PEMBAHASAN MATERI DAN REVIEW JURNAL

KONSEP DIRI (THE SELF)

Untuk memenuhi tugas UTS mata kuliah Perilaku Konsumen

yang diampu oleh Bapak Dr. Mugiono, SE, MM, CMA

Disusun oleh:
Kelompok 5 Kelas DC

Annisaa Aulia Puspa Anggraeni

196020200011022

PROGRAM STUDI S2 MANAJEMEN

FAKULTAS EKONOMI DAN BISNIS
UNIVERSITAS BRAWIJAYA
MALANG
2020
 KATA PENGANTAR

Puji syukur penulis panjatkan untuk Allah SWT atas limpahan rahmat dan hidayah-Nya
sehingga penulis dapat menyelesaikan tugas resume materi dan critical review jurnal untuk mata
kuliah Perilaku Konsumen dengan materi berjudul “Konsep Diri (The Self)”. Tujuan penulisan
tugas ini yaitu untuk lebih memahami ilmu perilaku konsumen mengenai konsep diri serta hasil
review jurnal internasional yang berjudul “Luxury brand purchases and the extended self: A cross-
cultural comparison of young female consumers in Taiwan and the UK”. Oleh sebab itu, penyusun
ingin mengucapkan terima kasih kepada:
1. Bapak Dr. Mugiono, SE, MM, CMA selaku dosen pengampu mata kuliah Perilaku
Konsumen.
2. Teman-teman S2 Manajemen Universitas Brawijaya.
Penulis menyadari bahwa tugas ini masih jauh dari kesempurnaan. Dengan segenap
kerendahan hati, penulis berharap semoga segala kekurangan yang ada pada tugas ini dapat
dijadikan bahan pembelajaran untuk penelitian yang lebih baik di masa yang akan datang. Semoga
tugas ini dapat bermanfaat bagi penulis, pembaca, dan civitas academica.

Malang, 08 November 2020

Annisaa Aulia P. A.

2
 DAFTAR ISI

KATA PENGANTAR......................................................................................................................................... 2
PEMBAHASAN MATERI................................................................................................................................. 4
BAB I RINGKASAN MATERI ......................................................................................................................... 5
1.1 Apakah Diri Itu? ................................................................................................................................... 5
1.1.1 Apakah Diri Itu Ada? ................................................................................................................... 5
1.1.2 Konsep Diri................................................................................................................................... 5
1.1.3 Apakah Kita adalah Apa yang Kita Beli? ..................................................................................... 7
1.1.4 Kesesuaian Diri/Produk ................................................................................................................ 8
1.1.5 Perluasan Diri ............................................................................................................................... 9
1.2 Identitas Gender ................................................................................................................................. 10
1.2.1 Sosialisasi Peran Seks ................................................................................................................. 10
1.2.2 Identitas Gender vs Identitas Seksual ......................................................................................... 11
1.2.3 Produk Berdasarkan Jenis Kelamin ............................................................................................ 11
1.3 Citra Tubuh ........................................................................................................................................ 13
1.3.1 Kecantikan yang Ideal ................................................................................................................ 13
1.3.2 Kecantikan Wanita Barat yang Ideal .......................................................................................... 13
1.3.3 Kecantikan Wanita yang Ideal dari Waktu ke Waktu................................................................. 14
1.3.4 Kecantikan Ideal Wanita Saat Ini ............................................................................................... 14
1.3.5 Distorsi Citra Tubuh ................................................................................................................... 14
1.3.6 Operasi Plastik ............................................................................................................................ 15
1.3.7 Dekorasi Tubuh dan Mutilasi ..................................................................................................... 15
BAB II REVIEW JURNAL ............................................................................................................................. 17
2.1 Informasi Jurnal ................................................................................................................................. 17
2.2 Fenomena ........................................................................................................................................... 17
2.3 Tujuan ................................................................................................................................................ 18
2.4 Riset Gap ............................................................................................................................................ 18
2.5 Hipotesis Penelitian............................................................................................................................ 19
2.6 Metode Penelitian............................................................................................................................... 19
2.7 Hasil Penelitian .................................................................................................................................. 20
2.8 Pembahasan Hasil .............................................................................................................................. 21
2.9 Implikasi Penelitian............................................................................................................................ 22
2.10 Keterbatasan Penelitian ...................................................................................................................... 22
DAFTAR PUSTAKA ........................................................................................................................................ 24

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 PEMBAHASAN MATERI

 Informasi Umum
MK : Perilaku Konsumen
Topik : Konsep Diri (The Self)
Dosen : Dr. Mugiono, SE, MM, CMA
Pemateri : Annisaa Aulia Puspa Anggraeni
Pembahas : Arie Andani Savitri
Waktu : Selasa, 27 Oktober 2020

 Pertanyaan
Jelaskan secara singkat benang merah dari konsep diri terhadap perilaku konsumsi dan
hubungan antara konsep diri dengan strategi pemasaran?

 Jawaban
1. Persepsi konsumen terhadap dirinya akan mempengaruhi perilakunya konsumsinya,
karena konsumen menganggap bahwa barang yang mereka beli bisa merefleksikan siapa
dirinya. Oleh karena itu, suatu produk atau merk akan disukai oleh konsumen apabila
citra merk (brand image) tersebut sesuai dengan refleksi dirinya. Misalnya, pegusaha
dengan pendapatan tinggi akan membeli Mercedez-Benz S-Class karena mobil mewah
tersebut akan memberikan kesan elegan dan terpandang bagi dirinya, dan hal itu sesuai
dengan citra diri yang ingin dibangun yaitu menjadi “orang sukses”.

2. Hubungan antara konsep diri dan strategi pemasaran didukung oleh citra merk (brand
image). Konsumen akan mengaitkan konsep dirinya dengan citra merk dari barang atau
jasa yang akan dibeli, dengan tujuan untuk meningkatkan citra diri. Oleh karena itu, para
pemasar harus mampu membangun citra dan kepercayaan merk yang baik serta memiliki
keterikatan dengan konsumen, sehingga konsumen akan membeli produk tersebut karena
relevan dengan konsep dirinya. Contohnya adalah merk Apple dengan salah satu
produknya yaitu iPhone yang diasosiasikan sebagai smartphone mewah dengan berbagai
macam fitur dan keamanan yang baik. Apple menampilkan citra luxury tersebut untuk
mendukung para konsumen yang ingin menampilkan citra “orang sukses” pada dirinya.

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 BAB I
RINGKASAN MATERI

1.1 Apakah Diri Itu?

Beberapa konsumen sangat memperhatikan penampilan fisik karena hal tersebut dapat
mempengaruhi “nilai” pribadinya. Mereka memilih beberapa produk dengan tujuan untuk
menonjolkan atau menyembunyikan beberapa aspek pada dirinya (Solomon, 2018:200). Hal ini
kemudian yang akan dibahas pada ringkasan materi ini yaitu mengenai “konsep diri”, tentang
bagaimana perasaan konsumen terhadap diri mereka sendiri yang dapat membentuk praktik
konsumsi, terutama saat mereka berusaha untuk memenuhi ekspektasi masyarakat tentang
bagaimana seharusnya pria atau wanita berpenampilan dan bertindak.
1.1.1 Apakah Diri Itu Ada?
Menurut Solomon (2018:201), pemahaman “diri” di dunia ini terbagi berdasarkan budaya
Timur dan Barat. Kedua budaya ini percaya bahwa “diri” terbagi menjadi sisi dalam yaitu diri
pribadi, dan sisi luar yaitu diri publik. Di mana setiap budaya memiliki perbedaan sudut pandang
tentang “diri yang sebenarnya”.
Pada budaya Timur, identitas diri seseorang sebagian besar didapatkan dari sebuah
kelompok sosial. Budaya ini sangat menekankan pentingnya diri kolektif (collective self) yang
cenderung berfokus pada diri yang saling bergantung, di mana kita mendefinisikan identitas kita
sebagian besar melalui hubungan kita dengan orang lain. Misalnya, budaya di Asia memiliki aturan
eksplisit tentang gaya berpakaian tertentu yang melambangkan kelas sosial seseorang. Sedangkan
masyarakat Barat cenderung menganut pemahaman independen tentang diri, yang menekankan
keterpisahan yang melekat pada setiap individu. Misalnya, kebiasaan “Jumat Santai” yang
mendorong karyawan untuk mengekspresikan dirinya melalui pakaian yang unik (Solomon,
2018:201).
1.1.2 Konsep Diri
Konsep diri merangkum keyakinan seseorang tentang atributnya sendiri dan bagaimana dia
mengevaluasi diri berdasarkan kualitas-kualitas ini (Solomon, 2018:201). Konsep diri adalah
struktur yang kompleks seperti konten (daya tarik wajah versus bakat), kepositifan (harga diri),
intensitas dan stabilitas dari waktu ke waktu, dan akurasi (sejauh mana penilaian diri seseorang
sesuai dengan kenyataan). Penilaian diri konsumen bisa sangat terdistorsi, terutama yang berkaitan

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dengan penampilan fisik mereka. Selain itu, selera seseorang juga bisa berubah dari waktu ke
waktu. Orang mengakui bahwa pilihan mereka sebelumnya telah berubah sedikit seiring waktu.
Beberapa bagian dari identitas diri manusia cukup stabil, tetapi masing-masing orang
memodifikasi beberapa elemennya saat menjalani hidup, terutama ketika terpengaruh oleh ide,
kelompok sosial, atau budaya baru.
Setiap elemen yang berkontribusi pada konsep diri kita adalah identitas. Salah satu cara
untuk mendefinisikan identitas adalah "label kategori yang mengasosiasikan diri konsumen
dengan penampilan, pemikiran, perasaan, dan tindakan seseorang dalam kategori itu." Beberapa
identitas cukup stabil (misalnya, keturunan Afika-Amerika), sedangkan identitas lain lebih bersifat
sementara dan cenderung berubah (misalnya, status mahasiswa). Oleh karena itu, pemasar
mencoba untuk memahami identitas konsumen dan mengembangkan produk yang tepat demi
memenuhi kebutuhan identitas tertentu (Solomon, 2018:201-202).
a. Harga Diri
Harga diri mengacu pada kepositifan konsep diri seseorang. Orang dengan harga diri rendah
berharap bahwa mereka tidak akan bekerja dengan baik, dan berusaha menghindari rasa
malu, kegagalan, atau penolakan. Iklan yang dibuat oleh pemasar dapat mengubah persepsi
seseorang tentang penampilan dan keinginan untuk mengubah penampilannya seperti model
pada iklan untuk meningkatkan harga dirinya (Solomon, 2018:202).
b. Diri yang Nyata dan Ideal
Diri ideal adalah konsepsi tentang bagaimana seseorang ingin menjadi, sedangkan diri yang
nyata mengacu pada penilaian yang lebih realistis tentang kualitas yang dimiliki dan tidak
miliki. Konsumen memilih beberapa produk karena produk tersebut dianggap berhubungan
dengan diri yang sebenarnya (nyata), sedangkan beberapa konsumen lain membeli produk
untuk mencapai standar yang ideal (Solomon, 2018:202).
c. Identitas Virtual atau Fantasi
Kebanyakan orang mengalami ketidaksesuaian antara diri mereka yang sebenarnya dengan
versi ideal. Orang-orang ini adalah target yang baik untuk komunikasi pemasaran yang
menggunakan daya tarik fantasi. Fantasi atau lamunan adalah pergeseran kesadaran yang
disebabkan oleh diri sendiri, yang terkadang merupakan cara untuk mengimbangi kurangnya
rangsangan eksternal atau untuk melarikan diri dari masalah di dunia nyata. Contohnya

