

reading

Witte, Griff (March 3, 2012). "At al-Azhar Mosque, struggle over Islam roils a revered Egyptian institution". The Washington Post.

[edit]External

links

Wikimedia Commons has media related to: Al-Azhar University

Al-Azhar University Al-Azhar University (Arabic) Al-Azhar Supreme Council for Islamic Affairs (English) Dar Al Ifta (English) (Al-Azhar for Islamic Fatw) Al Azhar-US Embassy English Language Resource Center (ELRC) Al Azhar-West Dialog Project (English) Educational website for Al-Azhar Institutes (English) Documentary video film on Al-Azhar University in (Arabic)[dead link] History and organization of Al-Azhar (English) Islam for Today Muslim Heritage Al-Azhar University rules for international students admission (Arabic only) New Grand Sheikh at Al-Azhar University: Fighting Extremism in A Suit and Tie archive.mumineen.org