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 adalah aplikasi "Simulasi Riasan" Vogue yang memungkinkan wanita untuk melihat
bagaimana produk kecantikan akan terlihat di simulasi wajah mereka (Solomon, 2018:203).
d. Diri Ganda
Perspektif dramaturgi tentang perilaku konsumen memandang orang sebagai aktor yang
memainkan banyak peran, naskah, alat peraga, dan kostum yang berbeda. Diri memiliki
komponen yang berbeda dan hanya beberapa di antaranya yang aktif pada waktu tertentu.
Pemasar harus bisa memahami peran yang sedang dimainkan seseorang untuk membuat
pesan iklan yang sesuai dengan identitas konsumen (Solomon, 2018:203).
e. Interaksionisme Simbolik
Tradisi sosiologis interaksionisme simbolik menekankan bahwa hubungan dengan orang lain
berperan besar dalam membentuk diri. Menurut perspektif ini, kita berada dalam lingkungan
simbolik. Pengetahuan penting untuk memahami perilaku konsumen karena ternyata simbol
memiliki peran kunci untuk mengevaluasi diri sendiri dan memutuskan "siapa kita"
(Solomon, 2018:204).
f. Cerminan Diri
Sosiolog menyebut proses membayangkan reaksi orang lain seperti “diri yang memandang
kaca”. Menurut pandangan ini, keinginan kita untuk mendefinisikan diri sendiri terpantul
dari reaksi orang lain terhadap kita. Perspektif orang lain dapat mempengaruhi identitas diri
seseorang, tergantung pada siapa yang memberi pendapat dan seberapa akurat opini tersebut
(Solomon, 2018:204).
g. Kesadaran Diri
Beberapa orang tampaknya lebih sensitif terhadap “citra diri” yang mereka komunikasikan
kepada orang lain. Kekhawatiran yang meningkat tentang citra publik seseorang juga
menghasilkan lebih banyak perhatian tentang kesesuaian produk dan aktivitas konsumsi.
Konsumen yang mendapat skor tinggi pada skala kesadaran diri publik mengekspresikan
lebih banyak minat pada pakaian dan menggunakan lebih banyak kosmetik daripada yang
mendapat skor lebih rendah (Solomon, 2018:204).
1.1.3 Apakah Kita adalah Apa yang Kita Beli?
Menurut Solomon (2018:206), cerminan diri membantu membentuk konsep diri, yang
menyiratkan bahwa orang melihat diri mereka sendiri sebagaimana mereka membayangkan orang
lain melihatnya. Peneliti menggunakan perilaku konsumsi individu untuk mengidentifikasi

7
identitas sosial orang tersebut. Produk yang digunakan oleh konsumen dapat mempengaruhi
persepsi orang lain dan kemudian reaksi ini yang akan membentuk identitas sosial seseorang.
Penggunaan informasi konsumsi kita untuk mendefinisikan diri sangat penting ketika kita
belum sepenuhnya membentuk identitas sosial, seperti ketika kita harus memainkan peran baru
dalam hidup. Teori penyelesaian diri simbolis menyatakan bahwa orang yang memiliki definisi
diri yang tidak lengkap cenderung melengkapi identitas ini ketika mereka memperoleh dan
menampilkan simbol yang mereka asosiasikan dengan peran tersebut (Solomon, 2018:206),
Kontribusi kepemilikan terhadap identitas diri mungkin paling terlihat ketika kita kehilangan
benda-benda berharga. Sebuah studi tentang kondisi pascabencana, di mana konsumen mungkin
telah kehilangan segalanya kecuali pakaian yang melekat, merasakan dampak dramatis dari
kehilangan produk. Beberapa orang enggan menjalani proses penciptaan kembali identitas mereka
dengan memperoleh harta baru (Solomon, 2018:206),
1.1.4 Kesesuaian Diri/Produk
Konsumen akan memilih produk ketika atributnya cocok dengan beberapa aspek diri. Ketika
mereka memilih produk yang menyenangkan secara estetika, pilihan ini membuatnya merasa lebih
baik tentang diri kita sendiri. Penelitian terbaru yang mencakup pengukuran gelombang otak
seperti pencitraan resonansi magnetik fungsional (fMRI) menunjukkan bahwa ketika seseorang
memiliki hubungan dekat dengan suatu merek, hal ini mengaktifkan insula, area otak yang
bertanggung jawab untuk dorongan, kecanduan, penolakan kehilangan, dan cinta interpersonal.
Hubungan emosional ini bahkan membuat orang defensif terhadap merek favoritnya jika melihat
informasi negatif tentangnya (Solomon, 2018:205-206).
Seiring waktu kita cenderung membentuk hubungan dengan produk yang menyerupai ikatan
yang kita buat dengan orang lain, seperti: cinta, cinta tak terbalas, rasa hormat, bahkan rasa takut
atau benci. Peneliti bahkan menyatakan bahwa setelah "putus" dengan suatu merek, orang
cenderung mengembangkan perasaan negatif yang kuat dan akan berusaha keras untuk
mendiskreditkannya, termasuk ucapan-ucapan buruk dan bahkan vandalisme (Solomon,
2018:206).
Peneliti menyatakan kesesuaian antara konsumen dan merek produk, serta antara citra diri
konsumen dan toko favorit mereka. Beberapa atribut khusus yang berguna untuk menggambarkan
kecocokan antara konsumen dan produk. Meskipun temuan ini masuk akal secara intuitif, kita
tidak bisa begitu saja berasumsi bahwa konsumen akan selalu membeli produk yang

8
karakteristiknya sesuai dengan karakteristik mereka. Tidak jelas apakah konsumen benar-benar
melihat aspek diri mereka sendiri dalam produk fungsional atau secara simbolis. Kesesuaian antara
citra diri seseorang dan gambar produk yang ia beli cenderung meningkat seiring waktu ia
memiliki produk tersebut (Solomon, 2018:206).
1.1.5 Perluasan Diri
Banyak alat peraga yang digunakan konsumen untuk mendefinisikan peran sosial mereka
menjadi bagian dari diri mereka. Objek eksternal yang dianggap sebagai bagian dari diri kita
merupakan diri yang diperluas. Konsumen terus menemukan cara baru untuk mengintegrasikan
produk buatan manusia ke dalam tubuh fisiknya. Penggunaan bahan asing untuk mengganti atau
melengkapi bagian tubuh manusia bukanlah hal baru, tetapi kemajuan teknologi terkini terus
mengikis penghalang antara diri yang sebenarnya dan yang bukan (Solomon, 2018:208-209).
Menurut Solomon (2018:209), beberapa orang menghargai kepemilikan seolah-olah itu
adalah bagian dari mereka. Faktanya, beberapa orang rela melabeli dirinya sendiri sebagai fanatik
terhadap produk yang disukai, misalnya sepatu. Selain itu, banyak objek material yang membantu
membentuk identitas konsumen dan hampir semua orang menyebutkan bahwa barang berharga
merupakan bagian dari dirinya. Pada gambar 1.1, terdapat empat tingkat perluasan diri:

Gambar 1.1 Tingkatan Perluasan Diri

Sumber: Solomon (2018)

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 1. Tingkat individu — Konsumen memasukkan kepemilikan pribadi ke dalam definisi diri.
Produk tersebut bisa berupa perhiasan, mobil, pakaian, dan lain sebagainya. Pepatah “Anda
adalah apa yang Anda kenakan” mencerminkan keyakinan bahwa suatu produk adalah
bagian dari identitas seseorang.
2. Tingkat keluarga — Bagian dari diri yang diperluas ini termasuk tempat tinggal konsumen
dan perabotan di dalamnya. Kita dapat menganggap rumah sebagai simbolis untuk keluarga
dan tempat tinggal adalah aspek sentral dari siapa kita.
3. Tingkat komunitas — Konsumen biasanya mendeskripsikan diri mereka sendiri dalam
istilah lingkungan atau kota tempat mereka berasal. Bagi keluarga petani atau penduduk lain
yang memiliki hubungan dekat dengan komunitas, rasa memiliki ini sangat penting.
4. Tingkat kelompok — Konsumen menganggap keterikatannya pada kelompok sosial
tertentu sebagai bagian dari diri. Konsumen juga mungkin merasa bahwa landmark,
monumen, atau tim olahraga adalah bagian dari perluasan diri.

1.2 Identitas Gender

Identitas gender merupakan komponen penting dari konsep diri konsumen. Orang sering kali
harus menyesuaikan diri dengan ekspektasi budaya mereka tentang bagaimana sebuah gender
harus bertindak, berpakaian, atau berbicara, atau disebut juga peran gender. Pedoman ini berubah
seiring waktu dan berbeda secara radikal di seluruh masyarakat (Solomon, 2018:2013).
Tidak jelas sejauh mana perbedaan gender merupakan bawaan dan bukan bentuk budaya,
tetapi hal itu jelas terlihat dalam banyak situasi konsumsi. Contohnya adalah preferensi makanan
pria dengan wanita. Pria cenderung makan daging karena dianggap sebagai produk maskulin,
sedangkan wanita makan lebih banyak buah karena produk tersebut dianggap lebih feminin
(Solomon, 2018:2013).
1.2.1 Sosialisasi Peran Seks
Menurut Solomon (2018:214), banyak sumber komersial yang memberikan pelajaran
tentang sosialisasi gender untuk anak perempuan dan laki-laki, contohnya adalah iklan snack
Kinderjoy. Pemasar cenderung memperkuat perbedaan budaya tentang cara penampilan dan
bertindak bagi pria dan wanita. Banyak masyarakat mengharapkan laki-laki mengejar tujuan
hidupnya, sedangkan wanita diharapkan dapat membangun hubungan yang harmonis. Lima
kesimpulan dasar tentang perbedaan gender adalah:

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 1. Laki-laki lebih berorientasi pada diri sendiri, sedangkan perempuan lebih berorientasi pada
orang lain.
2. Perempuan lebih berhati-hati.
3. Perempuan lebih responsif terhadap data negatif.
4. Laki-laki memproses data lebih selektif dan perempuan lebih komprehensif.
5. Perempuan lebih sensitif untuk membedakan kondisi dan faktor.
1.2.2 Identitas Gender vs Identitas Seksual
Identitas peran gender adalah keadaan pikiran sekaligus tubuh. Jenis kelamin biologis
seseorang (pria atau wanita) tidak sepenuhnya menentukan apakah dia akan menunjukkan ciri-ciri
berdasarkan jenis kelaminnya (Solomon, 2018:2014).
Terdapat bukti baru tentang efek biologi pada perilaku konsumen. Ilmu neuroendokrinologi
berfokus pada peran potensial pengaruh hormonal pada preferensi untuk berbagai jenis produk
atau orang. Hal ini didasarkan pada logika evolusi tentang bagaimana orang "terhubung" sejak
lahir untuk mencari pasangan yang dapat menghasilkan keturunan yang optimal untuk bertahan
dalam lingkungan yang kompetitif. Misalnya, ketika wanita berada pada puncak kesuburan,
mereka akan memilih produk yang meningkatkan penampilan untuk menarik perhatian pria
(Solomon, 2018:2014).
Tidak seperti pria dan wanita, maskulinitas dan feminitas bukanlah karakteristik biologis.
Perilaku yang dianggap maskulin oleh suatu budaya mungkin mendapat respons berbeda di budaya
lain. Misalnya, norma di Amerika Serikat adalah bahwa teman pria tidak boleh saling menyentuh
(kecuali dalam situasi "aman" seperti di lapangan sepak bola). Namun, dalam beberapa budaya
Latin dan Eropa, pria biasa berpelukan dan mencium satu sama lain sebagai bentuk sapaan
(Solomon, 2018:2014).
1.2.3 Produk Berdasarkan Jenis Kelamin
Ada banyak produk yang terkait erat dengan satu jenis kelamin, terutama jika produk
tersebut terkait dengan definisi budaya yang menarik secara seksual. Buku “Real Men Don’t Eat
Quiche” adalah salah satu contoh produk maskulinitas yang menyasar pada pria. Selain Quiche,
pemasar mempromosikan banyak produk berdasarkan jenis kelamin. Mereka mencerminkan
stereotip atribut maskulin atau feminin, dan konsumen mengaitkannya dengan satu jenis kelamin
atau lainnya (Solomon, 2018:2015).

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a. Peran Seks Wanita
Saat ini, evolusi wanita telah memaksa pemasar untuk mengubah asumsi tradisional mereka
tentang wanita pada pasar yang sedang berkembang. Seiring perkembangan zaman, peran
seks juga terus berkembang. Sebuah eksplorasi tentang Contemporary Young Mainstream
Female Achievers (CYMFA) mengidentifikasi peran berbeda yang dimainkan para
perempuan dalam konteks yang berbeda. Misalnya, sebagai ibu atau pasangan mereka
memerankan peran yang sangat feminin; sebagai pebisnis yang tangguh dan kejam mereka
memainkan peran maskulin; dan dengan seorang teman mereka mungkin menjalankan kedua
peran tersebut sekaligus (Solomon, 2018:2016).
b. Peran Seks Pria
Stereotip budaya tentang pria ideal adalah pria yang tangguh, agresif, dan berotot yang
menyukai olahraga "jantan". Maskulinisme mempelajari citra laki-laki dan makna budaya
maskulinitas yang kompleks. Laki-laki menerima pesan yang beragam tentang bagaimana
mereka seharusnya berperilaku dan merasa. Terdapat tiga model maskulinitas, yaitu: pencari
nafkah (kesukesan secara materi), pemberontak (petualang), dan pahlawan aksi (sifat terbaik
dari kedua model sebelumnya) (Solomon, 2018:217).
c. Androgini
Androgini mengacu pada ciri-ciri sifat maskulin dan feminin pada seseorang. Mereka
cenderung ingin dilihat sebagai orang yang sensitif, spiritual, penyayang, terorganisir, dan
hemat. Androgini dapat membuka pasar baru jika pemasar dapat memperluas jangkauan
sasarannya. Misalnya, perusahaan yang hanya fokus pada produk untuk suatu gender
mungkin dapat mempromosikan produk yang cocok untuk androgini (Solomon, 2018:218).
d. Konsumen LGBT
Konsumen LGBT bisa membelanjakan penghasilannya hingga $ 350 juta dalam setahun.
Studi dari Simon mengemukakan bahwa banyak konsumen gay yang memiliki pekerjaan
profesional, rumah peristirahatan, dan laptop. Hubungan gay semakin menjadi arus utama di
sebagian wilayah Amerika Serikat. Bahkan merek kue Oreo mengambil sikap publik
mendukung postingan di Facebook tentang Oreo berwarna pelangi, sebuah simbol yang
digunakan pendukung LGBT untuk menunjukkan keragaman (Solomon, 2018:220-221).

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1.3 Citra Tubuh
Penampilan fisik seseorang adalah bagian besar dari konsep dirinya. Citra tubuh mengacu
pada evaluasi subyektif konsumen terhadap diri fisiknya. Evaluasi kita belum tentu sesuai dengan
apa yang dilihat orang di sekitar kita. Beberapa pemasar memanfaatkan kecenderungan konsumen
untuk mengubah citra tubuhnya. Mereka mencoba menciptakan celah antara diri fisik yang nyata
dan ideal dan kemudian memotivasi seseorang untuk membeli produk dan layanan yang
menurutnya akan mempersempit kesenjangan itu. Bahkan media sosial juga bisa memengaruhi
perasaan kita terhadap tubuh kita (Solomon, 2018:221).
Body cathexis mengacu pada perasaan seseorang tentang tubuhnya. Kata cathexis mengacu
pada signifikansi emosional dari beberapa objek atau ide; seperti keyakinan bahwa beberapa
bagian tubuh lebih penting daripada yang lain (Solomon, 2018:222).
1.3.1 Kecantikan yang Ideal
Kepuasan terhadap citra fisik yang ditampilkan kepada orang lain bergantung pada seberapa
dekat kita menganggap citra tersebut sesuai dengan nilai-nilai budaya yang ideal. Kecantikan yang
ideal adalah model atau contoh penampilan tertentu. Kecantikan ideal untuk pria dan wanita
termasuk bentuk fisik, gaya pakaian, kosmetik, gaya rambut, warna kulit, dan tipe tubuh.
Keinginan untuk menyesuaikan dengan kecantikan ideal inilah yang mendorong keputusan
pembelian konsumen (Solomon, 2018:222).
1.3.2 Kecantikan Wanita Barat yang Ideal
Beberapa orang terobsesi dengan harga diri dan penampilan sehingga mengorbankan
kesehatannya untuk mencapai citra tubuh yang ideal. Wanita khususnya, cenderung menerima
pesan dari media bahwa kualitas tubuh mereka mencerminkan harga diri mereka, sehingga
sebagian besar distorsi citra tubuh terjadi di kalangan wanita. Gangguan psikologis ini
menyebabkan pasien tidak percaya diri dengan bentuk tubuhnya (Solomon, 2018:225).
Peneliti mengaitkan citra tubuh yang menyimpang dengan gangguan makan, yang sangat
lazim di kalangan wanita muda. Orang dengan anoreksia menganggap diri mereka terlalu gemuk,
dan mereka hampir membuat diri mereka kelaparan karena ingin menjadi kurus. Kondisi ini sering
kali menyebabkan bulimia. Sebagian besar gangguan makan terjadi di kalangan remaja kulit putih
(Barat), kelas menengah ke atas, dan wanita usia kuliah. Para korban seringkali mendapatkan bully
tentang berat badannya (Solomon, 2018:226).

13
1.3.3 Kecantikan Wanita yang Ideal dari Waktu ke Waktu
Menurut Solomon (2018), sejarah penampilan ideal wanita dari waktu ke waktu adalah:
a. Awal tahun 1800-an : Penampilan pucat seperti terlihat sakit.
b. Tahun 1890-an : Penampilan wanita seksi yang menggairahkan
c. Tahun 1990-an : Penampilan seperti orang terlantar (waif look).
d. Ekonomi buruk : Penampilan dewasa.
e. Ekonomi baik : Penampilan kekanak-kanakan.
f. Modern : Sepatu hak tinggi, body waxing, eyelifts, sedot lemak, dll.
1.3.4 Kecantikan Ideal Wanita Saat Ini
Perubahan budaya mengubah kecantikan ideal yang dominan dari waktu ke waktu. Pada
akhir 2014, Kim Kardashian mengubah persepsi bahwa siluet wanita yang lebih menonjol adalah
hal yang menarik. Oleh karena itu, standar kecantikan berubah karena tipikal tubuh wanita tidak
lagi "mungil" seperti dulu. Namun demikian, perusahaan pakaian masih mengembangkan lini
pakaian yang menetapkan standar ukuran berdasarkan sampel kecil karena wanita lebih suka
membeli ukuran kecil, meskipun labelnya tidak akurat (Solomon, 2018:226).
Selama beberapa tahun, Kampanye Dove untuk Kecantikan Sejati telah menarik perhatian
pada kecantikan ideal yang tidak realistis karena menampilkan wanita dengan tubuh yang tidak
sempurna dalam iklan. Unilever memulai kampanye setelah penelitiannya menunjukkan bahwa
banyak wanita tidak percaya produknya berhasil karena model yang menggunakan produk tersebut
terlihat tidak realistis (Solomon, 2018:227).
1.3.5 Distorsi Citra Tubuh
Sebagian besar distorsi citra tubuh terjadi pada wanita. Hal ini karena sterotipe yang
berkembang bahwa penampilan sering dihubungkan dengan harga diri. Oleh karena itu, wanita
sering mengorbankan kesehatannya demi mendapatkan bentuk tubuh yang ideal hingga
menyebabkan gangguan makan (anoreksia). Hal ini sering terjadi di kalangan remaja wanita kulit
putih, kelas menengah ke atas, dan wanita usia kuliah (Solomon, 2018:227).
Namun, pria juga bisa mengalami gangguan citra tubuh. Kasus body dysmorphic disorder
(obsesi terhadap penampilan yang dianggap kurang) di antara pria muda juga menyebabkan
gangguan makan demi menjaga berat badan. Selain itu, munculnya karakter superhero Batman
juga mengubah persepsi pria bahwa bentuk badan yang ideal adalah yang tinggi dan berotot. Hal

14
ini menyebabkan kasus penyalahgunaan steroid terutama yang sering terjadi pada kalangan atlit
(Solomon, 2018:227).
1.3.6 Operasi Plastik
Konsumen menjalani operasi kosmetik untuk mengubah citra tubuh yang buruk atau
mempercantik penampilan. Korea Selatan adalah negara yang memiliki tingkat operasi plastik
tertinggi di dunia dan mengundang banyak orang dari berbagai negara untuk melakukan operasi
kelopak mata ganda atau restrukturisasi wajah menjadi bentuk V. Pemerintah Korea bahkan
menyediakan dana untuk mempromosikan bisnis pariwisata medis di negaranya. Tuntutan sosial
membuat banyak konsumen muda tertarik untuk memodifikasi tubuhnya (Solomon, 2018:230).
1.3.7 Dekorasi Tubuh dan Mutilasi
Menurut Solomon (2018:228), orang di setiap budaya menghiasi atau mengubah tubuh
mereka dengan cara tertentu. Tujuan dari mendekorasi tubuh fisik adalah:
 Untuk memisahkan anggota grup dari non-anggota.
 Untuk menempatkan individu dalam organisasi sosial.
 Untuk menempatkan orang dalam kategori gender.
 Untuk meningkatkan identifikasi peran seks.
 Untuk menunjukkan perilaku sosial yang diinginkan.
 Untuk menunjukkan status atau pangkat tinggi.
 Untuk memberikan rasa aman.
Jenis dekorasi tubuh beraneka ragam, salah satunya adalah tato dan tindik badan:
a. Tato
Tato adalah bentuk dekorasi tubuh populer yang berasal dari lukisan tubuh dalam budaya
primitif. Secara historis, tato diasosiasikan dengan orang buangan sosial. Misalnya, Yakuza
Jepang (anggota geng), sering menggunakan lambang ini untuk mengekspresikan identitas
dan solidaritas kelompok. Saat ini, tato adalah cara yang cukup bebas risiko untuk
mengekspresikan sisi petualangan diri. Namun, beberapa orang menyesali keputusannya
membuat tato. Sayangnya menghapus tato jauh lebih rumit daripada memakainya. Oleh
sebab itu, sebelum membuat tato permanen, pastikan diri kita sudah siap untuk
menggunakannya seumur hidup (Solomon, 2018:231-232).

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b. Tindik Badan
Body piercing berevolusi dari asumsi terkait dengan “kelompok pinggiran” menjadi
pernyataan mode populer. Tindik dapat dilakukan di daun telinga, hidung, bahkan bibir
sebagai simbol dari fashion baru (Solomon, 2018:232).

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 BAB II
REVIEW JURNAL

2.1 Informasi Jurnal

Judul : Luxury brand purchases and the extended self: A cross-cultural comparison of
young female consumers in Taiwan and the UK
Penulis : Meng-Shan Sharon Wu, Cheng-Hao Steve Chen, dan Bang Nguyen
Jurnal : Asia-Pacific Journal of Business Administration Vol. 7 No. 3, 2015 (Q2)
Penerbit : Emerald Group Publishing Limited
DOI : https://doi.org/10.1108/APJBA-05-2015-0046

2.2 Fenomena
Pasar barang dan jasa mewah telah tumbuh secara signifikan dan konsisten sejak awal 1990-
an, dan salah satu hasilnya adalah minat penelitian akademis yang cukup besar dalam konsumsi
barang mewah (Bian dan Forsythe, 2012; Eastman dan Liu, 2012; Hudders, 2012 ; Truong et al.,
2008; Wu et al., 2015). Perilaku pembelian barang mewah telah dikaitkan dengan konsep diri,
yakni konsumen menganggap bahwa produk mewah dapat menunjukkan status atau identitas
mereka dan menciptakan “perluasan diri” dengan menggabungkan objek dan simbol konsumsi
mereka (Belk, 1998; Ahuvia, 2005; Saren, 2007).
Studi yang dilaporkan dalam makalah ini membandingkan konsumsi merek dan produk
mewah di Taiwan dan Inggris, dengan referensi khusus pada sektor fashion. Kedua negara tersebut
dipilih karena karakteristik ekonomi, sosial dan budayanya yang sangat berbeda. Sebagai negara
berkembang yang maju, peningkatan kekayaan konsumen domestik Taiwan mempengaruhi pasar
barang mewah, karena merek-merek terkenal membuka toko-toko utama yang membawa produk
edisi terbatas termahal mereka (Dia, 2010). Laporan Euromonitor International (2014) yang
berjudul Luxury Goods in Taiwan menunjukkan bahwa penjualan barang mewah di Taiwan
mencapai £ 3 juta pada tahun 2013 dan diperkirakan mencapai £ 3,5 juta pada tahun 2018. Inggris,
pada sisi lain, adalah negara maju pasca industri. Perbedaan antara kedua negara diharapkan dapat
berdampak kuat pada perilaku konsumen di sektor fashion mewah masing-masing, sehingga
sangat relevan untuk penelitian kali ini.

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2.3 Tujuan
Perbedaan antara budaya barat dan timur juga mempengaruhi perbedaan perilaku konsumen,
khususnya pada pembelian barang fashion dari merek mewah (luxury brand). Dikarenakan sangat
sedikit literatur akademis yang menjelaskan temuan penelitian tentang perbedaan perilaku
pembelian barang mewah dari konsumen timur dan barat, oleh sebab itu penulis membuat
penelitian ini dengan tujuan untuk membandingkan konsumsi produk mewah dan kebiasaan
membeli fashion mewah di Taiwan (Timur) dan Inggris (Barat), khususnya pada segmentasi
wanita muda yang membeli barang mewah.

2.4 Riset Gap

Para peneliti telah menarik perhatian pada pengabaian dimensi sosial dari perilaku
pembelian (Berger dan Ward, 2010; Chao dan Schor, 1998; Hudders, 2012; Kastankis dan
Balabanis, 2012). Kecuali studi Chao dan Schor (1998), yang menyelidiki pembelian kosmetik
oleh wanita dan mengungkapkan prevalensi pembelian “status”, terutama di antara mereka dengan
pendapatan dan tingkat pendidikan yang lebih tinggi. Karena kurangnya penelitian dalam dimensi
sosial, khususnya “diri” dalam kaitannya dengan perilaku pembelian barang mewah, peneliti
berupaya untuk mengisi celah penting ini.
Sivadas dan Venkatesh (1995) mendeteksi kesenjangan besar dalam literatur, yaitu "variasi
individu dalam penggabungan harta benda dalam diri yang diperluas dalam usia yang sama dan
kelompok budaya belum dipelajari". Studi mereka, mengeksplorasi hubungan antara kepuasan dan
perluasan diri seperti yang diekspresikan oleh konsumsi produk mewah, menyimpulkan bahwa,
"diperlukan pemeriksaan empiris lebih lanjut tentang mengapa individu memasukkan harta benda
ke dalam diri yang diperluas dan mengapa beberapa individu lebih mungkin melakukannya
daripada yang lain”.
Untuk mencoba menutup kesenjangan tersebut, studi ini berupaya untuk mengidentifikasi
perbedaan dan persamaan dalam perilaku pembelian fashion mewah antara wanita muda di Taiwan
dan Inggris, dan untuk mengidentifikasi apakah kedua kelompok ini berbeda dalam penggunaan
produk fashion mewah atau tidak sebagai perpanjangan dari diri mereka. Segmen konsumen
wanita telah menjadi kelompok yang berpengaruh di pasar barang mewah karena belanja
konsumen tahunan mereka. Namun, sebagian besar perusahaan dan pakar pemasaran memiliki
pengetahuan terbatas tentang penjualan kepada wanita, terutama konsumen wanita muda. Sebuah

18
studi komprehensif oleh Silverstein dan Sayre (2009) tentang bagaimana perasaan wanita tentang
pekerjaan mereka, kehidupan dan pengalaman dari pembelian mereka menunjukkan bahwa
segmen konsumen wanita muda mewakili salah satu peluang pasar terbesar. Dengan demikian,
studi ini berusaha menambah pengetahuan baru untuk mempelajari segmen yang menarik dan
dinamis ini, dari perspektif lintas budaya, yakni studi di Taiwan dan Inggris.

2.5 Hipotesis Penelitian

H1 : Dibandingkan dengan Inggris, konsumen wanita muda Taiwan akan menjadi pembeli
fashion mewah yang lebih banyak.
H2 : Dibandingkan dengan Inggris, konsumen wanita muda Taiwan akan lebih cenderung
menggunakan pembelian feshion mewah sebagai perluasan diri mereka.

2.6 Metode Penelitian

 Responden adalah mahasiswa, pekerja muda perempuan, dan ibu rumah tangga yang telah
melakukan pembelian barang mewah pada setahun sebelum kuesioner dibagikan, dan
memiliki rentang penghasilan kurang dari £ 15.000 hingga lebih besar dari £ 25.000.
 Penelitian ini menggunakan survei dua gelombang. Survei gelombang pertama, 250
kuesioner diberikan secara online selama Musim Panas 2012 kepada sampel yaitu wanita
berusia 18-26 tahun di masing-masing dari dua negara, yang telah melakukan lebih dari dua
pembelian barang mewah di tahun sebelum survei. Pada survei gelombang kedua, responden
gelombang pertama diminta untuk memberikan salinan kuesioner kepada orang lain yang
juga yang memenuhi kriteria dengan hasil total 356 kuesioner yang sudah diisi
dikembalikan. Dari jumlah tersebut, 131 kuesioner dari Inggris dan 139 dari Taiwan dapat
digunakan.
 Pengukuran mengukur sejauh mana fashion mewah merupakan bagian dari perluasan diri
konsumen. Item tersebut berupa enam pertanyaan dengan pernyataan untuk setuju atau tidak
setuju pada skala Likert tujuh poin:
1. Pembelian fashion mewah membantu saya mencapai identitas yang ingin saya miliki.
2. Pembelian fashion mewah membantu saya mempersempit jarak antara saya dan diri
ideal saya.
3. Pembelian fashion mewah adalah pusat identitas saya.

19
 4. Pembelian fashion mewah adalah bagian dari diri saya.
5. Jika barang mewah saya dicuri dari saya, saya akan merasa seolah-olah identitas saya
telah direnggut dari saya.
6. Saya mendapatkan beberapa identitas saya dari pembelian fashion mewah saya.

2.7 Hasil Penelitian

 Berdasarkan merek fashion mewah yang dibeli, mayoritas konsumen di UK lebih suka
membeli merek Gucci (16%), sedangkan konsumen di Taiwan lebih menyukai merek LV
(24%). Menurut Huang dan Rust (2008), Louis Vuitton dan Gucci, dianggap sebagai merek
mewah yang menduduki tiga peringkat teratas (top three) pada kedua negara. Pada negara
Taiwan, nama merek menjadi prioritas kedua daripada negara asal karena konsumen asal
China sangat berhati-hati dengan produk palsu yang dibikin di negaranya sendiri.
 Berdasarkan frekuensi pembelian, konsumen di UK membeli barang mewah kurang dari satu
kali dalam sebulan (47%), sedangkan konsumen di Taiwan membeli barang mewah
sebanyak 1-2 kali dalam sebulan (58%). Ada hubungan yang kuat antara negara tempat
tinggal dan frekuensi pembelian: χ2 = 27.955, p = 0.00.
 Berdasarkan rata-rata pengeluaran, baik konsumen di UK (53%) maupun di Taiwan (57%)
mayoritas membeli barang dengan harga kurang dari £ 1.000. Dan untuk produk yang sering
dibeli adalah aksesori bernilai rendah seperti barang-barang kulit kecil. Analisis χ2 tidak
memberikan bukti adanya hubungan yang kuat antara negara tempat tinggal dan tingkat
pengeluaran yang dibeli: χ2 = 3.729 , p = 0.155.
 Berdasarkan pertanyaan kuesioner, terlihat bahwa peringkat skor rata-rata tertinggi hingga
terendah identik untuk enam item pertanyaan dari kedua sampel. Fakta bahwa “[Pembelian
fashion mewah] membantu saya mencapai identitas yang saya inginkan” mendapat skor
tertinggi dan “Jika [pembelian fashion mewah] saya dicuri dari saya, saya akan merasa
seolah-olah identitas saya telah direnggut dari saya” terendah, menunjukkan bahwa,
meskipun fashion mewah merupakan komponen penting dari identitas responden di kedua
negara, itu bukanlah satu-satunya mekanisme yang digunakan untuk mengembangkan
identitas mereka. Di semua enam item, nilai rata-rata di Taiwan lebih tinggi daripada di
Inggris.

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  Singkatnya, temuan ini menunjukkan bahwa kedua hipotesis signifikan. H1
menggarisbawahi bahwa konsumen wanita muda Taiwan dan Inggris memiliki antusiasme
yang sama terhadap pembelian barang mewah, termasuk belanja barang mewah, dan
frekuensi pembelian. H2 menekankan pada bagaimana konsumen muda Taiwan dan Inggris
mengembangkan bagian dari identitas diri mereka melalui pembelian fashion mewah mereka
sambil menggunakan produk mewah sebagai perluasan dari diri mereka.

2.8 Pembahasan Hasil

Hasil penelitian ini menegaskan bahwa produk bermerek semacam itu membantu individu
untuk mengembangkan rasa identitas pribadi dan membantu mereka menyebarkan informasi
tentang identitas tersebut. Hal ini terutama terjadi pada wanita muda di Taiwan, yang
menggunakan mode mewah sebagai bentuk ekspresi diri.
Sebagian besar responden wanita muda dalam penelitian ini adalah pelajar yang belum
menikah atau wanita pekerja dan semuanya berusia akhir belasan atau 20-an tahun. Dengan
demikian, mereka berada dalam fase "transisi dewasa awal" atau "memasuki dunia dewasa" dari
siklus kehidupan pribadi mereka (Levinson, 1986). Banyak konsumen seperti itu pasti akan
mencari harta simbolis yang berpengaruh baik bagi masa dewasa muda mereka saat ini atau di
masa depan. Remaja dan dewasa muda yang masih "menemukan jalan hidup" akan rentan terhadap
pengaruh kelompok referensi aspiratif dan akan merespons dengan terlibat dalam perilaku
pembelian simbolis (Leigh dan Gabel, 1992).
Pembelian setidaknya sebulan sekali menunjukkan minat yang luas terhadap mode mewah,
yang dianggap dapat menunjang karir para wanita muda. Oleh karena itu, penting bagi produsen
barang fashion mewah internasional untuk menumbuhkan rasa loyalitas merek dalam kelompok
usia muda ini, sebagai konsumen masa depan bagi merek mereka di Taiwan ataupun UK.
Degan (2009) berpendapat tentang konsumen Tiongkok Daratan bahwa, “motivasi mereka
untuk membeli merek mewah ini berakar pada nilai-nilai Konfusianisme yang lebih kompleks dan
tuntutan akan pengakuan sosial”. Barang-barang fashion digunakan oleh wanita muda Taiwan
untuk memproyeksikan citra status pribadi yang dicari. Perbedaan perilaku oleh wanita muda
Inggris menunjukkan bahwa pendekatan standar untuk kampanye pemasaran internasional untuk
merek mewah tidak sesuai. Shukla (2010) berpendapat bahwa variabel kunci yang menentukan

21
perilaku konsumsi terkait “status” adalah budaya negara konsumen, oleh sebab itu untuk promosi
barang mewah sebaiknya disesuaikan dengan budaya negara tersebut.

2.9 Implikasi Penelitian

 Teoritis
Husic dan Cicic (2009) menyatakan bahwa konsumsi barang mewah adalah area penelitian
yang agak terabaikan. Truong et al. (2009) menambahkan bahwa, "masih kurangnya
penelitian empiris tentang penyebab, baik psikologis dan demografi, dari pola konsumsi
barang mewah baru". Dengan latar belakang itu, penelitian ini bertujuan untuk memberikan
kontribusi pada bidang studi yang semakin diabaikan dan semakin penting ini.
 Praktis
Tujuan dari studi ini adalah untuk menguji sejauh mana fashion mewah diperlakukan sebagai
jalan untuk mencapai diri yang ideal dan perbedaannya pada wanita muda di Taiwan dan
UK. Jelaslah bahwa para wanita muda di sampel Taiwan membeli dan menggunakan produk
semacam itu untuk menciptakan identitas; dengan kata lain, itu adalah harta yang akan
menunjukkan kepada dunia siapa mereka dan apa yang telah mereka capai. Disarankan
bahwa pentingnya menampilkan "wajah" dalam budaya kolektivis seperti Taiwan, sebagai
bukti status. Dengan demikian, pemasaran fashion mewah dapat berkontribusi pada
penciptaan identitas bagi wanita muda di Taiwan. \

2.10 Keterbatasan Penelitian

Studi ini memiliki batasan penelitian yang menyediakan tempat yang bermanfaat untuk studi
di masa depan. Pertama, EFA dan CFA tidak dilakukan untuk memvalidasi ukuran studi. Studi ini
menggunakan korelasi sederhana untuk menafsirkan hasil. Untuk kedua keterbatasan ini, peneliti
selanjutnya harus menggunakan teknik statistik yang lebih maju, seperti tes psikometri
komprehensif dan pemodelan persamaan struktural untuk memvalidasi skala dan model struktural.
Penelitian lebih lanjut dapat memperluas penelitian ini dengan menyelidiki sejauh mana ada
perbedaan antara wanita yang lebih tua dan yang lebih muda dalam penggunaan pembelian fashion
mewah sebagai sarana untuk menciptakan identitas. Mengingat meningkatnya minat akan fashion
mewah di kalangan pria, hal itu juga bisa menjadi nilai motif pembelian mereka. Dengan demikian,
penulis mendorong penelitian masa depan untuk mempertimbangkan pertimbangan luas variasi

22
sampel serta dimensi sub-budaya, yang timbul dari berbagai lapisan budaya. Sampel komprehensif
dapat mengungkap anteseden dan konsekuensi penting lainnya yang penting dalam hubungan
antara konsumsi barang mewah dan diri. Selain itu, penelitian selanjutnya didorong untuk
memasukkan sampel yang lebih besar untuk melakukan validasi silang model sehingga dapat
dipastikan generalisasi. Dan bisa juga mengadopsi pendekatan pembangunan model dalam SEM
untuk mendapatkan hubungan jalur baru dalam model juga diinginkan.

23
 DAFTAR PUSTAKA

Solomon, Michael. (2018). Consumer Behavior: Buying, Having, and Being 12th Edition. Pearson.

Wu, Meng-Shan Sharon et al. (2015) Luxury brand purchases and the extended self: A cross-
cultural comparison of young female consumers in Taiwan and the UK. Asia-Pacific Journal
of Business Administration Vol. 7 No. 3, Tahun 2015.

24
 The current issue and full text archive of this journal is available on Emerald Insight at:
www.emeraldinsight.com/1757-4323.htm

Luxury brand purchases and Luxury brand

purchases and
the extended self the extended
self
A cross-cultural comparison of young female
consumers in Taiwan and the UK 153
Meng-Shan Sharon Wu and Cheng-Hao Steve Chen Received 18 May 2015
University of Southampton, Southampton, UK, and Revised 27 May 2015
Accepted 2 June 2015
Bang Nguyen
East China University of Science and Technology, Shanghai, China

Abstract
Purpose – It is generally agreed that marketing campaigns developed for western markets may not
be appropriate for consumers living in eastern cultures, particularly with respect to strategies for
promoting luxury brands. While consultancy reports and media commentaries show that rising levels
of disposable income are driving increasing demand for luxury goods in China and Taiwan,
for example, the academic literature offers very few consumer research findings clearly elucidating the
different luxury purchasing behaviour of eastern and western consumers. The purpose of this paper is
to compare the consumption of luxury products and luxury fashion purchasing habits in Taiwan and
the UK, with particular reference to the fashion sector, focusing on a strategically important emerging
market segment: young consumers of luxury brands.
Design/methodology/approach – To achieve the study’s objectives, questionnaires were
administered online in each of the two countries to females aged 18-26 years, who had made more
than two luxury purchases in the year preceding the survey. Employing a two-wave survey, respondents
were selected via social media and personal contacts in the UK and by means of snowball sampling
in Taiwan.
Findings – The study found one major point of difference among many similarities: the Taiwanese
buyers scored significantly higher on indicators that they were treating luxury brands as a means
of developing their self-identity and communicating their social standing: an important part of
maintaining “face” in Asian cultures. These findings contain important strategic implications for
luxury fashion brand managers developing marketing campaigns for the promotion of their brands in
the distinctive cultures of Taiwan, Mainland China and their neighbours.
Originality/value – The study reported in this paper compares the consumption of luxury products
in Taiwan and the UK, with particular reference to the fashion sector. The study contributes to existing
knowledge by evaluating differences and similarities in: first, the luxury fashion purchasing behaviour
of young women in Taiwan and the UK; and second, the ways in which the two sets of consumers use
luxury fashion products as an extension of their selves.
Keywords Cross-cultural study, Taiwan, Luxury fashion brands, Purchasing behaviour, Self-image,
Young consumers
Paper type Research paper

Introduction
The market for luxury goods and services has been growing significantly and
consistently since the early 1990s, and one result has been considerable academic research
interest in luxury consumption (see for example, Bian and Forsythe, 2012; Eastman and
Asia-Pacific Journal of Business
Liu, 2012; Hudders, 2012; Truong et al., 2008; Wu et al., 2015). In the literature, this Administration
particular form of purchasing behaviour has been linked to the self-concept, with a large Vol. 7 No. 3, 2015
pp. 153-173
body of evidence for the link having been generated. A seminal article by Belk (1988), © Emerald Group Publishing Limited
1757-4323
relating the acquisition of possessions to the concept of an “extended self”, has since been DOI 10.1108/APJBA-05-2015-0046
APJBA credited by Ahuvia (2005, p. 171) as having “solidified and accelerated an interest by
7,3 consumer researchers in the ways consumption helps define people’s sense of who they
are”. Saren (2007, p. 346) has summarised Belk’s conceptualisation as being that
“consumers are doing more than displaying their status or identity through products;
they are creating an ‘extended self’ by appropriating and incorporating the objects and
symbols of their consumption”.
154 The subject of self-concept has seen a concomitant academic increase to help unravel
the complex nature of conspicuous consumption (Duma et al., 2015). Elliott and
Wattanasuwan (1998, p. 141) observe “through an understanding of the dynamics of the
process of identity construction, that opportunities can be identified for brands to play an
important role in the symbolic projection of the self”. Vigneron and Johnson (2004) state
that “the supposed luxury of a brand enables a consumer to express his or her own self,
an ideal self, or specific dimensions of the self, through the use of a brand” (p. 484), and
thus developed the Brand Luxury Index whose construct incorporates the extended self.
Despite the considerable volume of published research in the marketing literature,
researchers have drawn attention to the disregard of the social dimension of purchase
behaviour exhibited by economists (Berger and Ward, 2010; Chao and Schor, 1998;
Hudders, 2012; Kastankis and Balabanis, 2012). The exception is Chao and Schor’s (1998)
study, which investigated women’s purchasing of cosmetics and revealed the prevalence
of status-buying, especially among those with higher incomes and education levels. Due to
this lack of research in the social dimension and in particular, the self in relation to luxury
purchase behaviour, the present study offers an attempt to fill this important gap.
The study reported in this paper compares the consumption of luxury brands
and products in Taiwan and the UK, with particular reference to the fashion sector.
The objectives of this study are to evaluate differences and similarities in:first, the luxury
fashion purchasing behaviour of young women in Taiwan and the UK; and second, the
ways in which the two sets of consumers use luxury fashion products as an extension of
their selves. The two countries have been chosen due to their significantly different
economic, social and cultural characteristics. As an advanced developing country,
Taiwan’s consequent steady increase in the wealth of its domestic consumers has
contributed to the emergence of Taiwan as one of the most influential countries in the
luxury market, as famous brands open flagship stores carrying their most expensive
limited edition products (He et al., 2010). Euromonitor International’s (2014) report entitled
Luxury Goods in Taiwan shows that the sales of luxury goods in Taiwan were £3 million
in 2013. It also forecasts that the sales of luxury goods in Taiwan will reach £3.5 million by
2018. The UK, on the other hand, is a post-industrial developed country. The differences
between the two countries can be expected to have a strong impact on consumer behaviour
in their respective luxury fashion sectors, thus highly relevant for the present study.
The remaining of the paper is organised as follows: first, the paper presents a brief
review on the literatures on luxury consumption and self-theories, with an aim
to develop the hypotheses. In the subsequent section, the research methodology is
presented, followed by the results of the research. In the concluding section, the paper
discusses managerial and theoretical implications with suggestions for future studies.

Literature review
Luxury goods and the self
Kleine et al. (1995, p. 341) argue that, “possessions are not literally the self, but artefacts of
the self”. Schouten (1991, p. 50) had previously pictured an individual in the quest for a
self to express setting about “accumulating the appropriate symbols of the new self”.
Those would include possessions, which revise the self-concept in the direction of how Luxury brand
the person would prefer to be, that is, the ideal self. The notion of self-expression of the purchases and
individual through possession of consumer products has been the subject of studies by
Ahuvia (2005), Csíkszentmihályi and Rochberg-Halton (1981) and Wattanasuwan (2005).
the extended
In certain circumstances, however, it is not accumulation of a possession that is self
sought but its disposition. For example, a medal-winning member of a gymnastics team
in which other members had later tested positive for illegal use of performance-enhancing 155
drugs might be inclined to return the medal to the awarding body because it was seen to
be a symbol that would be incongruent with his or her desired self-concept.
In another example, domestic pets have been discussed as possessions of the self
by Belk (1988), Hill et al. (2007) and Sanders (1990). Indeed, it is suggested that,
“the companion animal provides […] an enlarged definition of self like no other thing
which can be bought, sold, or traded” (Sanders, 1990, p. 666). Somewhat similarly, it has
been argued that the increasing market for luxury clothing for children may be
fulfilling parents’ own status needs and that any guilt attached to paying the higher
price for the garments may be assuaged to some extent by the fact that they are not for
their own personal use (Roberts, 2010). It has furthermore been suggested that children
themselves are possessions, which “enhance and define the extended self of their
parents” (Levinson et al., 1992, p. 224). Belk (1988, p. 157) drew on Thorstein Veblens’s
Theory of the Leisure Class, published a century earlier, to propose that “one can
vicariously consume through one’s dependents and hence dressing children in luxury
brands is a reflection of oneself”. Belk (1990, p. 674) later posited time as a further
dimension to the extended self, concluding that, “the self extends not only into
the present material environment, but extends forward and backward in time”.
Csíkszentmihályi and Rochberg-Halton (1981) and Wallendorf et al. (1988) assert that
such possessions as photographs and keepsakes deepen our sense of the past and the
essence of the “self”. It has been made evident in studies by Mehta and Belk (1991),
Wallendorf and Arnould (1988) and Watson et al. (2002) that sentimental objects are
important possessions across cultures.
The term “conspicuous consumption”, describing the acquisition of goods in order to
show off to others, has its roots in the Theory of the Leisure Class (Veblen, 1899/2009),
a seminal text which “still represents a powerful critique of the neoclassical theory of
consumption” (Trigg, 2001, p. 99). The relationship between who we are and what we buy
has not changed significantly over the years, except in so far as increasing demand for
luxury products suggests that this purchasing pattern has migrated further down the
socio-economic scale. Although luxury goods are today purchased to some degree by most
income groups, there is an association between income and purchase expenditure (Husic
and Cicic, 2009). Purchasing luxuries might be the desire to emulate the lifestyle of the
affluent (Amaldoss and Jain, 2005; O’Cass and Frost, 2002). Consequently, the luxury
market may be thought of as a developing mass market, which includes not only members
of the richest social class but also those at a more modest socio-economic level (Nueno
and Quelch, 1998; Yeoman and McMahon-Beattie, 2006). For example, Cavender and
Rein (2009) and Li and Su (2006) have emphasised the role of luxury items as markers of
success and status. Kastanakis and Balabanis (2012) examined luxury consumption using
several psychological markers (e.g. bandwagon effect), which related to consumers’
propensity and the types of behavioural engagement in luxury consumption.
The increasing demand for luxury goods has seen a paralleled academic increase in
unravelling the complex nature of conspicuous consumption. Vigneron and Johnson
(2004, p. 484), for example, developed a Brand Luxury Index to measure the influence of
APJBA possessions on the definition of the self. With regard to the pragmatic rationale for
7,3 better understanding, Elliott and Wattanasuwan (1998, p. 141) commented that,
“through an understanding of the dynamics of the process of identity construction,
opportunities can be identified for brands to play an important role in the symbolic
project of the self”. In practice, luxury brands may be understated or assertive in their
use of the brand’s identity. For some consumers, the ability to display the luxury
156 brand’s logo overtly or mark is a necessary part of owning a luxury product and
elevates their status in the eyes of significant third parties; for others, more subtlety
is sought. Manufactures of such goods, recognising these contrasts in consumer
types, may aim to appeal to both by marketing “quiet” and “loud” versions of a given
brand (Han et al., 2010). “Loud” version of brands is having noticeable logos and
signatures that are not clear or eye-catching while “quiet” version of brands is having
discrete logos and trading marks that are not clearly embalmed or easily noticeable
(Bagheri, 2014). For instance, Gucci’s green and red stripes have been characterised as
loud and Chanel’s double-C buttons as quiet by Nueno and Quelch (1998).
Correspondingly, “loud” consumers who display products with highly visible brand
logos conform to the construct of conspicuous consumption construct (Han et al., 2010).
It could be that their “quiet” counterparts are less overtly motivated similarly, with the
difference that their conspicuous consumption may be evident only to the group they
wish to impress: those select consumers who are “in the know”.
One stream of published research into luxury purchasing has focused on materialism
as a motivator, which Belk (1984, p. 291) has defined as “the importance a person
attaches to worldly goods”. He argued that, “at the highest levels of materialism,
such possessions assume a central place in a person’s life and are believed to provide the
greatest sources of satisfaction and dissatisfaction in life either directly (as ends)
or indirectly (as means to ends)”. Furthermore, the desire of owning luxuries is part of
a consumption style that reinforces consumers’ self-esteem (Tatzel, 2002) through the
material goods they are trying to attain. Some studies have debated the importance of
materialists’ wealth and the relationship between luxuries and achievement via publicly
consumed and privately consumed goods (Bearden and Etzel, 1982). Materialists attempt
to enhance their status either individually or socially by consuming goods publicly or
possessing visible affluence (Richins, 1994). This illustrates how a materialist would
utilise the value of materialism associated with purchase intentions to enhance his/her
social status, thereby achieving his/her materialistic goals. As a result, materialists prefer
to purchase luxury goods (Prendergast and Wong, 2003) and are more willing to spend
time and energy pursuing brand-name products (Browne and Kaldenberg, 1997), which
can be profiled by addressing shopper’s orientations (e.g. brand consciousness).
Several recent studies have confirmed the role that materialism plays in purchasing
(Freeman et al., 2008; Liao and Wang, 2009) and established a link between materialism
and “symbolic consumption” (O’Cass, 2001; Prendergast and Wong, 2003). A cross-cultural
study by Eastman et al. (1997) found that young consumers in the China were more likely
to be materialistic than their American and Mexican counterparts. Their materialism was
expressed in the purchasing and consuming of the same range of status-enhancing
products as their counterparts in the other two countries, suggesting there is a global
market for luxury goods.
As luxury goods are increasingly purchased by all kinds of consumer, those
labelled “snobs” or “elitists” eschew widely purchased luxury brands who in favour
of more exclusive options: a form of consumer behaviour described as “social
symbolic” (Dubois et al., 2005). The recent history of the Burberry brand is an
example of a company not fully understanding that “fashion brands derive much of Luxury brand
their brand equity from their exclusivity” (Ritson, 2002, p. 12). By the mid-1990s, purchases and
it had extended its distribution to the point where it came close to being a mainstream
brand and was in danger of losing its luxury image (Heller, 2000; Ritson, 2002).
the extended
Shoppers in London could purchase Burberry products from 60 different stores, but self
not from those specialising in luxury fashion (Moore and Birtwistle, 2004). By
contrast, Gucci did recognise in the early 1990s that over-extension of their 157
distribution network was potentially harmful to the brand and severely reduced the
number of stores stocking its products, in order to maintain a level of exclusivity
(Nueno and Quelch, 1998).
Given that “scarcity value is an important attraction for luxury brands” (Park et al.,
2008, p. 256), all manufacturers of luxury brands have at some time introduced limited
editions intended to deliver the exclusivity sought by that particular segment of the
luxury market. These products, sometimes referred to as “ultraluxe”, establish their
position vis-à-vis the “normal” luxury brands by means of exclusive distribution and
very high prices. For example: Versace introduced a limited edition of 100 bottles of
perfume under the special name Gianni Versace Couture (Born and Iannaccone, 2008);
Burberry and Gucci, among other fashion houses, have used limited edition handbags
as a marketing tool (Women’s Wear Daily, 2008a, b); Mouawad restricted the
production run of its Diamond Devaulx ostrich-leather handbag, decorated with
a half-carat diamond, to one hundred (Soucy, 2004). The high prices and limited
production runs ensured the exclusivity of these limited editions by creating a barrier
to entry for would be competitors (Fionda and Moore, 2009).
Whereas some consumers of luxury goods are driven by exclusivity, the key driver
for others it is the need to conform (Amaldoss and Jain, 2005). When demand for a
product increases because other people regarded as influential have purchased it, there
is what Leibenstein (1950) described as a bandwagon effect. This form of influence on
consumers’ purchase and use of luxury goods has been noted by Amaldoss and
Jain (2008, 2010), Chao and Schor (1998) and Chen et al. (2008). A third category of
luxury purchasers has been labelled “Veblenians” because those consumers see
the visibly high price of a purchase as a means of impressing others (Lichtenstein
et al., 1993; Vigneron and Johnson, 1999). Identifying a gap in the literature in so far as
motives for luxury purchasing had been related solely to external interactions – the
snob, bandwagon and Veblenian motivations – Vigneron and Johnson (1999) added
two drivers of internal personal origin: hedonists and perfectionists. The former focus
on the perceived emotional value to be derived from the product whereas the latter are
influenced by their perception of the quality value.
In the present study, we note that the extended self refers to a process by which
consumers may learn from or educate each other based on their consumption as
progression and connections between people and the purchases are made (Berger and
Ward, 2010). Such connections bring a sense of society and individuality, which in turn
demonstrates the way for individual and collective action embedded in social context.
Sivadas and Venkatesh (1995, p. 406) detected a major gap in the literature, in that
“individual variations in the incorporation of possessions in the extended self within
the same age and cultural group have not been studied”. Their study, exploring the
relationship between satisfaction and the extended self as expressed by consumption of
luxury products, concluded that, “a central research question that begs further empirical
examination is why do individuals incorporate possessions into the extended self and
why are some individuals more likely to do so than others” (p. 410). To attempt to close
APJBA that gap, the study reported in this paper seeks to identify differences and similarities in
7,3 luxury fashion purchasing behaviour between young women in Taiwan and the UK, and
to identify whether or not these two groups differ in their use of luxury fashion product
as extensions of their selves. The segment of female consumers has become an influential
group in the luxury market due to their annual consumer spending. However, most
companies and marketing scholars have limited knowledge about selling to woman,
158 especially young female consumers. A comprehensive study by Silverstein and
Sayre (2009) on how women felt about their work, lives and experiences from their
purchases demonstrated that the young female consumer segment represents one of
the largest market opportunities, and is an influential force in the marketplace,
generating new wealth. Thus, the study seeks to add new knowledge to the study of this
interesting and dynamic segment, from the cross-cultural perspective, providing insights
to both Taiwan and the UK.
In the next section, the study develops the hypotheses on these cross-cultural
differences between these two groups of luxury fashion purchasers in Taiwan and the UK.

Hypothesis development
The asian context
Luxury brands are not a recent phenomenon in Asia. Rado has been marketing its
luxury watches since the 1950s and Cartier opened its first store in 1969 (Ram, 1989).
The importance of luxury brands to status there is evident in the same author’s later
assertion that “a bottle of cognac in China affirms self-worth” (Ram, 1994, p. 52).
Luxury brand managers have recognised the rise of the middle class in Asia
and have noticed that, even during the recession of 2009 in China, sales grew by
20 per cent (The Economist, 2010). Park et al. (2008) recorded the increasing demand
for luxury brands among the young in Korea. Hung (2006) has noted that luxury
brands from Europe have adapted to the market in Taiwan, where they have been
very successful. Much of the acceptance of luxury brands in Taiwan and other Asian
countries has been attributable to the desire for upward mobility and status seeking
(Thorniley, 2010).
Truong (2010) has called for further studies of luxury purchasing in markets other
than in western countries, Dubois et al. (2005) having specified that such research is
needed to identify differences in the purchase motivations of consumers between western
and eastern societies. It has previously been established that Asian markets differ
from the West in that they are more materialistic (Eastman et al., 1997; Wong and
Ahuvia 1998), which might explain the increasing demand for luxury purchases
in eastern countries (Sirgy et al., 2012, 2013). However, similarities have also been noted in
respect of personal orientation towards luxury brand purchasing, raising the possibility
that there is a transnational market segment that may react to a particular marketing
communications message on the basis of the individuals’ selves rather than social factors
(Tsai, 2005).
Smith and Snipes (2009, p. 19) report the comment by the chief executive officer of
the Luxury Institute, based in New York, that “there are more aspirational consumers
in Asia than in other parts of the world”. The increasing demand for luxury goods in
Asia (Bain and Company, 2013; CNBC.com, 2013; Curtin, 2009; Economist Intelligence
Unit, 2013; Financial Times, 2013) may be attributable to the need for status identified
earlier in this paper, and it is generally suggested that the underlying motivation to
gain status may be the maintaining of “face”, a concept embedded in Asian cultures
(Hwang, 2006; Redding and Ng, 1983).
 Although Goffman (1955) long ago brought the concept of face to sociologists’ Luxury brand
attention in an article with the title “On face-work: an analysis of ritual elements of social purchases and
interaction”, it is commonly accepted that it has its origins in China (Bargiela-Chiappini,
2003) and is a characteristic of other Asian cultures. The concept is familiar in the
the extended
English-speaking world only in the phrase “losing face”; it is not used to connote a self
positive phenomenon. The Asian concept of face has been described as “the respect,
pride, and dignity of an individual as a consequence of his/her social achievement” 159
(Leung and Chan, 2003, p. 1575). The phenomenon is “interpersonal and represents the
social self” (Liao and Wang, 2009, p. 988) and has been shown to have an impact
on business activities (Leung and Chan, 2003; Redding and Ng, 1983) as well as on
consumption practices (Bao et al., 2003; Chan et al., 2009; Li and Su, 2006).
Park and Rabolt (2009) identified differences in cultural values between eastern and
western consumers of fashion good specifically. Furthermore, the findings of a
study comparing the attitudes to luxury of consumers in 19 western countries (Dubois
et al., 2005) conformed to Hofstede’s familiar cultural dimensions: power, distance and
uncertainty avoidance (Hofsteded, 1980). Differences in purchasing behaviour between
Asians and westerners were also attributed to cultural factors by Kacen and Lee (2002).
In terms of brand choice, Sun et al. (2004) have found that consumers in individualist
cultures differ to their counterparts in collectivist cultures by typically sticking to well
known brands. Wong and Ahuvia (1998) found that western consumers bought goods
as sources of pleasure and acquired them by buying them personally, and that their
choices generally reflected their individual personas. easterners, on the other hand,
were found to buy luxury products to display their possessions in public and
often acquired them in the process of exchanging gifts; product choices reflected social
norms and located the user vertically within the social hierarchy. Because the social
group is so important in Asian cultures, conformity is very evident. As the study
concluded, “if the in group prescribes expensive and ostentatious possessions or
activities as socially appropriate, then a good member must subscribe to such public
display of wealth in order to fit in” (p. 43).
Heaney et al. (2005) concluded that the acquisition of luxury goods in Asia – in this
case Taiwan – is a result of status seeking rather than of materialistic behaviour.
Focusing on the managerial implications of the phenomena discussed in the extensive
literature, they advised that, “when marketing to Asian consumers, marketers should
concentrate on branding luxury goods to give them status value; the marketer should not
market the good simply as a quality or functional item. The Prada handbag is
more important as a status Prada brand than as a quality leather handbag” (p. 95).
This emphasis on social conformity rather than personal tastes is confirmed in a study
by Wong and Hogg (2010), alluding to gifts given and received as being “extended
possessions” for Hong Kong consumers.
In the global luxury market, the growing segment of female consumers has made a
strong impact on luxury brands and fashion industry. More than 83 per cent of women
influence the decision of purchase in the British and US consumer luxury markets (Hutzler,
2011). More importantly, fashion and luxury branded products have played an instrumental
role in young female’s lifestyle; this notion similarly applies to the Chinese luxury market.
The McKinsey Chinese Luxury Consumer Survey (McKinsey & Company, 2012)”, Luxury
without borders – China’s new class of shoppers take on the world” highlights that Chinese
female luxury consumers’ tastes in luxury products are becoming mature with surprising
fast pace and is quickly becoming the key driver in luxury consumption due to its
transformation of the Chinese luxury consumption. Drawing on the above published studies
APJBA and commentaries reviewed in this section, the present study hypothesises in the contexts of
7,3 Asia, here being Taiwan and western economy, here being the UK, that:
H1. Compared to the UK, young Taiwanese female consumers will be the heavier
purchasers of luxury fashion.
H2. Compared to the UK, young Taiwanese female consumers will be more likely to
160 employ their luxury fashion purchases as extensions of the self.

Method
The two countries, UK and Taiwan, were selected for the study on the basis that their
cultures are significantly different (Hofstede, 1980) and that the process of luxury purchase,
from purchase orientation to purchase outcome, can therefore be meaningfully compared
and contrasted. To achieve the study’s objectives, a two-wave survey was conducted: First,
250 questionnaires were administered online during Summer 2012 to convenience samples
of females aged 18-26 years in each of the two countries, who had made more than two
luxury purchases in the year preceding the survey (first wave study). Respondents were
selected via social media and personal contacts in the UK and by means of snowball
sampling in Taiwan. The decision to restrict the sample to female consumers was justified
by the finding in previous research studies that they are significantly more involved in
fashion than their male counterparts (O’Cass, 2001). The age range is consistent with other
studies of the “younger segment” by Hsu and Chang (2008) and Wood (2004). A study of
conspicuous consumption by O’Cass and McEwen (2004) also focused on the younger age
group, but in that case only students. The first-wave recipients were asked to pass on a
copy of the questionnaire to others who also met the age criterion (second wave study),
with the result that 356 completed questionnaires were returned in total. Of those, 131 from
the UK and 139 from Taiwan were usable. The questionnaire was in English and used in
both the UK and in Taiwan, where the English-speaking community, especially among the
sample, was very achievable.
Though it has traditionally been thought that luxury products can be afforded only
by those who are wealthy, there is recent evidence that this generalisation is no longer
valid. According to Heine (2010) and Hua (2012), the student market segment has been
one of the main income streams for luxury marketers. Some may pay for their
purchases by instalments, or defer settlement by using a credit card; others may be
subsidised by their parents. This new understanding of the luxury market is a sound
reason for the inclusion of students among the young female consumers of luxury
goods in our own study. A pilot test with samples of ten respondents in each country
established that students acquire luxury products in various ways. Some are from
well-off families, and can easily afford them; others may have saved money for a
number of months in order to be able to buy, for example, a Gucci handbag; yet others
may use a credit card to defer the burden of payment for the purchase.
The sampling frame contained a mix of students, young working women and
housewives. A screening question was included to ensure that only those who had
made a luxury purchase during the previous year completed a questionnaire. Table I
shows that, in the eventual sample, students accounted for a little over half of the
eventual sample, working women for just less than a third, and housewives for the
remaining 10 per cent. The majority of respondents were single. Table I also confirms
that young buyers of luxury goods in both countries are not necessarily wealthy:
nearly three quarters of respondents earned less than the equivalent of roughly
£15,000, €18,000 or $24,000.
 n %
Luxury brand
purchases and
Income in £GBP equivalent amounts the extended
o£15,000 196 73
£15,000-£24,999 48 18 self
W£25,000 26 9
Occupation 161
Student 159 59
Working woman 84 31
Housewife 27 10
Marital status
Single 223 83 Table I.
Married or living with partner 47 17 Sample profile

Fionda and Moore (2009) distinguish four categories into which luxury goods have
traditionally been classified: fashion, perfumes and cosmetics, wines and spirits, and
watches and jewellery. More recently, professionals in the sector and business-school
academics have added such categories as luxury cars and holidays to the mix. In our
study, the focus was on fashion clothing and accessories. Though several previous
studies have investigated the luxury fashion market, they have focused on the supply
side rather than the demand side (Amighini and Rabellotti, 2006; Moore and Doyle, 2010).

Measures
The extent to which luxury fashion was part of a respondent’s extended self was
measured by a six-item seven-point scale devised by Sivadas and Machleit (1994),
which has been shown to be reliable, unidimensional and internally consistent (Sivadas
and Venkatesh, 1995) and was later employed in a study by Dodson (1996). The items
take the form of the following six statements, with which respondents were invited to
agree or disagree on a seven-point Likert scale:
My [luxury fashion purchase] helps me achieve the identity I want to have.
My [luxury fashion purchase] helps me narrow the gap between what I am and what I try to be.
My [luxury fashion purchase] is central to my identity.
My [luxury fashion purchase] is part of who I am.
If my [luxury fashion purchase] is stolen from me I will feel as if my identity has been snatched
from me.
I derive some of my identity from my [luxury fashion purchase].

Results and findings

First, respondents were asked to name the luxury fashion brands they had purchased
over the previous year. Table II shows that the ranking of the ten most widely
nominated, are similar between the two countries, but not identical. According to
Huang and Rust (2008), Louis Vuitton and Gucci, in the top three brands in both
countries, are considered to be at the high end of the luxury market. Coach, also
generally regarded as a luxury brand, prices its products somewhat lower than its
competitors. Both samples ranked it in the middle of the table. Given what our study
APJBA UK Taiwan
7,3 Brand name n % n %

Gucci 21 16 24 17
Louis vuitton 20 15 34 24
Prada 16 12 21 15
Armani 15 11 9 6
162 Burberry 12 9 20 14
Fendi 11 8 15 11
Table II. Coach 9 7 20 14
Top ten brands Dior 7 5 14 10
purchased by young Ralph lauren 7 5 12 9
females Chanel 5 4 29 21

has found about the ability of young Taiwanese, even those with the lowest
discretionary income, to find ways to afford luxury brands, Coach might therefore have
been expected to have placed higher than sixth out of ten. Its status as an “affordable
luxury brand” could perhaps have struck the young females in the Taiwanese sample
as an oxymoron and conditioned their preference for more prestige brands. A notable
difference between the country groups is that Chanel is more popular and Armani less
popular among Taiwanese women than among their British counterparts. This finding
may be explained by the fact that strategies for overcoming the constraints of relatively
low income are less common in the UK than in Taiwan.
Second, the low ranking of Ralph Lauren by both samples could perhaps be
explained by the blurring of the boundaries between luxury and mass-market goods,
given its positioning of itself as a brand with a level of perceived prestige for a broad
range of customers (Truong et al., 2009). This is what Silverstein and Fiske (2003) have
described as a “masstige” strategy. Although traditional luxury brands might be
hesitant to undertake a strategy running the risk of compromising brand integrity,
Armani has been cited by Kort et al. (2006) as an example of achieving democratisation
while maintaining brand exclusivity. That brand is purchased by very few of the
young Taiwanese women in this study, however, possibly because they do not perceive
it as “exclusive” and prefer brands that offer greater status.
Third, while a brand name can be of primary importance to shoppers (Aiello et al.,
2009), especially those in western countries, where it appears to act as an indicator of
quality (Beverland, 2004; Husic and Cicic, 2009), this is not always the case. In a study
by Han et al. (2010) of Taiwanese consumers’ perceptions of luxury handbags, it was
found that the brand name take second place after country of origin information,
suggesting the desire to avoid Chinese-made counterfeit products prevalent in Taiwan.
Table II suggests, on the face of it, that there are few differences between the luxury
fashion buying habits of young women in Taiwan and the UK. χ2 tests were therefore
performed to assess the actual variation in quantity and frequency of purchasing
between the two samples. The results thus showed that there were no significant
differences between the two groups.
Fourth, Table III shows that the most usual frequency is one or two purchases per
month, closely followed by an interval of more than one month between purchases.
Respondents who might be labelled “intensive” consumers of luxury fashion products,
making at least one purchase on average three or more times per month, constitute
exactly a quarter of the UK sample and just less than one in five of the Taiwan sample.
The slight but clear differential in favour of the UK suggests that, although Asia is fast Luxury brand
becoming an important market for luxury fashion brands, the UK and similar western purchases and
markets remain stronger for the time being. There is a strong association between
country of residence and frequency of purchase: χ2 ¼ 27.955, p ¼ 0.00. That over half
the extended
the young women in both countries are buying luxury fashion items at least once a self
month suggests that their purchases could mainly be such lower-value accessories as
small leather goods. Truong (2010) asserts that these are the products, which have kept 163
many luxury brands afloat by appealing to important segments of the market
characterised by limited income and aspirations to the lifestyles of the wealthy.
Fifth, it is important to consider the value of the purchases made by the large sub-
groups of young female consumers of luxury fashion brands in the two samples,
because the amounts spent by those purchasing once a month could be comparable to
the expenditure of others buying three times per month. Table IV shows that the
majority in both samples claimed to spend less than £1000 (€1,192, $1,598) annually on
luxury fashion brands, but that more than one in ten of the young females in Taiwan
were purchasing twice as much in a year; only 6 per cent of their counterparts in the UK
spent so freely. The χ2 analysis did not provide evidence of any strong association
between country of residence and level of spending purchased: χ2 ¼ 3.729, p ¼ 0.155).
Sixth, Table V shows the mean scores and t-test results for each of the six items
comprising the Extended Self Scale. It is immediately evident that the ranking of the six
items from highest to lowest mean score is identical for both samples. The fact that
“My [luxury fashion purchase] helps me achieve the identity I want to have” scored highest
and “If my [luxury fashion purchase] is stolen from me I will feel as if my identity has been
snatched from me” lowest, suggests that, while although luxury fashion is an important
component of respondents’ identity in both countries, it is not the only mechanism by
which they develop their identities. Across all six items, the mean scores in Taiwan were
higher than those in the UK. Furthermore, there was a significant difference between the
two samples with respect to the two items “If my [luxury fashion purchase] is stolen from
me I will feel as if my identity has been snatched from me” and “I derive some of my
identity from my [luxury fashion purchase]”.

UK Taiwan Total
Frequency n % n % n %

Less than once per month 61 47 42 30 103 38

1-2 times per month 37 28 80 58 117 43 Table III.
3-4 times per month 28 21 10 7 38 14 Frequency of luxury
More than four times per month 5 4 7 5 12 5 fashion brand
Total 131 100 139 100 270 100 purchasing

UK Taiwan Total
Average expenditure n % n % n %

o£1000 69 53 80 57 149 55 Table IV.

£1000-£2000 54 41 44 32 98 36 Value of luxury
W£2000 8 6 15 11 23 9 fashion brand
Total 131 100 139 100 270 100 purchasing
APJBA Extended self items UK Taiwan Sig.
7,3
My [luxury fashion purchase] helps me achieve the identity I want to have 4.01 4.07 ns
My [luxury fashion purchase] helps me narrow the gap between what I am and
what I try to be 3.76 3.96 ns
I derive some of my identity from my [luxury fashion purchase] 3.64 3.91 *
My [luxury fashion purchase] is part of who I am 3.47 3.53 ns
164 My [luxury fashion purchase] is central to my identity 3.47 3.53 ns
If my [luxury fashion purchase] is stolen from me I will feel as if my identity has
been snatched from me 2.70 3.35 **
Table V. Overall score 21.05 22.35 *
Extended self scores Notes: *,**Significant at 90 and 95 per cent levels, respectively

Finally, the finding that the overall score on the Extended Self scale is significantly
different between the samples offers support for both research hypotheses,
respectively, suggesting that there will be differences between young females in the
East and the West (as exemplified by Taiwan and the UK) in terms of how frequently
they buy luxury fashion brands and the extent to which they are using those brands
as extensions of the self. The particular scores recorded in Taiwan may be explained
by the Chinese phenomenon of “face”, which has been shown to motivate luxury
purchasing (Li and Su, 2006) and also helps to explain why consumers from some less
developed countries, with lower disposable incomes, indulge in this kind of purchasing
behaviour (Liao and Wang, 2009).
In summary, our findings suggest that both hypotheses are significant. H1 underlines
that both young Taiwanese and UK female consumers have the same enthusiasm
towards luxury purchases, which includes luxury spending, and purchase frequency.
H2 emphasises on how young Taiwanese and UK consumers develop part of their
self-identity through their luxury fashion purchase while employing luxury products as
an extension of the self.

Discussion
Previously, Auty and Elliott (1998) demonstrated the potential of an individual’s choice of
what to wear to act as a code for others. Although they focused on mass brands, it might
be expected that luxury fashion brands are even more powerful communicators of
messages about the wearer. The results of the study reported here confirm that such
brands help the individual to develop a sense of personal identity and that the act of using
them disseminates information about that identity. This is particularly the situation for
young women in Taiwan, who do use luxury fashion as a form of self-expression. In other
words, they are involved in a “self-creation project” (Wattanasuwan, 2005, p. 179)
conducted through the medium of objects that have meanings to which they aspire.
Most of the young women respondents in this study were unmarried students
or working women and all were either in their late teens or 20s. They were thus in
the “early adult transition” or “entering the adult world” phases of their personal life
cycle (Levinson, 1986). Many such consumers will doubtless be looking to symbolic
possessions as aids to safe progress through the personal upheavals affecting their
young adulthood at present or in the future. Indeed, it has been suggested that, “during
many types of life transitions, symbolic possessions may be used to fill the role that
family, friends, and other personal relationships once held in the individual’s extended
self” (Noble and Walker, 1997, p. 34). Teenagers and young adults who are still “finding Luxury brand
their way in life” will be susceptible to the influences of aspirational reference purchases and
groups and will respond by engaging in symbolic purchasing behaviour (Leigh and
Gabel, 1992, p. 28). The fact that the majority of respondents made a purchase at least
the extended
once a month demonstrates a widespread appetite for luxury fashion. Even if some self
individuals are constrained by limited discretionary income to lower unit-value items,
they can be expected to trade up to more expensive purchases as their careers progress. 165
It will therefore be of strategic value to the international manufacturers of luxury
fashion goods to engender a sense of brand loyalty within this young age group,
as future consumers of their brands, in Taiwan and more widely in the Far East.
More specifically, an understanding of the underlying reasons for the buying of
luxury brands can inform the content of promotional messages. The finding that young
Taiwanese women are more inclined than their UK counterparts to perceive their
luxury purchases as extensions of themselves suggests that those are artefacts in the
development of the ideal self, which is in turn heavily influenced by the oriental
phenomenon of “face”. Indeed, Degan (2009, p. 75) has remarked of Mainland Chinese
consumers that, “their motivation to buy these luxury brands has its roots in the more
complex Confucian values and demand for social recognition”. Fashion items, be they
handbags, shoes or clothes, are displayed in public view by the purchaser, and hence
are appropriate ways for Taiwanese young women to project the sought-after image of
personal status. The behavioural differences identified in the UK sample suggest that
a standardised approach to international marketing campaigns for luxury brands is
not appropriate. Indeed, it would ignore the important cultural differences that need to
be considered when developing brand messages for each market. Shukla (2010, p. 108)
has confirmed that the key variables determining the nature of status-related
consumption behaviour are “single culture or country specific and therefore must be
adjusted for national or regional variations”.
Hung (2006) asserts that the younger generation in Taiwan who set the trends in
luxury fashion consumption have had the advantage of travelling and living in other
countries as students. The results of our study suggest that these individuals
nevertheless remain influenced by their earlier upbringing, in that identity-seeking is a
much stronger purchase motivation than for their counterparts in the UK. Thus,
although the young women in both samples indulged equally in luxury fashion, there
were subtle differences in purchase motivation that need to be factored into any
marketing strategy. Given the cultural similarities between Taiwan and Mainland
China, the results of this study are likely to be relevant to the Chinese market for luxury
goods, into which international brands have been making inroads by targeting the fast
rising middle class whose numbers are predicted to reach 612 million by 2020 (Farrell
et al., 2006). Demand among the younger market segment in particular has resulted
in China being the world’s second-largest market for luxury brands (Cavender and
Rein, 2009; Degen, 2009; Li et al., 2012; Zhan and He, 2012).

Conclusion
The study has contributed to existing knowledge by evaluating differences and
similarities in:first, the luxury fashion purchasing behaviour of young women in
Taiwan and the UK; and second, the ways in which the two groups of consumers
use luxury fashion products as an extension of their selves. Husic and Cicic (2009)
assert that luxury consumption is a somewhat neglected area of research, while O’Cass
and McEwen (2004, p. 27) had previously commented that “despite the importance of
APJBA the concept of conspicuous consumption, empirical research and theoretical models
7,3 on the nature and influences of conspicuous consumption are scarce”. In identifying the
increasing global market for luxury items and the trend towards younger purchasers,
Truong et al. (2009, p. 376) added that, “there is still a lack of empirical research on the
causes, both psychological and demographics, of new luxury consumption patterns”.
Although a recent study by Cardosa et al. (2010) considered self-expression through
166 fashion purchasing, it did not deal specifically with the luxury end of the market.
Against that background, our own study set out to make a contribution to this
neglected and increasingly important area of study.
The study’s first objective was to identify differences and similarities in the luxury
fashion buying behaviour of young women in the UK and Taiwan. Relatively few
general differences in their purchasing behaviour were evident, but the Taiwanese
respondents tended to buy luxury items more often than their UK counterparts and
high spenders were twice as numerous. On the basis of the growing demand for luxury
fashion, the second objective of the study was to examine the extent to which luxury
fashion is treated as a route to achievement of the ideal self. It is evident that the young
women in the Taiwan sample bought and used such products to create an identity;
in other words, those were possessions which would show the world who they were and
what they had achieved. It is suggested that this reflects the importance of “face”
in such collectivist cultures as Taiwan’s, as evidence of status. Thus, luxury fashion
and its generally conspicuous consumption contribute to identity creation for young
women in Taiwan. Marketers of luxury fashion should be wary, however, of assuming
that the young female market segment is a homogeneous group and thereby
overlooking the subtle underlying motivations for purchase revealed in this study.

Directions for future research

The study is not without its limitations, which provide fruitful venues for future studies.
First, EFA and CFA were not conducted to validate the study’s measures. The study used
simple correlations to interpret the results. For both these limitations, future researchers
should employ more advanced statistical techniques, such as comprehensive
psychometric tests and structural equation modelling to validate the scales and
structural model. Further research could extend our study by investigating the extent to
which there are differences between older and younger women in their use of luxury
fashion purchases as a means of creating an identity. Given the increasing interest in
luxury fashion among men, it could likewise assess their purchasing motives. We thus
encourage future research to consider both expansive considerations of sample variation
as well as sub-cultural dimensions, arising from varying cultural layers. A comprehensive
sample may uncover other important antecedents and consequences that are important in
the relationship between luxury consumption and the self. In addition, future studies are
encouraged to include larger samples for conducting cross validation of the model so that
generalisability can be ensured. Additionally, adopting model-building approach in SEM
to derive new path relationships in the model is desired.

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About the authors

Dr Meng-Shan Sharon Wu joined Winchester School of Art in 2012 as a Teaching Fellow in the
Fashion Management and Fashion & Textile Marketing. She is currently in the process of
completing her PhD at the Royal Holloway, University of London, where she is actively involved
in Luxury Studies. Sharon received Teaching and Supervision qualification, which was
accredited by the Higher Education Academy. Prior to this appointment, she worked at the
School of Management, Royal Holloway, University of London and the Department of
Management Information Science, Fooying University, Taiwan.
Dr Cheng-Hao Steve Chen, PhD, is a Lecturer in Marketing, University of Southampton.
He earned his PhD and his MSc in Management from the Royal Holloway University of London.
His research interests are in the areas of consumer behaviour and marketing strategies,
particularly in the online context. His research appears in journals, such as Service Industries
Journal and Journal of Internet Commerce. Dr Cheng-Hao Steve Chen is the corresponding author
and can be contacted at: stevenchenuk@gmail.com
Dr Bang Nguyen, PhD, is an Associate Professor at the ECUST School of Business in
Shanghai, China. Previously, he held faculty positions at the Oxford Brookes University and
RMIT University Vietnam. His research interests include customer management, customer
relationship management, services marketing, consumer behaviour, branding and issues of
fairness and trust. Bang has extensive knowledge in service organisations (consumer products/
services) and has published widely in journals such as Industrial Marketing Management, Journal
of Marketing Management, Journal of Services Marketing, Journal of Consumer Marketing,
Journal of General Management and Service Industries Journal. He has presented at various
national and international conferences including EMAC and Frontiers. Bang Nguyen is an
experienced consultant and advises on marketing and brand development for SMEs and
start-ups.

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